LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

VIS 


THE    LIFE 


OP 


SILAS   WRIGHT, 


LATE   GOVERNOR    OF   THE   STATE    OF   NEW   YORK. 


WITH  AN  APPENDIX, 


CONTAINING  A  SELECTION  FROM  HIS  SPEECHES  IN  THE  SENATE 

OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  AND  HIS  ADDRESS  READ  BEFORE 

THE  NEW  YORK  STATE  AGRICULTURAL    SOCIETY. 


BY    JOHN    S.    JENKINS, 

AUTHOR  OF  THE  "  HISTORY  OF  POLITICAL  PARTIES  IN  THE  STATE  OF  NEW  YORK-" 
"  LIFE    OF   ANDREW  JACKSON,"    ETC.,    ETC. 


The  Cate  of  the  American  Senate." 

THOMAS  H.  BENTON. 


AUBURN,  N.  Y.  : 

JAMES    M.    ALDEN 
No.    67    GENESEE    St. 

1850. 


LIBRARY 

Y  OF 
DAVIS 


ENTERED,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1847,  by 

ALDEN    &    MARKKA  M, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for 
the  Northern  District  of  New  York. 


THOMAS   B.   SMITH,   STKRIOTIPKfc, 
316  WILLIAM  STRJCET,  M.  T 


PREFACE 


THE  biography  of  SILAS  WRIGHT  can  be  but  little 
more  than  the  political  history  of  the  State  and  Nation 
for  the  last  twenty-five  years.  His  life  was  spent  in 
the  service  of  his  country ; — not  in  a  sphere  requiring 
the  exhibition  of  military  capacity,  or  physical  daring 
and  fortitude,  but  in  one  demanding,  at  least,  as  high 
an  order  of  talent,  and  far  more  of  those  nobler  quali 
ties,  which  so  exalt  and  dignify  the  human  character — 
moral  courage  and  integrity.  He  had  but  just  estab 
lished  himself  in  the  practice  of  his  profession,  when 
he  was  elected  to  the  New  York  Senate ;  and  from 
that  time  until  within  a  few  months  previous  to  his 
death,  he  remained  in  public  life. 

In  preparing  this  volume,  the  author  has  not  been 
free  from  diffidence,  and  distrust  of  his  ability,  to  exe 
cute  the  task  without  favor  or  prejudice.  If,  however, 
anything  has  been  omitted  which  should  have  been 
said,  or  anything  inserted  that  would  have  been  more 
wisely  left  unsaid,  no  one  can  regret  it  more  deeply 
than  himself.  It  is  an  error  of  judgment  on  his  part, 


iv  PREFACE. 

and  not  of  intention.  Of  one  thing  he  is  quite  confi 
dent,  that  not  a  single  word  has  been  written,  with 
even  the  most  distant  hope  of  furthering  the  views  or 
interests  of  any  class,  or  faction,  or  party;  but  the 
work  has  been  prepared  simply  and  solely  to  present  a 
complete  and  impartial  life  of  one  of  the  ablest — by 
many  regarded  as  the  ablest — statesmen  that  New 
York  has  ever  produced. 

To  commend  this  book  to  those  who  are  familiar 
with  the  character  and  extent  of  Mr.  Wright's  services 
to  the  State  and  to  the  Union,  would  not  only  be  un 
wise  and  indelicate  in  the  author,  but  it  would  be 
justly  considered  as  labor  lost.  To  his  political  friends 
and — not  his  foes,  for  he  had  no  personal  enemies — to 
those  who  disagree  with  him  in  regard  to  questions  of 
public  policy,  it  cannot  be  unpleasant  to  speak  well  of 
the  memory  of  so  great  and  good  a  man.  The  sources 
of  information  to  which  the  author  has  had  access 
have  been  various,  and  he  has  freely  made  use  of  them. 
In  this  connection  he  takes  pleasure  in  acknowledging 
his  indebtedness  to  those  friends  of  the  deceased  who 
have  cheerfully  responded  to  his  numerous  inquiries. 
He  has  spared  no  pains  in  his  attempt  to  render  the 
work  as  full  and  complete  as  possible  ;  the  utmost  care 
and  accuracy  have  been  preserved ;  and  he  is  con 
scious  of  omitting  nothing  that  it  was  in  his  power  to 
supply.  Errors  and  imperfections  there  may  be ;  yet 
he  trusts  that  he  can  rely  upon  a  generous  public  to 
overlook  them. 


PREFACE.  V 

The  Appendix  contains  several  of  the  speeches  of 
Mr.  Wright  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States :  those 
relative  to  the  pressure  and  the  removal  of  the  depos 
its — to  Mr.  Clay's  resolutions  of  Censure — and  to  the 
revision  and  modification  of  the  Tariff  law  of  1842. 
Extracts  from  others  of  special  importance  are  given 
in  the  body  of  the  work,  or  his  views  upon  the  impor 
tant  questions  agitated  in  the  State  and  National  Leg 
islatures  are  stated  as  briefly  and  as  distinctly  as  the 
size  of  the  volume,  and  the  ability  of  the  author,  would 
admit.  The  Address  read  before  the  New  York  State 
Agricultural  Society  has  also  been  inserted,  as  well 
because  of  the  importance  of  the  subjects  discussed,  as 
for  the  reason,  that  it  contains  the  last  words  of  its 
lamented  author  to  that  large  class  of  which  he  was  an 
honored  member — the  Farmers  of  New  York. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   I. 

1795.— Introductory  Remarks— The  Ingratitude  of  Republics— The  Ob 
jects  of  a  True  Ambition— The  Statesman's  Reward — The  Ancestors 
of  Silas  Wright  His  Parents— His  Birth  arid  Early  Life— Enters 
MicMlebury  College — His  Political  Sentiments  manifested — Graduates 
— Politics  of  his  Father — Battle  of  Plattsburg — Commences  the  Study 
of  Law  at  Sandy  Hill — Removes  to  Albany  and  enters  the  office  of 
Roger  Skinner — Is  Licensed  as  an  Attorney — Travels  for  his  Health 
— Anecdote — Locates  at  Canton — Traits  of  Character— His  Popu 
larity — Appointed  Postmaster  and  Surrogate — Kindness  as  a  Friend 
and  Neighbor — His  Public  Spirit — Nomination  as  State  Senator — 
Political  Parties  in  the  State  of  New  York — The  Electoral  Law- 
Canvass  for  the  Presidential  Nomination — Movements  of  the  Friends 
of  Adams,  Crawford,  Jackson,  Calhoun,  and  Clay — Dewitt  Clinton 
—Martin  Van  Buren— Election  of  Mr.  Wright— 1823 Page  13 

CHAPTER  II. 

1824.— State  of  Parties  in  the  Legislature  of  1824 — Message  of  Gov 
ernor  Yates — The  Electoral  Question  brought  forward  in  the  Assem 
bly — Mr.  Flagg — Reference  of  the  Bill  to  a  Committee  in  the  Senate 
— The  Presidential  Canvass  at  Washington — Congressional  Caucus 
— Report  in  the  New  York  Senate  on  the  Electoral  Bill — Discussion 
thereon — Various  Propositions  to  Amend — Mr.  Wright's  Plan — His 
Speech — Postponement  of  the  Bill — The  Seventeen  Senators — Nom 
ination  of  Colonel  Young — Removal  of  Dewitt  Clinton  from  the  office 
of  Canal  Commissioner — Course  of  Governor  Yates  in  regard  to  the 
Electoral  Question — Extra  Session  of  the  Legislature — Adjournment 
— The  Clintonian  and  People's  Convention — Election  of  Mr.  Clinton 
as  Governor — Choice  of  Presidential  Electors — The  Subject  of  an 
Electoral  Law  referred  to  the  People. — Objects  of  those  who  origi 
nated  the  Proposition — Mr.  Weight's  Course  in  relation  thereto — Le 
gislative  Session  of  1825 — Unsuccessful  attempt  to  Nominate  a  Uni 
ted  States  Senator — Defeat  of  Judge  Spencer  and  the  Causes  thereof 
— Legislature  of  1826 — November  Election — Mr.  Wright  chosen  a 
Member  of  Congress.— 1826 27 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   III. 

1827. — Takes  his  Seat  as  a  Member  of  Congress— Opposition  to  Mr. 
Adams'  Administration  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  his  Friends 
— The  Tariff  Question — The  Harrisburg  Convention — Its  Bearing  on 
the  Presidential  Election — Movements  of  the  Administration — Nomi 
nation  of  General  Jackson  for  the  Presidency  in  the  State  of  New 
York — Defeat  of  the  Adams  Men — The  Twentieth  Congress — Prom- 
'  inent  Members — Election  of  Speaker — Mr.  Wright  Appointed  a  Mem 
ber  of  the  Committee  on  Manufactures — Feeling  in  Favor  of  a  Pro 
tective  Tariff — Action  of  the  Committee — Resolutions  of  the  New 
York  Legislature — Report  of  the  Committee — Debate  in  the  House — 
Opposition  to  the  Tariff  Bill — Its  Defence  by  Mr.  Wright — Amended 
and  Passed — Speech  of  Mr.  Wright  in  Reply  to  Mr.  Barnard — Pro 
ceedings  on  the  Bill  in  the  Senate — Its  Final  Passage — Objects  of  the 
Act  of  1828 — Approved  by  Mr.  Wright — Subsequent  Change  in  his 
Opinions — His  Declarations  to  that  Effect  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States — Re-nomination  and  Election — Informality  in  the  Returns — 
The  Certificate  delivered  to  his  Opponent — Second  Session  of  the 
Twentieth  Congress — Attempt  to  Repeal  the  Tariff  Act — Slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia — Mr.  Wright  Appointed  Comptroller  of  the 
State  of  New  York.— 1829 Page  49 

CHAPTER  IV. 

1829. — Mr.  Wright  leaves  Washington,  and  enters  upon  the  duties  of 
the  Office  of  Comptroller— His  Skill  and  Ability  as  a  Financier- 
Careful  Regard  for  the  Interests  of  the  State — His  Course  as  a  Leg 
islator — The  Lateral  Canals — Application  to  the  Legislature — The 
Black  River,  Genesee  Valley,  and  Chenango  Canals — Views  of  Col 
onel  Young,  Mr.  Marcy,  and  the  Canal  Board — Sentiments  of  Mr. 
Wright — Opposition  of  his  Party  Friends— Justice  to  the  Dead — Leg 
islation  in  regard  to  the  Chemung  and  Chenango  Canals — Mr.  Van 
Buren  and  Mr.  Throop — Provisional  Act  to  Construct  the  Chenango 
Canal — The  Chemung  and  Crooked  Lake  Canals  Authorized — Mr. 
Wright  Claims  his  Seat  in  Congress — Unanimously  awarded  to  him 
— Resignation — Message  of  Governor  Throop — Report  of  Mr.  WTright 
as  Comptroller — Extract — Report  of  the  Canal  Commissioners  in  re 
gard  to  the  Chenango  Canal — Mr.  Granger — The  Bill  Defeated— 
General  Election  in  1830 — Determination  of  the  Chenango  Interest 
to  persevere  in  their  efforts — Legislation  in  1831  and  1832— Governor 
Throop  Recommends  a  Direct  Tax— Defeat  of  the  Bill — Re-elected 
ComptrDller -The  State  Election  in  November  1832— The  Georgia 


CONTENTS.  IX 

Missionaries — Letter  of  Messrs.  Wright,  Dix,  and  Flagg,  to  Gover 
nor  Lumpkin — Mr.  Marcy  Resigns  his  Seat  in  the  Senate — Election 
of  Mr.  Wright  as  his  Successor.— 1833 Page  68 

CHAPTER  V. 

1833.— The  Anxiety  of  Mr.  Wright's  friends  for  his  Success— Enters 
the  Senate — Talent  in  that  Body — His  Course  and  Character  as  a 
Senator  early  formed — Mental  Qualities — Condition  of  the  Country 
— Nullification— The  Force  Bill— The  Compromise  Act— His  Objec 
tions  to  the  Bill — Vote  on  its  Passage — His  Remarks — Mr.  Clay's 
Land  Bill — Distribution — The  Bank  of  the  United  States — Removal 
of  the  Deposits — Derangement  of  the  Currency  and  Pecuniary  Dis 
tress — Firmness  of  General  Jackson — Marriage  of  Mr.  Wright — 
Meeting  of  Congress — Presentation  of  Petitions — Resolutions  of  the 
New  York  Legislature — Speech  of  Mr.  Wright — Regarded  as  the 
Organ  of  the  Administration— Motion  of  Mr.  Webster  for  leave  to 
Introduce  a  Bill  to  Re-charter  the  Bank — Speech  of  Mr.  Wright  on 
the  Motion — Resolutions  of  Mr.  Clay  Censuring  the  President  and 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury— Debate  thereon — Defence  of  the  Exec 
utive  by  Mr.  Wright— Protest  of  the  President— Difficulty  in  the  Post 
Office  Department — Vote  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the 
Resolutions  of  Mr.  Clay — Bill  for  the  Improvement  of  the  Wabash — 
Indemnity  for  French  Spoliations  prior  to  1800— Invitation  to  a  Pub 
lic  Dinner  at  Albany— 111  Health— Executive  Patronage — Regula 
tion  of  the  Deposits — Appropriation  Bills — Anticipated  Rupture  with 
France— The  Fortification  Bill— Mr.  Wright's  Speech.— 1835 ....  81 

CHAPTER  VI. 

1835. — Nomination  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  for  the  Presidency — Standing 
of  Mr.  Wright  in  the  Senate— The  Land  Bill— Abolition  of  Slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia— The  Surplus  Revenue— Speculations- 
Remedies  for  the  Financial  Evils  of  the  Country — Distribution — Op 
position  of  Mr.  Wright  and  others — The  Specie  Circular— Election 
of  Mr.  Van  Buren— Act  to  Repeal— Abolition  Petitions— Acknowl 
edgment  of  Texan  Independence — Expunging  Resolution — Re-elec 
tion  of  Mr.  Wright — Visit  to  Vermont — The  Pressure — Differences 
of  Opinion— Views  of  Mr.  Wright — Extra  Session—  The  Independent 
Treasury— United  States  Bank— Special  Deposit  System— The  Con 
servatives — Slavery  in  the  District — North  Eastern  Boundary  Ques 
tion—The  Bankrupt  Bill  of  1840— Renomination  of  Mr.  Van  Buren 
— His  Administration— Expenses— Extra  Session  called  by  President 
1* 


X  CONTEXTS. 

Harrison— Repeal  of  the  IndependentTreasury-Loan  Bill— Bankrupt 
Law— Land  Distribution  Bill  of  Mr.  Clay— Vetoes  of  the  Bank  Bills 
— Provisional  Tariff  Bill  and  ^tioes  of  the  President — Mr.  Clay's 
Resolutions — Apportionment  Bill — Tariff  Law  of  1842 — Bill  to  Re 
fund  the  Fine  Paid  by  General  Jackson  at  New  Orleans — Mr. 
Wright  Re-elected  for  a  Third  Term.— 1843 Page  107 

CHAPTER  VII. 

1843. — Bill  Passed  to  Refund  the  Fine  Imposed  on  General  Jackson  at 
New  Orleans — Reduction  of  Postage — Notice  to  Terminate  Joint 
Occupancy  of  Oregon — Tariff  Bill  of  Mr.  McDuffie — Able  Speech  of 
Mr.  Wright — Mr.  Tyler's  Treaty  of  Annexation— Original  Bounda 
ries  of  Texas — Cession  to  Spain — Efforts  to  Recover  it — Mr.  Wright 
Declines  the  Office  of  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court — Let 
ters  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr.  Clay  on  Annexation— Democratic 
National  Convention — Nomination  of  Mr.  Polk — Mr.  Wright  Nom 
inated  as  the  Candidate  for  Vice-President — Letter  of  Declension — 
Reasons  for  the  Same — Objections  to  the  Treaty  of  Annexation — 
— Opinions  of  Mr.  Wright — Rejection  of  the  Treaty — Subsequent 
Project  of  Annexation — Failure  of  the  Tariff  Bill  in  the  House — Ad 
journment  of  Congress — Divisions  in  the  Democratic  Party  in  New 
York — Legislation  of  the  State  in  regard  to  Internal  Improvements 
— Stop  and  Tax  Law  of  1842—  The  People's  Resolution— Different 
Factions  and  Interests — Attempt  to  bring  Mr.  Wright  forward  as  a 
Candidate  for  Governor — His  Refusal  to  be  considered  as  such — The 
State  Convention — Nomination  of  Mr.  Wright — Address  and  Resolu 
tions  of  the  Convention — Letter  of  Acceptance — Letter  on  unfinished 
Canals— 1844 143 

CHAPTER  VIII 

1844.— Views  of  Mr.  Wright  on  the  Financial  Policy  of  the  State  well 
understood — Opposition  to  Increasing  State  Debt — Firmness  in  main 
taining  his  Opinions — Senatorial  Conventions — Question  of  calling  a 
Convention  to  Revise  the  Constitution — Constitutional  Amendments 
— November  Election — Mr.  Wright  chosen  Governor — Resignation  as 
Senator  and  Appointment  of  his  Successor — Anti-Rent  Disturbances 
—Efforts  to  Suppress— Mr.  Wright  enters  on  the  Duties  of  his  Office 
-Meeting  of  the  Legislature — Speaker — Governor's  Message — Rec 
ommendations — Election  of  Senators — State  Officers— President  Polk's 
Cabinet— Discontent— Mr.  Wright  Declines  the  Office  of  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury — Defeat  of  the  Constitutional  Amendments— Con- 


CONTENTS.  XI 

veiition  Bill— Dissatisfaction— The  Canal  Bill— Veto— Adjournment 
— Insurrection  in  Delaware  County — Executive  Proclamation — Ad 
vice  to  Landlords  and  Tenants — Trial  of  Persons  Arrested — Commu 
tation  of  Punishment — Fall  Election — The  People  in  Favor  of  a  Con 
vention — Legislature  of  1845 — Message — State  Printer — War  with 
Mexico— Caucus  of  Democratic  Members  of  the  Legislature — Con 
tinued  Dissensions — Appointments  of  the  Governor — Tariff  Act  of 
1845 — Constitutional  Convention—  Its  Proceedings — Financial  Article 
adopted — Democratic  State  Convention — Re-nomination  of  Governor 
W right.— 1846 Page  \  72 

CHAPTER   IX. 

1846. — Opposition  to  the  New  Constitution — Anti-Renters — Integrity 
and  Independence  of  Governor  Wright — The  November  Election — 
The  Constitution  Adopted — Causes  of  Mr.  Wright's  Defeat — His 
Opinions — Adverse  Influences  at  Washington — The  National  Adminis 
tration — The  Wihnot  Proviso — New  York  Resolutions — The  Missouri 
Compromise — Acquisition  of  New  Territory  and  Extension  of  Slavery 
— Position  of  Mr.  Wright — Retires  to  Private  Life — Contented  Dis 
position — His  Name  suggested  for  the  Presidency — Letter — River  and 
Harbor  Bill — Veto  of  the  President — The  Chicago  Convention — Let 
ter  of  Mr.  Wright— Popularity  in  the  Northern  States— Political  Pros 
pects — Mode  of  Life — Devotes  his  Time  to  his  Farm — Agricultural 
Address— General  Health— Sudden  Illness— His  Death— Letter  of 
his  Physician — Effect  on  the  Public  Mind — Testimonials  of  Respect 
— Meeting  at  Ogdensburgh — Tribute  of  Mr.  Clay — The  Merchants  in 
New  York — The  Pilots— Proceedings  of  the  State  Legislature— Re 
marks  of  Mr.  Spencer — The  State  Fair — Feeling  throughout  the 
Union — Personal  Appearance  and  Habits — Character  as  a  Citizen 
and  a  Friend — Style  of  Oratory— Mental  Qualities — Career  as  a 
Statesman — His  Memory.— 1847 220 

APPENDIX. 
Speech  relative  to  the  Pressure  and  the  Removal  of  the  Deposits . .  267 

Speech  on  Mr.  Clay's  Resolutions  of  Censure 280 

Speech  on  the   Revision  and  Modification  of  the  Tariff  Law  of 

1842 298 

Agricultural  Address 360- 


LIFE   OF   SILAS   WRIGHT, 


CHAPTER  I. 

1795._Introductory  Remarks— The  Ingratitude  of  Republics— The  Ob 
jects  of  a  True  Ambition — The  Statesman's  Reward — The  Ancestors 
of  Silas  Wright — His  Parents— His  Birth  and  Early  Life— Enters 
Middlebury  College — His  Political  Sentiments  manifested — Graduates 
—Politics  of  his  Father— Battle  of  Plattsburg— Commences  the  Study 
of  Law  at  Sandy  Hill— Removes  to  Albany  and  enters  the  office  of 
Roger  Skinner — Is  Licensed  as  an  Attorney — Travels  for  his  Health 
— Aflecdote — Locates  at  Canton— Traits  of  Character— His  Popu 
larity — Appointed  Postmaster  and  Surrogate — Kindness  as  a  Friend 
and  Neighbor — His  Public  Spirit — Nomination  as  State  Senator — 
Political  Parties  in  the  State  of  New  York— The  Electoral  Law- 
Canvass  for  the  Presidential  Nomination — Movements  of  the  Friends 
of  Adams,  Crawford,  Jackson,  Calhoun,  and  Clay — Dewitt  Clinton 
—Martin  Van  Buren— Election  of  Mr.  Wright— 1823. 

THE  ingratitude  of  republics  has  furnished,  from  time 
immemorial,  a  fruitful  theme  of  invective  to  the  ene 
mies  of  democratic  institutions.  But  there  was  never 
uttered  a  more  ungenerous  sentiment — one  having  so 
little  of  fact  upon  which  to  rest  for  support.  Because 
the  demagogue  who  had  cajoled  and  flattered,  but  to 
deceive  and  betray ;  who  had  made  his  way  to  power 
but  to  further  his  own  schemes  of  personal  aggrandize 
ment,  may  have  been  thrust,  in  a  moment,  and  perhaps 
without  one  note  of  warning,  from  the  position  he  had 
dishonored ;  the  example,  which,  viewed  aright,  should 
only  be  regarded  as  an  admonition  to  be  heeded  ana 


14  TRUE    AMBITION 

observed,  is  held  up  to  view  as  an  act  of  political  mar 
tyrdom,  demanding  sympathy  for  the  victim,  and  the 
severest  condemnation  of  the  perpetrators.  Tempo 
rary  causes,  indeed,  may  produce  temporary  forgetful- 
ness  of  those  worthy  of  reward,  and  temporary  aliena 
tion  and  distrust  towards  the  public  servant  who  has 
labored  faithfully  and  zealously  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duty.  In  a  republic,  all  start  equal ;  and  so  long  as  self 
ishness  exists  in  the  hearts  of  men,  the  contest  for  su 
periority  will  often  beget  feelings  which  may,  for  the 
time,  lead  to  unfortunate  consequences,  or  produce  un 
favorable  impressions.  But  he  who,  girt  about  by  the 
panoply  of  honor  and  truth,  "  possesses  himself  in  pa 
tience,"  and  presses  steadily  forward,  keeping  his  eyes 
fixed  on  the  goal  before  him ;  disdaining  the  vile  arts 
that  must  debase  and  contaminate,  and  never  forget 
ting  that  * 

"  Lowliness  is  young  Ambition's  ladder," 

will  be  sure,  sooner  or  later,  to  win  confidence  and  re 
spect,  and  achieve  a  name  and  a  reputation  which  the 
coarse  denunciations  of  partisan  violence  can  never 
tarnish. 

It  is  a  blessed  thing  in  the  history  of  our  country, 
that  the  merits  of  the  truly  great  man  never  fail  to  be 
acknowledged  ;  that  even  those  who  entertain  different 
views,  in  regard  to  the  policy  which  should  control  the 
administration  of  the  government,  cherish  a  feeling  of 
pride  when  they  behold  the  independent  spirit  which  does 
not  bend  to  circumstances,  and  the  uncompromising 
integrity  that  will  not  yield  to  expediency.  When  the 
career  of  such  a  man  is  ended,  the  event  is  mourned 
as  a  public  calamity.  All  feel  the  shock — all  hasten 
to  bestow  the  tribute  of  their  sorrow.  And  then  it  is, 


THE  STATESMAN'S  REWARD  15 

that  men  can  see  and  appreciate  these  truths  :  that,  al 
though  it  may  afford  a  transitory  gratification,  to  be 
lauded  as  the  head  of  a  political  party,  it  is  a  far  higher 
triumph  for  the  statesman  to  secure  a  place  forever  in 
the  affections  of  his  countrymen  ;  that  wealth  and  official 
honors  are  not  the  only  evidences  of  the  gratitude  of  a 
republic — that  they  are  mere  baubles,  frail  and  unsub 
stantial,  in  comparison  with  the  fame  which  has  no 
grave ! 

We  have  a  forcible,  though  melancholy  illustration 
of  these  sentiments,  in  the  death  of  the  distinguished 
citizen,  the  incidents  of  whose  life  are  detailed  in  the 
present  volume.  Cut  down  in  the  prime  and  vigor  oi 
manhood,  when  just  entering,  as  it  were,  upon  the  bril 
liant  destiny  which  the  fond  anticipations  of  his  friends 
had  confidently  predicted,  his  loss  has  been  universally 
lamented.  It  argues  well  for  our  institutions — well  for 
the  hearts  of  our  countrymen — that  all  classes  and  par 
ties  were  so  prompt  in  the  expression  of  their  regret, 
and  are  so  willing  to  perpetuate  whatever  of  good  exam 
ple  he  has  left  behind  him.  His  biography,  therefore, 
cannot  be  devoid  of  interest,  notwithstanding  it  is,  to  a 
greater  or  less  extent,  that  of  a  politician.  Those  who 
thought  with  him  may  be  cheered  and  encouraged,  and 
those  who  disagreed  in  opinion,  can,  at  least,  admire 
the  greatness  of  soul,  the  qualities  of  mind  and  heart, 
which  did  him  so  much  credit  while  in  life,  and,  now 
that  he  is  no  more,  have  added  to  that  glorious  legacy 
bequeathed  by  the  honored  and  the  great  who  have 
gone  before  him. 

SILAS  WRIGHT  was  a  lineal  descendant  of  some  of 
the  earliest  emigrants  from  the  mother  country.  One 
of  his  ancestors,  Samuel  Wright,  was  among  the  first 


16  THE    ANCESTORS    OF    SILAS    WRIGHT. 

settlers  of  Springfield  and  Northampton,  in  the  state 
of  Massachusetts,  and  died  at  the  latter  place,  in  1665. 
His  son,  Samuel,  junior,  was  killed  by  the  Indians,  at 
Northfield,  near  the  New  Hampshire  line,  on  the  2nd  of 
September,  1675.  Joseph,  the  son  of  the  latter,  died 
at  Northampton,  in  1697,  leaving  a  son,  Samuel,  who 
died  sometime  after  the  year  1740.  He  left  a  son, 
bearing  the  same  name  with  himself,  who  removed  to 
the  north  part  of  Hadley  township,  now  Amherst,  and 
whose  son,  Silas,  was  the  father  of  the  subject  of  these 
memoirs. 

The  elder  Silas  was  a  tanner,  currier,  and  shoemaker 
by  trade.  He  was  apprenticed  at  an  early  age,  and 
never  went  to  school  a  day  in  his  life.  When  he  had 
"served  out  his  time,"  he  could  neither  read  nor  write  , 
but,  with  the  assistance  of  his  fellow-journeymen,  he 
soon  qualified  himself  to  keep  accounts,  and  to  transact 
all  ordinary  business.  His  wife  was  also  a  native  of 
Hampshire  county  ;  and,  after  their  marriage,  she  in 
structed  him  in  many  things  which  he  found  of  great 
service  in  his  subsequent  life.  She  had  received  a 
good  education,  and,  it  may  well  be  presumed,  was  not 
more  willing  to  teach,  than  her  pupil  was  apt  to  learn. 
They  had  nine  children — five  sons  and  four  daughters 
— two  of  whom  died  in  infancy ;  the  rest,  with  the  ex 
ception  of  a  younger  sister,  now  reside  in  Vermont. 
Silas  Wright,  junior,  was  born  in  the  town  of  Amherst, 
Massachusetts,  on  the  24th  of  May,  1795.  In  March, 
1796,  his  father,  having  given  up  the  occupation  which 
he  had  previously  pursued,  removed  with  his  family 
to  the  town  of  Weybridge,  Addison  county,  Vermont, 
where  he  purchased  a  farm,  and  devoted  his  whole  time 
to  agricultural  pursuits.  The  brothers  of  Silas  like 
wise  became  farmers,  and  the  sisters  were  married  to 


HIS    COLLEGIATE    LIFE.  17 

those  engaged  in  the  same  honorable  employment. 
Thus,  the  family  may  be  regarded  as  literally  composed 
of  tillers  of  the  soil,  since  the  younger  Mr.  Wright  him 
self  spent  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  during  his  relaxa 
tion  from  public  duties,  in  cultivating  his  farm ;  and 
hence,  too,  it  is  easy  to  account  for  the  deep  interest 
he  manifested,  on  all  suitable  occasions,  in  everything 
appertaining  to  agriculture. 

Like  most  of  his  young  playmates  and  associates, 
Silas  attended  the  common  schools  in  winter,  and 
worked  on  the  farm  in  summer,  until  he  had  passed  his 
fourteenth  year.  His  rare  natural  endowments  were 
remarked  in  the  family,  and  the  tradition  is,  that  his 
father  looked  upon  him  with  peculiar  pride.  In  order 
to  foster  the  germs  of  intellect  which  had  begun  to  de 
velop  themselves,  it  was  determined  to  send  him  to  an 
academy,  where  he  could  fit  himself  for  a  collegiate 
course.  Having  completed  his  preparatory  studies,  he 
entered  Middlebury  College,  in  August,  1811,  and  re 
mained  a  member  of  that  institution  until  he  graduated, 
in  the  summer  of  1815.  During  the  time  he  was  in 
college,  as  is  well  known,  party  spirit  ran  high  through 
out  the  country.  In  the  New  England  states,  particu 
larly,  much  ill  feeling  was  exhibited  on  account  of  the 
war  measures  of  the  administration  ;  and  it  required  no 
little  firmness  to  bear  up  against  the  torrent  of  public 
sentiment  adverse  to  their  prosecution,  which  it  was 
necessary  to  encounter  in  that  section  of  the  Union. 
His  fellow-students  were  all  politicians,  and  ranged 
themselves  with  one  or  the  other  of  the  two  great  par 
ties.  The  class  to  which  he  belonged  averaged  about 
thirty,  for  the  whole  course  of  four  years,  and  of  this 
number  there  were  but  four  democrats,  including  young 
Wright.  But  he  was  never  daunted  at  this  disparity 


18  COMMENCES    THE    STUDY    OF    LAW. 

of  strength,  and  in  later  years,  he  often  referred  to  the 
political  discussions  which  took  place  in  the  halls  of  his 
Alma  Mater,  as  having  first  enkindled  in  his  bosom  that 
ardent  attachment  to  the  political  party  with  whose 
fortunes  he  became  identified. 

The  elder  Mr.  Wright  was  also  a  democrat.  During 
the  first  contest  for  the  presidency  between  Adams  and 
Jefferson,  in  1796,  he  took  an  active  part  in  support 
of  the  latter.  Between  1800  and  1810,  he  was  re 
peatedly  elected  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  and,  in 
his  limited  sphere,  labored  faithfully  to  promulgate  the 
political  sentiments  he  had  adopted.  Up  to  the  time 
of  his  death,  which  occurred  but  a  few  years  since,  he 
was  regarded  as  a  firm,  consistent,  and  determined  re 
publican.  Both  he  and  his  oldest  son  were  in  the  bat 
tle  of  Plattsburgh,  under  Macomb,  in  September,  1814, 
and  two  of  his  sons-in-law  were  volunteers  from  the 
"  Green  Mountains,"  although  the  Governor  of  Ver 
mont,  like  the  Governors  of  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  and  Connecticut,  refused  to  call  out  a  single 
man  to  assist  in  the  defence  of  the  New  York  frontier, 
on  the  ground  that  the  militia  could  not  be  compelled 
to  pass  beyond  the  boundary  lines  of  the  respective 
states  to  which  they  belonged. 

In  the  month  of  October,  1815,  young  Mr.  Wright 
entered  the  law  office  of  Henry  C.  Martindale,  a  gen 
tleman  widely  known  in  the  politics  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  who  resided  at  Sandy  Hill,  Washington 
county.  Here  he  remained  about  eighteen  months, 
when  he  removed  to  the  city  of  Albany,  where  he 
continued  his  studies  with  Roger  Skinner,  at  that  time 
the  Attorney  of  the  United  States  for  the  northern 
district  of  New  York.  His  period  of  clerkship  expired 
early  in  the  year  1819,  and  he  was  licensed  to  practise 


ANECDOTE.  19 

as  an  Attorney  at  the  January  term  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  His  health  having  become  impaired  in  conse 
quence  of  his  intense  application  to  study,  and  his  la 
bors  at  the  desk,  in  copying  law  papers,  he  spent  the 
greater  portion  of  the  following  summer  in  travelling 
on  horseback,  with  a  view  to  its  restoration,  and  for 
the  purpose  of  selecting  a  permanent  location.  He 
soon  regained  his  strength,  as  his  constitution  was 
naturally  hearty  and  vigorous,  and  his  frame  stout  and 
muscular. 

In  his  younger  days  Mr.  Wright  was  fond  of  athletic 
exercises,  and  there  is  an  anecdote  related  of  the  man 
ner  in  which  his  skill  and  prowess  were  put  to  the  test, 
while  on  his  journey,  in  company  with  a  friend,  through 
western  New  York.  On  one  occasion,  they  halted  for 
the  night  at  a  small  country  inn,  in  a  newly  settled 
part  of  the  country.  Towards  the  close  of  evening  a 
number  of  the  young  men  from  the  neighborhood  col 
lected  together  at  the  tavern,  as  was  their  usual  custom, 
to  indulge  in  the  sports  and  merriment  which  are  fre 
quently  resorted  to,  in  order  to  relieve  the  tediousness 
of  a  backwoods  life.  Mr.  Wright  and  his  friend 
were  then,  as  in  after  life,  both  simple  in  their  habits, 
and  plain  in  their  appearance ;  but,  as  they  had  just 
been  emancipated  from  a  long  and  tedious  course  of 
study,  they  quite  naturally  gave  freer  vent  to  their 
mirthfulness  and  gayety.  In  some  way  or  other,  the 
honest,  well-meaning  countrymen,  thought  they  had 
been  insulted  by  the  "young  sprigs  of  the  law,"  as 
they  termed  Mr.  Wright  and  his  comrade.  High 
words  passed,  and  then  a  challenge  ensued.  After  a 
long  and  severe  contest,  in  which  the  odds  were  greatly 
in  favor  of  their  opponents,  the  two  travellers  not  only 
escaped  the  whipping  with  which  they  had  been 


20  LOCATES    AT    CANTON. 

threatened,  but  came  off  the  victors  of  the  ring.  This 
result,  as  a  matter  of  course,  settled  the  quarrel ;  and 
when  they  departed  on  their  journey  the  following 
morning,  none  bade  them  a  more  hearty  good-speed 
on  their  way,  than  their  late  antagonists. 

Mr.  Wright  located  himself  at  Canton,  in  the  county 
of  St.  Lawrence,  in  the  month  of  October,  1819.     The 
village  was  then  new ;  it  was  surrounded  by  a  rural 
population,  and  the  business  of  the  courts  was  limited 
and  unprofitable.     The  professional  emoluments  of  the 
young  lawyer,  therefore,  were  very  moderate ;  but  his 
superior  talents,  the  amenity  of  his  manners,  and  the 
undeviating  kindliness  of  his   disposition,  soon  made 
him  highly  popular.     There  was  no  seeming  effort  on 
his  part  to  secure  the  esteem  and  respect  of  his  neigh 
bors  and  friends  ;  but  they  were  insensibly  drawn  to 
wards  him,  and  it  was  not  long  before  they  learned  to 
repose  entire  confidence  in  his  capacity  and  integrity. 
The  traits  in  his  character  which  won  him  so  much 
favor  and  regard,  were  finely  illustrated  by  the  remark 
of  the  shrewd  and  observing  farmer,  who  stated,  in 
conversation  with   an   acquaintance  of  Mr.   Wright, 
"  that  he  was  the  first  lawyer  he  ever  saw  whose  law 
was  all  common  sense ;  and  that  he  always  gave  plain, 
sensible  reasons,  for  his  opinions  on  any  subject."    His 
duty  to  his  clients  was  discharged  with  rigid  fidelity 
and  punctuality,  and  none  ever  complained  of  his  inat 
tention  or  neglect.     In  the  trial  of  causes,  he  was  uni 
formly   kind   and   courteous ;   there  was   no   affected 
dignity  in  his  manner  :  the  counsel  arrayed   against 
him  endeavored  to  imitatlfcliis  urbanity — the  witnesses 
felt  "  at  home"  when  he  questioned  them,  and  cheer 
fully  responded  to  his  inquiries — while  the  jurors  looked 
on  and  listened  with  delight.     The  opposite  party,  too, 


APPOINTED   SURROGATE.  21 

even  though  unsuccessful,  would  feel  that  the  bitterness 
of  defeat  was  almost  removed,  if  he  could  hear  the 
pleasant  tones  of  the  fortunate  advocate  addressed  to 
him  in  courtesy  and  kindness. 

After  a  short  residence  in  his  new  home,  Mr.  Wright 
was  selected  as  the  village  Postmaster,  Captain  of  the 
local  militia  company,  and  Justice  of  the  Peace ;  and 
subsequently,  on  the  24th  of  February,  1821,  he  was 
appointed  Surrogate  of  the  county  of  St.  Lawrence, 
under  the  administration  of  Governor  Clinton.  When 
he  became  a  magistrate,  instead  of  promoting  and  en 
couraging  litigation,  he  always  discountenanced  it ;  and 
it  was  remarked,  that  he  spent  more  time  in  reconciling 
differences  and  restoring  harmony,  than  in  performing 
his  official  duties,  and  attending  to  the  actual  practice 
of  his  profession.  His  advice  was  never  asked  in  vain, 
by  the  poorest,  or  the  humblest  citizen ;  it  was  given 
unhesitatingly,  though  without  fee  or  reward ;  and  many 
still  remember,  with  feelings  of  gratitude,  the  wise 
counsels  which  saved  them  from  penury  and  want. 
Others  who  refused  to  follow  the  course  he  pointed  out, 
were  soon  taught,  by  sad  experience,  to  place  a  higher 
estimate  on  the  prudence  and  sagacity  which  they  had 
undervalued.  In  all  the  relations  he  sustained,  whether 
of  neighbor  or  friend,  of  counsellor  or  magistrate,  he 
was  ever  the  same — kind,  frank,  and  generous — prompt 
to  relieve  distress — ready  to  sympathize  with  the  af 
flicted — never  censuring  in  anger,  but  admonishing 
with  the  tender  solicitude  of  a  parent. 

One  who  knew  him,  long  and  intimately,*  has  said, 
that  "  whatever  tended  to  promote  the  substantial  in 
terests  of  his  town,  was  certain  to  receive  his  atten- 

*  Hon.  R.  H.  Gillett. 


22  KINDNESS    AS    A    FRIEND    AND    NEIGHBOR. 

tion.  The  construction  of  roads  and  bridges — the 
erection  of  churches  and  public  edifices,  were  objects 
that  attracted  his  early  attention,  and  were  essentially 
promoted  by  the  labor  of  his  own  hands.  Until  public 
duty  called  him  away,  he  often  acted  as  pathmaster  in 
his  district,  and  personally  performed  as  much  labor  as 
any  citizen.  The  competition  between  his  and  other 
districts,  led  to  results  still  visible  in  his  town.  *  *  * 
In  case  of  sickness,  he  was  always  the  first  to  offer  his 
services.  I  have  known  him  to  walk  miles  in  stormy 
weather,  over  muddy  roads,  to  watch  with  the  sick. 
No  one  performed  this  task  more  frequently  or  cheer 
fully.  No  one  is  more  devoid  of  all  selfishness.  Dur 
ing  my  long  acquaintance,  I  never  knew  him  to  be 
laying  plans  for  pecuniary  gain  or  personal  advance 
ment.  No  man  has  ever  accused  him  of  doing  a  per 
sonal  wrong,  or  any  injustice.  He  always  fulfils  his 
engagements,  of  every  description,  writh  scrupulous 
fidelity.  The  example  of  Mr.  Wright  on  this,  as  on 
many  other  subjects,  has  exerted  a  most  salutary  in 
fluence  upon  the  citizens  of  his  town,  often  noticed^ 
and  frequently  mentioned,  by  the  people  from  other 
towns.  There  are  but  few  among  his  neighbors,  of 
either  party,  who  do  not  feel  heartily  proud  of  himt 
and  manifest  an  anxiety  to  act,  so  as  to  meet  his  ap 
proval.  His  frankness  and  sincerity  have  made  im 
pressions  upon  his  friends  and  associates,  which  a 
stranger  will  readily  notice." 

But  the  narrow  limits  of  a  town  or  county,  were 
scarcely  calculated  to  display  the  eminent  abilities  of 
Mr.  Wright,  and  his  friends  desired  to  see  them  tested 
on  a  wider  and  broader  field.  For  this  purpose,  but 
without  the  slightest  expectation  of  such  an  event  on 
his  part,  his  name  was  presented,  in  the  fall  of  1823,  to 


NOMINATED  FOR  STATE  SENATOR.         23 

the  republican  convention  of  the  fourth  senate  dis 
trict,  (at  that  time  consisting  of  the  counties  of  Sara 
toga,  Montgomery  and  Hamilton,  Washington,  War 
ren,  Clinton,  Essex,  Franklin,  and  St.  Lawrence,)  and 
he  was  nominated  as  their  candidate  for  State  Senator. 
The  opposition  of  Dewitt  Clinton,  and  his  friends,  to 
the  convention  of  1821,  and  other  minor  causes,  had 
produced  an  entirely  new  organization  of  parties.  The 
supporters  of  Mr.  Clinton  were  styled  Clintonians, 
while  his  opponents  were  known  as  Buck  tails,  anti- 
Clintonians,  or  republicans.  When  Mr.  Wright  set 
tled  in  St.  Lawrence  county,  a  large  majority  of  the 
electors  were  friendly  to  Mr.  Clinton.  This  was  also 
the  case  in  that  entire  section  of  country.  But  the 
first  election  under  the  new  constitution,  which  took 
place  in  November,  1822,  was  suffered  to  go  by  default. 
Although  Mr.  Southwick  took  the  stump,  and  received 
a  few  votes  for  the  office  of  governor,  no  candidate 
was  nominated  in  opposition  to  Judge  Yates.  Of  the 
thirty-two  senators  chosen  at  this  election,  not  one  was 
friendly  to  Mr.  Clinton.  The  fourth  district,  neverthe 
less,  was  regarded  as  debateable  ground ;  and  as  Mr. 
Wright  had  at  all  times,  and  on  all  occasions,  frankly 
avowed  his  political  sentiments,  and  was  well  known  to 
be  a  firm  and  decided  member  of  the  anti-Clintonian 
party,  his  election  was  a  matter  of  very  great  doubt. 

Another  cause  which,  it  was  feared,  might  have  a 
tendency  to  insure  his  defeat,  was  the  question  of  the 
passage  of  an  electoral  law,  which  had  recently  become 
mixed  up  with  the  politics  of  the  state.  The  presiden 
tial  canvass  for  the  successor  of  Mr.  Monroe,  com 
menced  in  the  city  of  Washington  early  in  1822.  A 
great  number  of  candidates  were  brought  forward,  and 
the  excitement  continued  gradually  to  increase,  until 


24  STATE    OF    POLITICAL    PARTIES. 

the  ensuing  year,  when  it  formed  the  principal  topic  of 
discussion  and  conversation  among  politicians.  The 
federalists  proper  remained  aloof  from  the  contest, 
at  least  during  its  earlier  stages.  A  majority  of  the 
democrats,  in  the  northern  and  middle  states,  were  in 
favor  of  the  nomination  of  John  Quincy  Adams ;  but 
William  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  was  probably  the 
strongest  candidate  in  the  Union  at  large.  General 
Jackson,  John  C.  Calhoun,  and  Henry  Clay,  were  also 
urged  by  their  respective  friends  in  different  parts  of 
the  country.  At  first,  the  various  factions  were  ex 
ceedingly  jealous  of  each  other ;  but,  finally,  those  op 
posed  to  Mr.  Crawford  entered  into  a  sort  of  conven 
tional  league,  to  force  him  from  the  field,  leaving  the 
question  between  themselves  as  an  open  one,  to  be  de 
termined  after  they  had  removed  the  common  enemy. 
Martin  Van  Buren,  Erastus  Root,  and  other  leading  re 
publicans  in  the  state  of  New  York,  were  in  favor  of 
Mr.  Crawford,  but  those  who  acted  with  them  were 
divided  in  regard  to  the  several  candidates.  The  same 
was  true  with  respect  to  the  Clintonians.  While  Mr. 
Clinton  himself  was  anxious  to  see  General  Jackson 
elevated  to  the  presidency,  a  great  diversity  of  opin 
ion  prevailed  among  his  friends  upon  the  subject.  At 
the  session  of  Congress  in  1822-'23  the  views  of  the 
members  were  pretty  well  ascertained.  It  was  evident 
that  Mr.  Crawford  would  be  much  the  strongest  candi 
date  in  a  caucus ;  and  the  supporters  of  Adams,  Cal 
houn,  Clay,  and  Jackson,  forthwith  determined  that  one 
should  not  be  called,  although  it  had  been  customary  to 
make  nominations  in  that  way,  ever  since  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  democratic  party.  This  movement  alarmed 
the  Crawfordites,  and  they  endeavored  to  bring  the  in 
fluence  of  the  New  York  Legislature  to  bear  in  the 


THE  CANVASS  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY.        25 

premises.  For  this  purpose,  a  meeting  of  the  repub 
lican  members  of  that  body  was  held  at  Albany,  on  the 
22nd  of  April,  1823,  and  a  resolution  adopted  "  in  favor 
of  calling  a  congressional  caucus,  to  select  candidates 
for  President  and  Vice  President."  The  proceedings 
of  this  meeting  were  immediately  forwarded  to  Wash 
ington,  but  they  failed  to  produce  any  impression,  ex 
cept  that  of  increasing  the  zeal  and  activity  of  the  op 
ponents  of  Mr.  Crawford. 

In  the  summer  of  1823,  the  New  York  American 
came  out  decidedly  in  favor  of  Mr.  Adams  for  the  next 
President,  while  the  National  Advocate,  then  edited  by 
Mr.  Noah,  as  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  Mr.  Craw 
ford,  and  claimed  to  be  the  only  truly  republican  jour 
nal  in  the  city.  With  a  view  of  counteracting  the  in 
fluence  of  the  Advocate,  as  far  as  possible,  Henry 
Wheaton,  who  was  then  understood  to  be  in  the  confi 
dence  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  procured  the  establishment  of  a 
new  paper,  called  "  The  New  York  Patriot,"  which 
was  placed  in  the  editorial  charge  of  Mr.  Gardner. 
This  paper  opposed  the  election  of  Mr.  Crawford,  but 
did  not  support  any  particular  candidate.  It  was  also 
feared,  that  a  majority  of  the  members  to  be  elected  to 
the  next  Legislature,  upon  whom  would  devolve  the 
ihoice  of  electors,  might  be  too  much  under  the  con 
trol  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  ;  and  to  prevent  this  result,  a 
plan  was  matured  by  a  citizen  of  Albany,  and  advo 
cated  in  the  Patriot,  for  giving  such  choice  to  the  peo 
ple  themselves.  This  measure,  though  nothing  but  a 
political  stratagem  in  its  inception,  proved  to  be  highly 
popular,  and  a  party  denominated  "  The  People's  Party," 
was  formed  for  carrying  it  into  effect.  The  friends  of 
Mr.  Crawford,  in  the  state  of  New  York,  were  called 
"The  Regency  Party,"  by  their  opponents  ;  and  the 

2 


20  ELECTED    SENATOR. 

canvass  previous  to  the  fall  election  was  conducted 
with  much  spirit  and  animation.  The  proposed  alter 
ation  of  the  electoral  law  was  certainly  democratic  in 
its  character,  and  setting  aside  the  circumstances  un 
der  which  it  was  presented,  it  would  probably  have 
commanded  a  very  general  support.  As  it  was,  a  large 
proportion  of  the  candidates  put  in  nomination,  were 
compelled  to  pledge  themselves  in  its  favor.  Among 
others,  Mr.  Wright  avowed  himself  in  general  terms,  to 
be  friendly  to  such  a  law ;  and  this  declaration,  added 
to  his  wide-spread  popularity  in  the  county  of  St.  Law 
rence,  secured  his  election  in  a  district  which  might 
otherwise  have  been  carried  against  him.  The  Clin- 
tonian  candidate,  General  Moers,  of  Jefferson  county, 
received  a  majority  in  the  district,  out  of  St.  Lawrence, 
but  the  friends  and  neighbors  of  Mr.  Wright  gave  an 
almost  united  vote  in  his  favor. 


CHAPTER  II. 

1824. — State  of  Parties  in  the  Legislature  of  1824 — Message  of  Gov 
ernor  Yates — The  Electoral  Question  brought  forward  in  the  Assem 
bly — Mr.  Flagg — Reference  of  the  Bill  to  a  Committee  in  the  Senate 
— The  Presidential  Canvass  at  Washington — Congressional  Caucus 
— Report  in  the  New  York  Senate  on  the  Electoral  Bill — Discussion 
thereon — Various  Propositions  to  Amend — Mr.  Wright's  Plan — His 
Speech — Postponement  of  the  Bill — The  Seventeen  Senators — Nom 
ination  of  Colonel  Young — Removal  of  Dewitt  Clinton  from  the  office 
of  Canal  Commissioner — Course  of  Governor  Yates  in  regard  to  the 
Electoral  Question — Extra  Session  of  the  Legislature — Adjournment 
— The  Clintonian  and  People's  Convention — Election  of  Mr.  Clinton 
as  Governor — Choice  of  Presidential  Electors — The  Subject  of  an 
Electoral  Law  referred  to  the  People. — Objects  of  those  who  origi 
nated  the  Proposition — Mr.  Wright's  Course  in  relation  thereto — Le 
gislative  Session  of  1825 — Unsuccessful  attempt  to  Nominate  a  Uni 
ted  States  Senator — Defeat  of  Judge  Spencer  and  the  Causes  thereof 
— Legislature  of  182G — November  Election — Mr.  Wright  chosen  a 
Member  of  Congress — 182G. 

THE  people's  party  did  not  succeed  in  electing  a 
majority  of  the  members  of  Assembly  at  the  November 
election  in  1823,  although  it  was  understood  that  up 
wards  of  seventy  were  committed  in  favor  of  the  elec 
toral  law.  The  republicans,  or  bucktails,  had  secured 
a  greater  share  of  the  members,  but  the  friends  of  Mr. 
Crawford  were  in  the  minority.  Mr.  Wheaton  was 
elected  in  the  city  of  New  York,  on  the  people's  ticket, 
and  General  Tallmadge  in  the  county  of  Dutchess. 
Among  the  Clintonian  members  chosen  at  this  election, 
were  Samuel  J.  Wilkin,  of  Orange  county,  and  Ga- 


28  TAKES    HIS    SEAT    IN    THE    STATE    SENATE. 

mallei  H.  Barstow,  of  Tioga.  The  most  prominent 
republicans  were  Messrs.  Flagg,  Edwards,  and  Ruger, 
who  were  friendly  to  Mr.  Crawford  ;  and  Messrs.  Hos- 
mer,  Whiting,  and  Mullet,  who  supported  Mr.  Clay. 

The  Legislature  commenced  its  annual  session  on 
the  6th  of  January,  1824  ;  at  which  time  Mr.  Wright 
took  his  seat  as  a  member  of  the  Senate.  Mr.  Wheaton, 
General  Tallmadge,  and  others,  who  had  been  elected 
by  the  people's  party,  and  were  known  as  anti-Clinto- 
nians,  met  with  the  republican  members  at  the  caucus 
held  on  the  evening  preceding  the  first  day  of  the  ses 
sion,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to  nominate  General 
Tallmadge  as  the  candidate  for  speaker ;  but  Mr. 
Goodell,  of  Jefferson  county,  received  a  large  majority 
of  the  votes,  and  was  afterwards  elected  in  the  House. 
Governor  Yates  called  the  attention  of  the  Legislature, 
in  his  annual  message,  to  the  proposed  change  in  the 
mode  of  choosing  presidential  electors ;  but  expressed 
no  definite  opinion  on  the  subject,  though  he  left  it  to 
.be  inferred  that  he  desired  the  Legislature  to  retain  the 
power  in  their  own  hands.  Soon  after  the  preliminary 
organization  had  been  completed  in  the  Assembly,  Mr. 
Wheaton  gave  notice  that  he  would  bring  in  a  bill 
authorizing  the  people  to  choose  the  electors  of  Presi 
dent  and  Vice  President.  Mr.  Flagg  thereupon  offered 
a  resolution,  referring  the  whole  subject  to  a  select 
committee  of  nine  members. 

For  several  years  there  had  been  but  two  parties  in 
the  state,  and  in  the  Legislature  of  1824,  the  memb3rs 
were  divided  into  Bucktails  and  Clintonians,  on  all 
matters  affecting  their  internal  politics.  But  the  mo 
ment  the  question  of  the  presidency  was  brought  up, 
there  were  "  six  Richmonds  in  the  field."  Although 
the  friends  of  the  other  candidates  united  in  their  op- 


THE    ELECTORAL    QUESTION.  29 

position  to  Mr.  Crawford,  they  were  very  cautious  that 
nothing  should  be  done  to  injure  the  prospects  of  their 
especial  favorite.  The  adherents  of  General  Jackson 
were  few  in  number,  but  they  sat  patiently  by,  hoping 
that  they  might  be  called  in  as  umpires,  in  which  event 
they  could  take  the  oyster  to  themselves,  and  leave  the 
shells  for  the  contentious  disputants.  The  introduction 
of  Mr.  Flagg's  resolution,  set  in  motion  all  the  stormy 
elements  which  had  been  collecting  their  energies  in 
anticipation  of  the  approaching  struggle.  It  was  ve 
hemently  attacked  by  Wheaton,  Tallmadge,  Barstow, 
and  Wiikin,  and  defended  with  equal  warmth  by  Flagg, 
Edwards,  Ruger,  Hosmer,  Whiting,  and  Mullet.  The 
mover  of  the  resolution  was  charged  with  an  intention 
to  embarrass  the  proceedings  of  the  Legislature,  and  to 
evade,  or  delay  action  on  the  electoral  bill.  Mr.  Flagg 
defended  himself  with  ability  against  the  weight  of  tal 
ent  arrayed  on  the  opposite  side,  and  succeeded  in  car 
rying  his  resolution  through  the  House,  by  the  decisive 
vote  of  seventy-six  to  forty-seven. 

After  holding  several  meetings,  the  committee  on  the 
electoral  question,  which  was  composed  of  a  majority 
of  Crawford  men,  agreed  to  report  a  bill,  giving  to  the 
people  the  power  of  choosing  the  electors  by  a  major 
ity  of  all  the  votes,  and  providing  that,  in  case  no  choice 
should  be  had,  the  election  should  be  made  by  the  Legis 
lature.  An  animated  discussion  took  place  on  the 
merits  of  the  bill,  and  the  provisional  clause,  authoriz 
ing  the  Legislature  to  make  choice  of  the  electors, 
where  there  was  a  failure  to  elect  by  the  people,  was 
stricken  out.  The  test  question  in  the  existing  state 
of  parties,  as  neither  candidate  had  a  majority,  was 
then  presented,  in  the  shape  of  an  amendment,  substi 
tuting  the  choice  ly  a  plurality,  instead  of  that  by  a 


30  VOTE    ON    THE    ELECTORAL    BILL. 

majority  of  the  votes.  The  amendment  was  defeated 
by  a  vote  of  sixty-four  to  fifty-two.  This  result  was 
produced  by  a  union  of  the  Adams  and  Clay  Bucktails 
with  the  Crawford  men;  the  former  being  apprehen 
sive  that  Mr.  Clinton  \vould  be  brought  forward  as  a 
candidate  for  the  presidency,  if  a  plurality  vote  could 
secure  the  electors.  The  majority  feature  was  there 
fore  retained,  and  in  that  shape  the  bill  passed  the 
House. 

In  the  Senate,  on  the  6th  of  February,  the  electoral 
bill  was  referred  to  a  committee,  of  which  Charles  E. 
Dudley,  afterwards  a  senator  in  Congress,  was  chair 
man.  The  whole  subject  \vas  suffered  to  rest  in  quiet, 
until  the  20th  of  the  same  month,  when  a  resolution 
offered  by  Mr.  Ogden,  requesting  the  committee  to  re 
port,  was  debated  in  the  Senate.  Mr.  Ogden,  Mr. 
Burt,  and  Mr.  Cramer,  advocated  its  passage,  but  it  was 
opposed  by  Mr.  Wright,  Mr.  Wheeler,  and  Mr.  Sudam. 
On  motion  of  the  last  named  gentleman,  the  consider 
ation  of  the  resolution  was  indefinitely  postponed,  by  a 
vote  of  twenty-one  to  nine,  Mr.  Wright  voting  in  the 
affirmative.  The  object  of  this  postponement  may  be 
understood,  by  a  reference  to  the  condition  of  things 
at  Washington.  The  breach  in  the  republican  party 
had  grown  wider  and  wider.  Considerable  bitterness 
of  feeling  was  manifested  on  the  part  of  the  rival  inter 
ests,  and  the  determination  of  the  opponents  of  Mr. 
Crawford  not  to  go  into  a  caucus,  where  he  would  be 
certain  to  have  a  much  larger  vote  than  either  of  the 
opposing  candidates,  was  made  known  in  positive  terms. 
Each  faction  was  fearful  that  a  combination  might  be 
formed  between  the  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford,  and  the 
adherents  of  some  one  of  the  opposing  candidates.  If 
no  caucus  was  held,  there  would  not  be  an  opportunity 


EFFORTS    TO    DEFEAT    MR.    CRAWFORD.  81 

to  accomplish  any  such  purpose,  supposing  that  it  was 
in  contemplation,  except  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  where  the  opponents  of  Mr.  Crawford  were  de 
sirous  of  having  the  matter  determined,  inasmuch  as 
his  strength  lay  principally  in  the  larger  states,  and  the 
manner  of  voting  in  that  body  would  deprive  him  of 
every  chance  of  an  election.  The  refusal  to  go  into  a 
caucus  was  regarded  by  the  Crawford  men  as  an  ac* 
of  bad  faith,  because  it  was  a  departure  from  the  in 
variable  usage  of  the  republican  party;  and  hopes 
were  entertained  that  a  portion  of  the  refractory  mem 
bers,  sufficient  to  constitute  a  majority,  would  be  will 
ing  to  attend  a  meeting,  provided  one  was  called.  Ac 
cordingly,  Mr.  Forsyth  and  Mr.  Dickerson,  on  the  part 
of  the  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford,  issued  a  notice  on  the 
6th  of  February,  calling  a  meeting  of  the  democratic 
members  of  Congress,  on  the  14th  instant,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  nominating  a  candidate  for  President.  When 
Mr.  Ogden's  resolution  was  under  discussion  in  the 
New  York  Legislature,  it  was  known  that  such  a  no 
tice  had  been  issued,  but  the  result  of  the  caucus  was 
not  yet  ascertained.  In  a  few  days,  however,  it  was 
understood,  that  but  sixty-six,  out  of  two  hundred  and 
sixty-one  members  of  Congress,  had  attended  the  caucus. 
Notwithstanding  this  result,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Craw 
ford  were  not  disposed  to  give  up  the  contest.  They 
thought  that  a  great  deal  of  unfairness  had  been  shown 
on  the  part  of  the  other  candidates  ;  and  they  then  de 
termined  absolutely  to  prevent  the  passage  of  an  elec 
toral  law,  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  secure  the  elec 
tors  if  they  were  chosen  by  the  Legislature.  As  an 
abstract  proposition,  the  measure  was  approved  by  a 
majority  of  Mr.  Crawford's  friends  ;  but,  under  the  cir 
cumstances  of  the  case,  as  it  was  evident,  in  their  opin- 


32  REPORT    IN    THE    NEW-YORK    SENATE. 

ion,  that  it  was  the  intention  of  his  opponents  to  force 
the  presidential  question  into  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  and  thus  reduce  New  York,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina  and  Georgia,  to  a  level  with  the  smallest  state 
in  the  Union,  they  were  unwilling  to  do  anything  to 
favor  such  a  project. 

On  the  26th  of  February,  the  committee  on  the 
electoral  law  reported  adversely  to  the  passage  of  the 
bill.  The  reasons  which  they  presented  in  support  of 
their  conclusions,  may  be  found  in  the  following  ex 
tracts  from  their  report : — 

"  The  committee  are  not  apprised  that  there  are  at 
this  time  any  peculiar  objections  against  the  present 
mode  of  appointing  electors,  which  have  not  heretofore 
existed  with  equal  force  ;  but  the  committee  do  think 
that  proof  in  favor  of  the  policy  of  its  original  adop 
tion,  and  of  its  continuance  until  a  uniform  mode  is 
adopted  throughout  the  several  states,  by  an  amend 
ment  to  the  constitution,  is  derived  from  the  peculiar 
circumstances  of  the  present  period.  There  never  was 
before  so  much  distraction  of  public  opinion  on  the 
subject  of  the  presidency,  nor  so  many  competitors  for 
that  exalted  station ;  consequently,  the  danger  that  an 
election  may  finally  devolve  upon  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  was  never  so  imminent.  Such  an  event,  the 
committee  are  satisfied,  must  be  viewed  by  every  sober- 
minded  and  reflecting  citizen,  as  pregnant  with  the 
most  alarming  consequences ;  intrigue,  and,  perhaps, 
corruption,  would  be  called  in  to  compete  with  the  legit 
imate  power,  for,  perhaps,  the  most  splendid  prize  ever 
oifered  to  cupidity  and  ambition.  The  established 
principles  of  a  republican  government  would  be  sub 
verted,  by  putting  the  power  to  choose  a  President  into 
the  hands  of  a  small  minority ;  the  state  of  New  York, 


REPORT    CONTINUED.  33 

with  its  thirty-four  representatives,  would  be  entitled  to 
only  one  vote ;  and  the  states  of  Delaware,  Mississippi, 
Illinois,  and  Missouri,  with  only  one  representative 
each,  would  be  entitled  to  four  votes.  ***** 
Such  consequences  would,  probably,  be  prevented  by  a 
choice  of  electors,  in  large  states,  by  the  Legislature ; 
because,  in  that  case,  the  danger  of  a  divided  vote 
would,  as  has  been  heretofore  seen,  be  avoided.  *  * 

"At  this  time  several  propositions  to  amend  the 
constitution,  and  to  establish  a  uniform  mode,  are  pend 
ing  before  Congress,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  be 
lieve  that  success  will  speedily  attend  these  efforts, 
unless  opposition  is  elicited  from  the  smaller  states. 
But  if  New  York,  at  this  most  inauspicious  moment, 
should  immediately  set  the  example,  which  may  be  fol 
lowed  by  the  other  large  states,  of  forbearing  to  exercise 
its  right  in  a  way  to  secure  a  united  vote,  the  small 
states,  duly  appreciating  their  advantage  over  the 
others,  will  be  encouraged  to  withhold  their  assent  to 
any  of  the  proposed  amendments.  ****** 

"  The  committee  are  therefore  of  opinion,  for  the 
reasons  set  forth  in  this  report,  that  it  would  not  be  ex 
pedient  to  pass  the  bill  from  the  Assembly,  or  any  other 
bill  changing  the  present  mode  of  appointing  electors 
of  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States ; 
or,  at  least,  until  the  efforts  which  are  now  seriously 
making  in  Congress  to  establish  a  uniform  rule  of  ap 
pointment,  by  an  amendment  of  the  constitution  of  the 
United  States,  by  which  the  people  can  elect  by  dis 
tricts,  have  either  terminated  in  the  adoption  or  rejec 
tion  of  such  amendment  by  that  body." 

This  report  was  taken  up  in  the  Senate,  on  the  10th 
day  of  March,  when  Mr.  Cramer  moved  to  amend  it, 
by  striking  out  the  last  clause,  and  inserting  a  resolu- 

2* 


34  DISCUSSION    OF    THE    QUESTION. 

tion,  declaring  that  it  was  expedient  to  pass  a  law,  "  at , 
the  present  session  of  the  Legislature,  giving  to  the  peo 
ple  of  this  state  the  choice  of  electors  of  President  and 
Vice  President."  In  the  discussion  which  ensued,  Mr. 
Wright  took  a  prominent  part,  lie  was  already  con 
spicuous  as  a  debater,  and  his  clearness  of  intellect,  and 
strong  reasoning  powers,  were  acknowledged  on  all 
sides.  Propositions  to  amend  the  resolution  of  Mr. 
Cramer,  by  inserting  a  clause,  providing  that  the 
choice  should  be  made  •"  by  congressional  districts/' 
,and  another  requiring  "  a  plurality  of  votes,"  were  pre 
sented  by  different  senators.  Mr.  Wright  opposed  both 
propositions  ;  but  voted  in  favor  of  on  amendment,  re 
quiring  the  election  to  be  made  by  general  ticket. 
While  the  question  was  under  consideration,  Mr. 
Wright  offered  an  amendment,  providing  for  the  choice 
of  electors  by  general  ticket,  and  by  a  majority  of 
votes,  except  that  the  state  electors  were  to  be  chosen 
by  the  Legislature,  who  were  also  to  have  the  power  of 
filling  up  all  vacancies  in  the  electoral  college.  But 
three  senators  voted  with  him  in  favor  of  this  proposi 
tion.  The  resolution  of  Mr.  Cramer,  as  amended,  was 
then  adopted— yeas  sixteen,  nays  fifteen — Mr.  Wright 
voting  with  the  majority.  Mr.  Ogden  then  moved  to 
commit  the  bill  and  report  to  a  committee  of  the  whole  ; 
whereupon,  Mr.  Livingston  moved  to  postpone  "  the 
further  consideration  of  the  report  and  bill  to  the  first 
Monday  of  November" — that  being  a  day  beyond  the 
extra  session  ;  at  which,  under  the  existing  laws,  the 
electors  would  be  chosen  by  the  Legislature.  Before 
the  question  was  taken,  Mr.  Wright  made  some  re 
marks  in  defence  of  the  vote  he  was  about  to  give, 
which  were  thus  summed  up  in  the  legislative  report 
of  the  Albany  Argus : — 


REMARKS    OF    MR.    WRIGHT.  35 

"  Mr.  Wright  said  he  had  the  honor  of  offering  a 
proposition  giving-  to  the  people  the  choice  of  electors 
by  general  ticket,  and  by  a  majority  of  votes,  which  he 
had  supposed  the  only  safe  system  to  be  adopted.  He 
had,  however,  been  unfortunate  enough  not  to  be  able 
to  induce  but  three  members  of  the  Senate  to  think  with 
him,  after  all  the  reasons  he  could  offer  in  favor  of  the 
proposition.  A  proposition  had  then  been  made  to  make 
the  choice  by  districts,  which,  after  being  fully  and  ably 
discussed,  had  received  but  two  votes.  And  now,  said 
Mr.  W.,  we  have  rejected  the  proposition  to  choose  by 
general  ticket  and  plurality  of  votes.  Divisions  have 
been  taken  upon  all  these  propositions,  and  the.  name 
of  every  member  of  the  House  stands  recorded  upon 
our  journals,  with  his  vote  upon  each  proposition  dis 
tinctly  given.  These,  Mr.  W.  said,  were  all  the  propo 
sitions  he  had  heard  suggested,  nor  had  he  ingenuity 
enough  to  suggest  or  devise  a  fourth.  He,  therefore, 
desp^'red  of  even  a  hope  that  the  Senate  could  agree 
upon  a  law,  as  he  did  not  believe  that  members  trifled 
with  their  votes  upon  this  important  subject,  or  were 
prepared  to  change  their  names  as  they  already  stood 
upon  the  journals.  These  being  his  views,  Mr.  W. 
said  he  should  vote  for  the  postponement,  unless  he 
could  hear  some  reasons  to  convince  him  that  his  con 
clusions  were  not  correct.  The  resolution  (Mr.  Cra 
mer's)  just  taken  could  not  be  made  effective,  as  both 
the  majority  and  plurality  systems,  by  one  of  which 
alone  it  could  be  made  so,  had  been  deliberately  re 
jected,  and  he  saw  no  good  reason  for  spending  more 
time  on  the  subject." 

The  vote  on  Mr.  Livingston's  motion  was  as  fol 
lows  : — 

Yeas — Messrs.  Bowman,  Bowne,  Bronson,  Dudley, 


36  THE  SEVENTEEN  SENATORS. 

Earll,  Greenly,  Keyes,  LefFerts,  Livingston,  Mallory, 
McCall,  Redfield,  Stranahan,  Sudam,  Ward,  Wooster, 
Wright — seventeen. 

Nays — Messrs.  Burrows,  Burt,  Clark,  Cramer,  Gar 
diner,  Green,  Haight,  Lynde,  Mclntyre,  Morgan,  Nel 
son,  Ogden,  Thorn,  Wheeler — fourteen. 

The  senators  voting  in  the  affirmative,  on  the  motion 
of  Mr.  Livingston,  were  afterwards  known  in  the  polit 
ical  history  of  the  state  of  New  York,  as  the  famous 
"  seventeen  senators."  While  their  conduct  was  con 
demned  in  the  most  unequivocal  terms,  by  the  party 
opposed  to  them,  their  friends  were  equally  zealous  in 
its  defence.  A  large  majority  of  the  electors  in  the 
state,  however,  overlooking  the  circumstances  under 
which  the  law  was  presented,  and  not  yet  acquainted 
with  the  character  of  the  project,  which  was  subse 
quently  developed  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  wTere  in  favor  of  the  electo 
ral  law,  and  were  highly  indignant  at  the  course  taken 
to  defeat  it  in  the  Senate.  A  portion  of  this  indigna 
tion  was  visited  upon  Governor  Yates.  At  the  caucus 
held  by  the  republican  members  of  the  Legislature,  his 
re-nomination  was  urged  by  his  friends,  among  whom 
were  Mr.  Wright  and  Mr.  Flagg,  who  insisted  that  he 
ought  not  to  be  sacrificed  for  aiding  to  carry  a  party 
measure  into  effect.  But  it  was  finally  determined  to 
take  up  a  new  man  for  governor,  and  the  nomination 
was  conferred  on  Colonel  Young. 

Apprehensions  were  entertained  before  the  close  of 
the  session,  that  Dewitt  Clinton  would  be  nominated 
by  the  people's  party,  as  their  candidate  for  governor. 
Mr.  Wheaton,  and  others,  protested  that  there  was  no 
such  design  in  contemplation,  and  it  was  then  gene 
rally  understood  that  Mr.  Tallmadge  would  receive  the 


REMOVAL    OF    DEWITT    CLINTON.  37 

nomination.  In  order  to  test  the  disposition  of  the 
anti-Clintonians  in  the  people's  party,  a  resolution  was 
submitted  in  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  Bowman,  removing 
Mr.  Clinton  from  the  office  of  canal  commissioner. 
The  resolution  was  adopted,  with  but  three  dissenting 
voices, — Messrs.  Cramer,  Morgan,  and  Mclntyre.  In 
the  House,  the  vote  stood  sixty-four  in  favor  of  the 
removal,  to  thirty-four  against  it.  General  Tallmadge, 
Mr.  Wheaton,  and  nearly  all  the  Adams  men  belong 
ing  to  the  people's  party,  voted  in  the  affirmative. 

When  some  one  remarked  to  Fouche,  that  the  mur 
der  of  the  Duke  d'Enghien,  was  a  foul  blot  upon  the 
Character  of  Napoleon,  he  replied,  "  It  was  more — it 
was  a  mistake !"  The  removal  of  Mr.  Clinton  was 
something  very  similar — it  was  an  ill-advised  act.  It 
not  only  opened  the  way  to  his  nomination,  but  it  often 
returned  to  plague  the  inventors.  The  act  itself  was 
hardly  deserving  of  condemnation,  because  it  proceeded 
from  the  avowed  political  opponents  of  Mr.  Clinton ; 
and  it  is  not  uncharitable  to  him — nor  unjust  to  his 
memory — to  say,  that  no  man  encouraged  party  pro 
scription  more  than  himself.  Who  that  was  acquainted 
with  the  removal  of  the  Burrites,  the  Lewisites,  and  the 
Livingstons,  from  office,  would  regret  to  see  the  chalice 
presented,  in  its  turn,  to  his  own  lips  ?  Still,  the  policy 
of  this  movement  was  most  unfortunate  for  the  repub 
lican  party,  and  no  doubt  it  was  soon  regretted  by 
those  who  were  the  most  active  in  its  accomplishment. 

The  rejection  of  Governor  Yates  by  the  republican 
caucus,  was  by  no  means  agreeable  to  his  feelings ;  and 
he  seems  to  have  entertained  the  opinion,  after  the  ad 
journment  of  the  Legislature,  that,  should  he  come  out 
openly  in  favor  of  the  electoral  bill,  he  might  obtain  the 
nomination  in  the  people's  convention,  which  was  to 


38  GOV.    YATES,    AND    THE    LEGISLATURE. 

be  held  on  the  21st  of  September.  He  therefore  de 
termined  on  calling  an  extra  session,  that  he  might  have 
an  opportunity  to  make  known  the  change  in  his  opin 
ions.  His  proclamation  for  that  purpose,  was  dated 
on  the  2nd  of  June,  and,  after  adverting  to  the  fact, 
that  Congress  had  made  no  provision  for  changing  the 
mode  of  selecting  the  presidential  electors,  he  went  on 
to  say,  that  "  the  people  were  justly  alarmed  with  the 
apprehension,  that  their  undoubted  right  of  choosing 
the  electors  of  President  and  Vice-President  would  be 
withheld  from  them  ;"  and  to  prevent  this  result,  he 
thought  proper  to  call  the  two  Houses  together. 

The  Legislature  re-assembled  on  the  2nd  of  Augus^. 
in  pursuance  of  the  executive  proclamation.  Imme 
diately  after  the  reading  of  the  governor's  message  in 
the  House,  Mr.  Flagg  offered  the  following  resolutions: 

u  Resolved,  Thnt  since  the  last  adjournment  of  the 
Legislature,  nothing  has  transpired  within  the  letter  or 
spirit  of  the  constitution,  requiring  an  extraordinary 
session  at  this  time ;  and  therefore  the  proclamation  of 
the  governor  convening  the  same  is  not  warranted  by 
the  constitution. 

"Resolved,  That  inasmuch  as  the  transaction  of 
legislative  business,  in  obedience  to  a  proclamation  thus 
illegally  issued,  and  especially  in  relation  to  a  subject 
which  had  been  repeatedly  discussed  and  acted  upon 
by  the  Legislature  at  their  last  meeting,  would  sanction 
a  precedent  of  dangerous  tendency ;  it  is  due  to  the 
members  of  the  Legislature,  as  well  as  to  the  consti 
tution  under  which  they  sit,  and  the  oath  they  have 
taken-  to  support  it,  as  to  the  highest  and  best  interests 
of  their  constituents,  that  they  should  forthwith  ad 
journ.  Therefore, 

"  Resolved,  (If  the  Senate  concur,)  the  two  Houses 


CLTXTONIAN     AND    PEOPLE'S    CONVENTION.  39 

will  immediately  adjourn,  to  meet  as;am  pursuant  to 
law." 

General  Tallmadge  opposed  the  adoption  of  the  reso 
lutions,  but  the  first  two  were  passed  by  a  strong  vote, 
and  the  third  was  temporarily  postponed.  A  resolu 
tion  was  also  adopted,  on  the  same  day,  by  a  vote  of 
seventy-five  to  forty-four,  declaring  that  an  electoral 
law  ought  to  be  enacted.  In  the  Senate  a  resolution 
was  sustained,  by  seventeen  to  fifteen,  Mr.  Wright 
voting  in  its  favor,  affirming  generally  that  the  people 
ought  to  have  the  privilege  of  choosing  their  own 
electors.  On  the  3rd  of  August,  Mr.  Ogden  presented 
a  resolution  declaring  that  it  was  expedient  to  pass  a 
law  at.  the  then  session  of  the  Legislature.  This  was 
lost,  by  the  same  ominous  vote  of  seventeen  to  fifteen 
— Mr.  Wright  being  again  with  the  majority.  The 
resolutions  of  the  House,  to  which  was  now  added  the 
third  providing  for  the  adjournment,  were  then  adopted, 
and  after  a  brief  session  of  four  days,  the  members 
returned  to  their  several  homes. 

At  the  convention  held  by  the  friends  of  the  electoral 
bill,  in  September,  the  Clintonians  were  in  the  major 
ity,  and  succeeded  in  nominating  their  favorite  leader 
as  the  candidate  for  governor.  The  original  people's 
men  in  the  convention  took  umbrage  at  this,  and  a 
large  number  of  them  withdrew,  in  a  body,  and  formed 
a  separate  organization.  General  Tallmadge  was  se 
lected  as  the  candidate  for  lieutenant-governor,  with 
the  unanimous  approbation  of  both  organizations,  al 
though  he  had  voted  for  the  removal  of  Mr.  Clinton. 
This  completed  what  was  called  the  Clintonian  and 
People's  ticket. 

The  November  election  resulted  in  the  complete 
overthrow  of  the  republican  ascendency.  The  re- 


40  CHOICE    OF    PRESIDENTIAL    ELECTORS. 

moval  of  Mr.  Clinton  had  added  new  fuel  to  the  popu 
lar  indignation,  and  his  friends  eagerly  availed  them 
selves  of  the  argument  it  afforded  to  promote  his  elec 
tion.  He  received  a  large  majority  of  the  votes,  and 
General  Tallmadge  was  elected  by  a  still  larger  ma 
jority.  Six  of  the  eight  senators  chosen  at  this  elec 
tion,  and  more  than  three-fourths  of  the  members  of 
Assembly,  were  either  Clintonians  or  People's  men. 

On  the   2nd  of  November,  the    Legislature   again 
convened  to  make  choice  of  presidential  electors.     On 
the  10th,  the  Senate  nominated  electors  friendly  to  Mr. 
Crawford,  by  the  votes  of  the  seventeen  senators  who 
had  postponed  the  electoral  bill.    The  Adams  and  Clay 
electoral   tickets  received  seven  votes  each.     In  the 
House,  the  choice  of  electors  was  attended  with  more 
difficulty.    'On  the  first  ballot,   the  Adams   ticket  re 
ceived   fifty  votes ;  the  Crawford    ticket,  forty-three  ; 
and  the  Clay  ticket,  thirty-two ;  but  an  agreement  was 
afterwards  entered  into  between  the  Adams  and  Clay 
men,  and  a  union  ticket  formed,  composed  of  the  friends 
of  both  the  candidates.     Upon  a  joint  ballot  of  the 
two  Houses,  thirty-two  of  the  Adams  and  Clay  electors 
were  declared  chosen.     A  second  ballot  was  then  had, 
and  the  whole  number  was  completed,  by  the  choice  of 
four  Crawford  electors.     This  result  was  produced  by 
the  defection  of  a  portion  of  the  Adams  men,  which, 
in  all  probability,  prevented  the  election  of  Mr.  Clay  as 
President  of  the  United  States.     It  was  at  that  time 
well  known  that  there  would  be  no  choice  by  the  elec 
tors,  and  that  General  Jackson  and  Mr.  Adams  would 
be  the  two  candidates  highest  on  the  list.    The  contest, 
therefore,  was  between  the  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford  and 
Mr.  Clay,  as  to  which  should  be   presented   to   the 


THE    ELECTORAL    QUESTION    SETTLED.  41 

House  of  Representatives  ;  and  the  four  electoral  votes 
of  New  York  decided  it  in  favor  of  the  former. 

Previous  to  their  adjournment,  the  Legislature  passed 
a  law  to  obtain  an  expression  of  opinion  from  the 
electors  of  the  state,  as  to  the  manner  in  which  an  elec 
toral  law  should  be  framed.  The  inspectors  of  election 
were  required  to  provide  three  boxes,  at  the  next  an 
nual  election,  which  were  to  be  respectively  labelled — 
"By  districts" — "By  general  ticket,  plurality" — "By 
general  ticket,  majority" — and  in  which  the  ballots  of 
the  voters  corresponding  with  the  labels  were  to  be  de 
posited.  The  result  of  this  voting  was  certified  by  the 
secretary  of  state  to  the  Legislature,  at  its  annual 
session  in  1826 ;  and  a  law  was  then  passed  in  accord 
ance  with  the  decision  of  the  people. 

The  passage  of  this  law  terminated  the  discussion 
upon  a  most  exciting  question ;  though  it  was  long  be 
fore  the  feelings  which  had  been  engendered  were 
suffered  to  die  away ;  and  whenever  one  of  the  "  sev 
enteen  senators"  came  before  the  people  as  a  candidate 
for  their  suffrages,  the  journals  of  1824  were  sure  to 
be  ransacked  in  search  of  electioneering  materials.  At 
the  time,  without  doubt,  their  course  was  exceedingly 
unpopular  ;  but  it  is  a  somewhat  singular  fact,  that 
many  of  them  wefe  afterwards  repeatedly  elected  to 
some  of  the  highest  offices  in  the  state,  and  that,  too, 
by  unusually  large  majorities.  The  history  of  the 
electoral  question  is  here  presented  in  detail,  because 
of  its  connection  with  the  name  of  Silas  Wright. 

o 

Upon  a  calm  and  dispassionate  review  of  the  facts, 
taken  together  with  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams,  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  in  the  winter  of  1825,  no 
fair-minded  man  will  hesitate  to  acknowledge  the  cor 
rectness  of  these  conclusions : — 


42  OBJECTS    OF    ITS    MOVERS. 

1.  That   the   republican  party   in   1824,  was   very 
much  divided   upon  the  question  of  the  presidential 
succession ;  and  that  this  division  resulted  in  a  serious 
quarrel,  and  rupture  in  their  ranks. 

2.  That  the  electoral  project  in  the  state  of  New 
York,  was  originated  and  proposed  for  a  special  politi 
cal    purpose,   viz.  the  defeat   of  Mr.  Crawford ;    and 
that  its  most  strenuous  advocates  in  the  Legislature, 
showed  most  plainly,  by  their  conduct  in  the  fall  of 
1824,  and  in  the  winter  of  1825,  that  they  were  actu 
ated,  rather  by  selfish  impulses,  than  by  any  sincere  de 
sire  to  surrender  to  the  people  a  right  which  had  been 
improperly  withheld  from  them. 

3.  That  a  plan  was  early  formed  at  Washington,  to 
prevent  a  choice  of  President  by  the  electoral  colleges, 
in  order  that  the  same  might  devolve  upon  the  House 
of  Representatives. 

4.  That  the  opponents  of  Mr.  Crawford  committed 
the  first  act  of  bad  faith,  in  refusing  to  abide  by  the  es 
tablished  usages  of  the  party  to  which  they  claimed  to 
belong ;  and  that  the  inevitable  tendency  of  their  move 
ments  was,  to  produce  a  result  more  destructive  of  pop 
ular  rights,  than  anything  which  transpired  in  the  New 
York  Legislature. 

The  question  still  remains,  however,  whether  Mr. 
Wright  was,  or  was  not,  deserving  of  censure  for  the 
course  he  thought  proper  to  pursue  ?  That  he  was  un 
derstood  to  be  in  favor  of  the  passage  of  an  electoral 
law,  at  the  time  of  his  election  in  the  fall  of  1823,  is  .not 
doubted.  It  was  a  prominent  topic  of  discussion,  and 
his  views  were  likely  to  be  inquired  after.  At  no  time 
in  his  life  was  he  the  man  to  conceal  his  opinions,  on 
any  subject,  from  his  constituents  ;  and  he  did  not  dis 
guise  his  sentiments  in  regard  to  the  proposed  change 


MR.  WRIGHT'S  COURSE.  43 

in  the  mode  of  choosing  electors.  The  strong  vote 
also,  that  he  received  in  his  own  county,  which  had 
previously  given  a  large  Clintonian  majority,  is  evidence 
that  he  agreed  with  the  electors,  as  to  the  propriety  of 
adopting  the  proposition  which  had  been  suggested. 
But  if  he  succeeded  as  the  friend  of  an  electoral  law, 
he  was  also  chosen  as  a  decided  supporter  of  Mr.  Craw 
ford.  The  developments  made  at  the  capital  of  the 
National  Government,  in  the  winter  of  1824,  gave  an 
entirely  new  aspect  to  the  whole  question.  At  Albany, 
the  opponents  of  Mr.  Crawford  were  clamorous  for  the 
passage  of  an  electoral  law ;  while,  at  Washington, 
they  were  engaged  in  an  attempt  to  nullify  the  voice 
of  the  larger  states  in  the  Union,  and  were  striving 
night  and  day,  to  prevent  a  choice  by  the  electors,  and 
remove  the  selection  of  their  chief  magistrate  still  far 
ther  from  the  people.  True,  this  was  one  of  the  modes 
which  the  constitution  provided  for  the  election  of  a 
President ;  but  the  Crawford-men  in  the  New  York 
Legislature,  only  proposed  to  observe  the  law  which 
they  found  upon  the  statute  book.  The  alternative, 
then,  which  was  presented  to  Mr.  Wright,  and  the  six 
teen  senators  who  voted  with  him,  was — either  to  post 
pone  the  subject  until  the  danger  they  apprehended  had 
passed,  or,  by  carrying  the  proposition  into  effect  at 
once,  to  divide  the  vote  of  New  York,  and  thus  pro 
duce  a  state  of  things  yet  more  reprehensible  than  that 
which  they  were  called  upon  to  remedy.  The  fact  that 
the  vote  of  the  state  was  ultimately  divided,  does  not 
alter  this  view  of  the  case.  Mr.  Wright  and  his  asso 
ciates  decided  to  postpone  the  question ;  and  if  the  re 
sult  of  the  election  in  1825,  may  be  taken  as  a  criterion, 
which  it  certainly  was,  a  majority  of  the  electors  in 
the  state  approved  their  course.  At  that  election  the 


44  DEFEAT    OF    JUDGE    SPENCER. 

members  of  the  Legislature  were  chosen,  by  which  Mr. 
Flagg,  the  leader  of  the  Crawford  party  in  the  Assem 
bly,  when  the  electoral  bill  was  under  discussion,  was 
first  appointed  secretary  of  state. 

The  error  committed  by  Mr.  Wright  and  his  friends, 
and  that  it  was  an  error  he  would  himself  have  admit 
ted,  consisted  in  voting,  or  making  any  efforts  for  the 
passage  of  an  electoral  law,  after  the  refusal  of  the  op 
ponents  of  Mr.  Crawford  to  go  into  a  caucus.  Had 
they  come  out  openly  at  that  time,  and  pointing  to  the 
position  of  affairs  at  Washington  as  their  justification, 
avowed  their  fixed  and  unalterable  determination  not 
to  change  the  law  until  the  presidential  question  was 
decided,  there  would  have  been  no  room  for  censure. 
By  pursuing  a  different  course,  they  left  that  to  be  in 
ferred,  which  would  have  appeared  much  better,  and 
produced  a  more  powerful  impression,  if  enforced  in 
their  speeches,  and  in  the  columns  of  the  able  journals 
which  had  advocated  the  election  of  Mr.  Crawford. 

Soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  session  of  the 
Legislature  in  1825,  it  became  apparent  that  General 
Tallmadge,  Messrs.  Ogden,  Burrows,  Gardiner,  and 
other  leading  members  of  the  people's  party,  were  de 
termined  to  thwart  the  wishes  of  Governor  Clinton. 
The  term  of  service  of  Rufus  King  as  a  senator  in 
Congress,  would  expire  on  the  4th  of  March,  1825. 
He  had  declined  a  re-election,  on  account  of  his  ad 
vanced  age,  and  the  Clintonians  generally  were  desirous 
of  bestowing  the  office  on  Ambrose  Spencer,  the  late 
chief  justice  of  the  supreme  court.  His  election  was 
defeated  by  a  union  of  the  Crawford  and  People's  men 
in  the  Senate,  who  prevented  a  nomination  by  that 
body.  The  first  day  of  February  was  fixed,  by  law, 
for  the  choice  of  senators  in  Congress.  On  that  day 


NO    CHOICE    OF    U.    S.    SENATOR.  45 

an  attempt  was  made  to  nominate  a  candidate  in  the 
Senate,  with  the  following  result : — Ambrose  Spencer 
was  nominated  by  Messrs.  Brayton,  Clark,  Golden, 
Cramer,  Crary,  Mclntyre,  McMichael,  Morgan,  Spen 
cer,  and  Wilkeson ;  James  Tallmadge,  by  Messrs. 
Burt  and  Lynde ;  Edward  P.  Livingston,  by  Messrs. 
Dudley  and  Mallory ;  Victory  Birdseye,  by  Messrs. 
Earll  and  Wright ;  Samuel  Young,  by  Messrs.  Ellsworth 
and  Haight ;  and  John  W.  Taylor,  by  Messrs.  Gardiner 
and  Ogden.  Each  of  the  remaining  senators,  viz. 
Messrs.  Bowman,  Burrows,  Greenly,  Keyes,  Lake,  Lef- 
fcrts,  McCall,  Redfield,  Thorn,  Ward,  and  Wooster, 
voted  for  a  separate  candidate.  After  the  result  was 
announced,  Mr.  Wilkeson  offered  a  resolution,  declaring 
Ambrose  Spencer  to  be  duly  nominated  on  the  part  of 
the  Senate.  This  was  lost — yeas  eleven,  nays  twenty. 
Similar  resolutions,  containing  the  names  of  James 
Tallmadge  and  Samuel  Young,  were  then  offered  by 
Mr.  Wilkeson,  both  of  which  were  laid  on  the  table,  on 
motion,  respectively,  of  Mr.  Redfield  and  Mr.  Wright. 
A  second  attempt  was  then  made  to  nominate,  which 
also  proved  ineffectual,  Mr.  Spencer  being  nominated 
by  only  eight  senators,  and  the  others  scattering  their 
votes  among  the  various  candidates.  A  resolution  was 
now  offered  by  Mr.  Wilkeson,  nominating  John  W. 
Taylor,  which  was  lost — yeas  nine,  nays  twenty-two. 
After  taking  this  vote  the  Senate  adjourned. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  provides,  that 
"  the  Senate  shall  be  composed  of  two  senators  from 
each  state,  chosen  by  the  Legislature  thereof;"  and  by 
the  laws  of  New  York,  as  they  existed  in  1828,*  it  was 
necessary  that  the  Senate  and  Assembly  should  each 
openly  nominate  one  person  for  the  office  of  senator 
*  1  Revised  Laws,  162. 


46  CAUSES  OF  SPENCER'S  DEFEAT. 

in  Congress ;  after  which,  the  two  Houses  were  to  meet 
and  compare  nominations.  If  the  nominations  agreed, 
the  person  so  nominated  was  to  be  declared  appointed  ; 
but,  if  they  disagreed,  it  was  provided  that  the  election 
should  be  made  in  joint  ballot.  This  last  result,  it  will 
be  seen,  could  not  be  produced  until  a  majority  of  the 
Senate  had  selected  a  candidate.  The  effect  of  the 
scattering  vote  of  the  Crawford  and  People's  men  was, 
to  prevent  any  selection.  Mr.  Spencer  was  nominated 
in  the  Assembly  by  a  vote  of  seventy-seven  to  forty-five; 
but,  as  the  Senate  adjourned  without  presenting  a  candi 
date,  no  choice  was  made  in  the  manner  provided  by  law. 
It  is  more  than  probable  that  the  friends  of  Judge 
Spencer  would  have  pursued  a  similar  course  with  that 
taken  by  the  majority  of  the  Senate,  had  the  situation 
of  things  been  reversed,  as  their  feelings  towards  the 
Crawford  men  and  General  Tallmadge  were  peculiarly 
bitter  and  vindictive ;  yet  this  would  hardly  justify  the 
conduct  of  those  senators  who  prevented  an  election 
The  probable  causes  of  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Spencer  were 
these :  the  Crawford  men  opposed  him  because  he  was 
friendly  to  Mr.  Adams :  the  adherents  of  General  Tall 
madge  imagined  that  he  might  be  appointed,  by  joint 
resolution,  in  case  no  election  was  made  in  the  cus 
tomary  manner ;  a  portion  of  the  Adams  men  would 
not  concur  in  anything  approved  by  Governor  Clinton ; 
and  another  portion,  headed  by  Thurlow  Weed,  of 
Monroe  county,  also  rejoiced  at  his  defeat,  because 
they  hoped  it  might  lead  to  the  selection  of  Albert  H. 
Tracy,  of  Buffalo.  Resolutions  were  subsequently 
passed  in  the  Senate,  with  the  vote  of  Mr.  Wright, 
nominating  General  Tallmadge,  and  Mr.  Tracy :  the 
House  refused  to  concur,  on  the  ground  that  that  mode 
of  appointment  was  unknown  to  the  laws  of  the  state ; 


CONSTITUTIONAL    AMENDMENTS.  47 

but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  their  legal  scruples  would 
never  have  been  heard  of,  *  had  the  name  of  Judge 
Spencer  been  inserted  in  one  of  the  resolutions. 

Acts  like  this,  though  unfortunately  of  frequent  oc 
currence  in  the  history  of  all  parties  in  the  Union,  must 
certainly  be  regretted.  They  may  admit  of  palliation, 
but  not  of  defence.  In  the  fierce  contests  of  opposing 
interests,  and  the  rivalries  among  ambitious  politicians, 
such  evasions  of  the  law  will  sometimes  take  place,  but 
they  should  not  be  held  up  as  worthy  of  imitation.  Surely, 
no  one  would  have  more  deeply  lamented  any  such  at 
tempt,  than  Mr.  Wright.  At  the  time,  he  and  his  friends 
insisted  that  a  majority  of  the  people  were  opposed  to 
the  appointment  of  Judge  Spencer.  The  result  of  the 
fall  election  showed  that  this  was  the  case;  and  it 
is  some  little  gratification  to  know,  that  the  electors  of 
the  state  ratified,  in  the  end,  the  conduct  of  their  sen 
ators  in  1825. 

At  the  session  of  1826,  Nathan  Sanford,  then  chan 
cellor  of  the  state,  and  a  prominent  member  of  the 
Bucktail  party,  was  almost  unanimously  appointed  to 
succeed  Mr.  King  in  the  United  States  Senate.  At 
this  session,  also,  resolutions  amending  the  constitution, 
by  extending  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  giving  the  elec 
tion  of  justices  of  the  peace  to  the  people,  were  adopted 
by  large  majorities  in  both  Houses.  These  salutary 
reforms  received  the  approbation  of  Mr.  .Wright. 

In  the  fall  of  this  year,  for  the  first  time,  conventions 
were  held  by  the  two  parties,  for  the  nomination  of 
candidates  for  governor  and  lieutenant-governor.  The 
friends  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  of  whom  it  is  unnecessary 
to  say  that  Mr.  Wright  was  among  the  foremost,  were 
already  prepared  to  unite  with  Mr.  Clinton  in  the 
support  of  General  Jackson ;  but  they  did  not  think  it 


48  ELECTED    TO    CONGRESS. 

advisable  that  the  state  election  should  be  conducted 
with  any  particular  reference  to  the  presidential  ques 
tion.  The  nominations  of  the  Herkimer  convention 
were  supported  by  them,  in  good  faith,  though  Judge 
Rochester,  the  candidate  for  governor,  was  known  to 
be  an  Adams  man.  A  portion  of  the  Crawford  men, 
however,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  in  the  adjacent 
counties,  came  out  in  favor  of  Mr.  Clinton,  who  was 
nominated  for  re-election,  and  Mr.  Pitcher,  the  nominee 
of  the  Bucktail  convention  for  lieutenant-governor. 
This  movement,  in  connection  with  the  subject  of  a 
state  road,  which  had  long  been  agitated  in  the  south 
western  tier  of  counties,  and  had  been  approved  by  those 
gentlemen,  secured  their  election.  The  Bucktail  party 
succeeded  in  electing  a  large  majority  of  the  members  of 
Assembly,  and  carried  seven  of  the  eight  senate  districts. 
The  signal  ability  with  which  Mr.  Wright  had  filled 
the  office  of  senator,  led  to  his  nomination  in  1826,  as 
one  of  the  representatives  in  Congress  from  the  double 
district  composed  of  the  counties  of  Jefferson,  Lewis, 
Oswego,  and  St.  Lawrence.  His  associate  on  the 
ticket  was  Rudolph  Bunner.  The  canvass  was  active 
and  spirited  beyond  all  precedent.  This  was  the  first 
occasion  on  which  one  of  "  the  seventeen"  had  pre 
sented  himself  before  the  people  as  a  candidate  for  office, 
and  a  powerful  attempt  was  made  to  defeat  him.  The 
scenes  of  1824  were  yet  fresh  in  the  minds  of  the 
electors  ;  but  it  speaks  volumes  in  favor  of  Mr.  Wright's 
popularity,  and  of  the  general  appreciation  of  his  worth 
and  integrity,  that  he  was  elected  over  his  competitor 
by  a  majority  of  more  than  five  hundred  votes.  The 
candidates  supported  by  the  Clintonians,  in  opposition 
to  Messrs.  Wright  and  Bunner,  were  Nicoll  Fosdick 
and  Elisha  Camp. 


CHAPTER  III. 

1827.— Takes  his  Seat  as  a  Member  of  Congress—  Opposition  to  Mr. 
Adams'  Administration  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  his  Friends 
— The  Tariff  Question — The  Harrisburg  Convention — Its  Bearing  on 
the  Presidential  Election — Movements  of  the  Administration — Nomi 
nation  of  General  Jackson  for  the  Presidency  in  the  State  of  New 
York — Defeat  of  the  Adams  Men — The  Twentieth  Congress — Prom 
inent  Members— Election  of  Speaker— Mr.  Wright  Appointed  a  Mem 
ber  of  the  Committee  on  Manufactures — Feeling  in  Favor  of  a  Pro 
tective  Tariff — Action  of  the  Committee — Resolutions  of  the  New 
York  Legislature— Report  of  the  Committee — Debate  in  the  House — 
Opposition  to  the  Tariff  Bill — Its  Defence  by  Mr.  Wright — Amended 
and  Passed — Speech  of  Mr.  Wright  in  Reply  to  Mr.  Barnard — Pro 
ceedings  on  the  Bill  in  the  Senate — Its  Final  Passage — Objects  of  the 
Act  of  1828 — Approved  by  Mr.  Wright — Subsequent  Change  in  his 
Opinions — His  Declarations  to  that  Effect  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States — Re-nomination  and  Election — Informality  in  the  Returns — 
The  Certificate  delivered  to  his  Opponent— Second  Session  of  the 
Twentieth  Congress— Attempt  to  Repeal  the  Tariff  Act— Slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia — Mr.  Wright  Appointed  Comptroller  of  the 
State  of  New  York.— 1829. 

THE  term  of  office  of  Mr.  Wright  as  a  member  of 
the  20th  Congress,  commenced  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1827,  and  he  accordingly  resigned  his  seat  in  the  state 
Senate.  His  loss  was  severely  felt  in  that  body.  His 
plain  but  convincing  arguments,  his  apt  illustrations, 
his  lucid  expositions  of  the  tendency  of  every  measure 
brought  up  for  consideration,  and  his  never-tiring  labors 
in  the  committee-room,  not  less  than  his  frank  and 
manly  deportment,  and  his  estimable  qualities  as  a 
friend  and  companion,  were  long  missed  by  those  who 

3 


50  OPPOSITION    TO    MR.    ADAMS. 

had  admired  and  esteemed  him.  He  took  his  seat  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  session  in  December,  1827.  Previous  to  that 
time,  however,  events  had  transpired  to  which  it  will 
be  both  proper  and  necessary  to  refer,  before  alluding 
to  the  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Wright  in  the  new  posi 
tion  he  had  been  called  upon  to  fill. 

The  strong  federal  and  consolidation  doctrines  put 
forth  by  Mr.  Adams  in  his  inaugural  address,  were  far 
from  being  palatable  to  the  friends  of  General  Jackson, 
Mr.  Crawford,  and  Mr.  Calhoun.  Murmurs  of  discon 
tent  were  heard  soon  after  the  commencement  of  his 
administration,  but  no  serious  attempt  was  made  to  or 
ganize  a  party  in  opposition.  His  favorite  measure,  the 
Panama  mission,  widened  the  breach  ;  and  the  manner 
in  which  the  committees  of  the  19th  Congress  were  ar 
ranged  by  his  friend,  John  W.  Taylor,  of  New  York, 
the  speaker  of  the  House,  indicated  no  disposition  to 
conciliate  those  politicians  who  had  opposed  his  eleva 
tion  to  the  presidency,  but  rather  afforded  the  evidence 
of  an  intention  to  exert  the  official  patronage  in  behalf 
of  his  re-election.  Early  in  the  winter  session  of  the 
New  York  Legislature,  in  1827,  an  attempt  was  made 
by  theClintonian  Adams-men  to  secure  the  election  of 
Stephen  Van  Rensselaer  to  the  United  States  Senate, 
in  the  place  of  Martin  Van  Buren.  But  two  Adams 
men  belonging  to  the  Buck  tail  party  could  be  prevailed 
upon  to  attend  the  caucus  ;  and  on  the  6th  of  February 
Mr.  Van  Buren  was  re-elected  by  a  large  majority  ;  he 
having  received  the  votes  of  Messrs.  Golden,  Bogardus, 
and  Viele,  of  the  Senate,  and  those  of  several  members 
of  the  lower  House,  who  were  the  most  zealous  and 
devoted  friends  of  Governor  Clinton.  The  letter  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren  in  reply  to  the  official  notification  of 


THE    TARIFF    QUESTION.  51 

his  appointment,  intimated  a  determination  on  his  part 
to  oppose  the  administration ;  Mr.  Calhoun  and  the 
leading  politicians  at  the  South,  with  the  exception  of 
Mr.  Clay,  had  taken  a  decided  stand  against  it ;  General 
Jackson  was  the  only  prominent  candidate  for  the  next 
presidency,  besides  the  then  incumbent  of  the  office ; 
and  when  it  became  apparent  that  a  coalition  was  about 
to  be  formed  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  his  election^ 
between  the  leaders  of  the  two  great  parties  in  the 
powerful  state  of  New  York,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams 
began  to  be  seriously  alarmed. 

No  fears  were  entertained  that  the  eastern  states 
would  desert  the  administration ;  but  it  was  equally 
certain  that  those  at  the  south  and  south-west  would 
be  opposed ;  and  therefore  the  middle  and  western 
states  must  be  the  battle-ground  of  the  presidential  con 
test  in  1828.  The  great  and  controlling  interest  at  the 
North  and  West  was  that  of  the  tariff;  but  divisions  had 
sprung  up  among  the  advocates  of  a  protective  system 
of  duties,  which  were  daily  growing  more  marked  and 
serious.  The  commercial,  ship-building,  and  manufac 
turing  interests  of  the  East,  though  advocating  a  high 
tariff  where  they  would  be  benefited,  were  hostile  to 
the  protection  demanded  by  the  producers  of  wool, 
hemp,  corn,  and  rye,  in  the  middle  and  western  states, 
and  the  iron  manufacturers  in  Pennsylvania.  The  act 
of  1824  was  designeti.  to  favor  the  latter,  and  hence  it 
encountered  the  opposition  of  the  eastern  members  of 
Congress.  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  and  Ken 
tucky,  alone  gave  seventy-five  votes  for  the  bill,  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  ;  whilst  Maine,  New  Hamp 
shire,  and  Massachusetts,  gave  but  a  single  vote  each 
in  its  favor.  At  the  session  of  1826-27,  an  act  was 
passed,  known  as  "  The  Woollens  Bill,"  in  the  House  of 


52  HARRISBURG    CONVENTION. 

Representatives,  which  was  intended  to  satisfy  both 
the  wool-growers  and  manufacturers  ;  but  neither  par 
ty  approved  of  its  provisions.  The  project  of  calling 
a  convention  of  the  friends  of  a  protective  tariff,  to 
be  held  at  Harrisburg,  in  Pennsylvania,  was  then  en 
couraged  by  the  administration,  and  received  the  gen 
eral  assent  of  all  classes  and  parties  in  the  northern  and 
western  states.  The  convention  met  on  the  30th  of 
July  following,  and  was  numerously  attended.  An 
elaborate  report  in  favor  of  the  protective  system  was 
made,  and  a  tariff  of  high  duties,  which  met  the  appro 
bation  of  the  manufacturers,  though  not  entirely  satis 
factory  to  the  agriculturists,  was  presented  and  adopted. 
It  was  thought  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams,  that  if  the 
supporters  of  General  Jackson  in  the  tariff  states  op 
posed  this  measure,  his  defeat  would  be  certain ;  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  if  they  came  out  in  its  favor,  a 
breach  would  be  made  between  his  northern  and 
southern  adherents,  that  could  not  be  healed. 

Prior  to  the  adjournment  of  Congress  in  the  spring 
of  1827,  a  caucus  was  held  by  the  Adams'  men  at 
Washington,  in  which  John  W.  Taylor,  Henry  C. 
Martindale,  and  James  Strong,  of  the  New  York  dele 
gation,  were  appointed  as  a  sort  of  executive  or  vigilance 
committee  for  that  state.  The  administration  were 
sanguine  of  success  on  the  national  issue,  and  it  was 
declared  in  the  columns  of  the'New  York  American, 
then  in  the  interest  of  Mr.  Adams,  prior  to  the  fall 
election  in  the  state  of  New  York,  that  "  the  choice  of 
members  of  the  Legislature  should  be  made  with  dis 
tinct  reference  to  the  presidential  question."  On  the 
26th  of  September,  the  general  republican  committee 
of  the  city  of  New  York  adopted  a  series  of  resolutions 
to  the  same  purport,  but  announcing  their  intention  to 


MEETING    OF    CONGRESS.  3 

sustain  General  Jackson.  This  decisive  movement 
was  made,  it  is  said,  under  the  advice  of  Governor 
Clinton  and  Mr.  Van  Buren.  All  the  prominent  Buck- 
tail  journals  in  the  state  took  ground  at  once  in  its  de 
fence  and  support.  The  Adams  men  were  not  wholly 
unprepared  for  this  unmasking  of  the  enemy's  batteries, 
but  the  denouement  was  more  sudden  than  they  antici 
pated.  The  election  came  on  before  they  had  time 
completely  to  rally  their  scattered  forces,  and  the  new 
Jackson  party  obtained  a  complete  triumph ;  electing 
nearly  all  the  senators,  and  three-fourths  of  the  members 
of  Assembly.  The  majorities  in  some  of  the  counties 
were  very  large,  and  particularly  in  those  in  which  Mr. 
Taylor  and  Mr.  Martindale  resided. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  political  affairs  when  Mr. 
Wright  took  his  seat  in  the  20th  Congress,  as  the  lead 
ing  republican  member  from  New  York.  Among  his 
colleagues  and  associates  in  that  body,  were  some  of  the 
most  talented  and  distinguished  citizens  in  the  Union. 
On  the  side  of  the  administration,  there  were  John 
Davis,  Isaac  C.  Bates,  John  W.  Taylor,  Dudley  Mar 
vin,  Daniel  D.  Barnard,  Henry  R.  Storrs,  and  Elisha 
Whittlesey.  The  most  prominent  Jackson  members 
were  John  Randolph,  George  McDuffie,  Wm.  C.  Rives, 
Churchill  C.  Cambreleng,  Andrew  Stevenson,  Edward 
Livingston,  James  K.  Polk,  John  Bell,  James  Buchanan, 
Ralph  I.  Ingersoll,  and  Gulian  C.  Verplanck.  Amidst 
such  an  array  of  intellectual  strength,  it  required  a  mind 
of  more  than  ordinary  capacity,  to  take,  or  maintain,  a 
position  above  mediocrity.  But  true  genius,  if  it  have 
the  opportunity,  is  sure  to  find  its  proper  level,  and  the 
sequel  will  show  that  Mr.  Wright  soon  gained  a  place 
in  the  foremost  rank. 

At  the  election  of  speaker  of  the  House,  the  party 


*>|  ELECTION    OF    SPEAKER. 

lines  were  drawn  between  the  administration  and  the 
opposition.  On  the  first  ballot,  Mr.  Stevenson  received 
104  votes,  to  94  for  Mr.  Taylor,  the  Adams  candidate. 
This  was  claimed  as  a  test  vote  by  the  republican 
journals,  and  admitted  to  be  such  on  the  other  side. 
Every  administration  member,  with  the  exception  of  a 
few  anti-tariff  Virginians,  who  scattered  their  votes, 
supported  Mr.  Taylor.  Mr.  Wright,  with  seventeen 
of  the  other  members  from  New  York,  voted  for  Mr. 
Stevenson.  The  appointment  of  the  committees,  there 
fore,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  opposition,  and  Mr.  Wright 
was  placed  upon  that  on  manufactures,  of  which  Mr. 
Mallary,  of  Vermont,  was  chairman.  Upon  this  com 
mittee  devolved  the  most  important  business  of  the 
session.  Every  eye  was  turned  towards  it.  The  whole 
North  and  West,  save  in  a  few  isolated  cases,  which 
hardly  constituted  an  exception  to  the  general  rule, 
were  avowedly  in  favor  of  a  tariff  for  protection.  This 
was  neither  concealed  nor  disguised.  There  could 
have  been  no  other  object  in  asking  the  imposition  of 
higher  duties.  The  treasury  was  abundantly  supplied ; 
the  public  debt  was  almost  liquidated  ;  and  no  necessity 
existed  for  an  increase  of  revenue.  This  question,  in 
itself,  had  become  one  of  vast  importance ;  but  there 
were  still  more  momentous  considerations  connected 
with  it,  in  the  estimation  of  the  politician — for,  upon  its 
decision,  the  issue  of  the  presidential  election  must 
depend.  The  votes  of  the  southern  states,  except  those 
of  Maryland  and  Delaware,  were  irreparably  lost  to 
Mr.  Adams.  But  the  tariff  strength  was  sufficient  to 
re-elect  him,  provided  it  could  be  united — if  it  remained 
divided,  he  could  not  succeed. 

The  proceedings  of  the  Harrisburg  convention,  and 
the  various  propositions  for  the  amendment  of  the  tariff 


PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE    COMMITTEE.  55 

^laws,  were  laid  before  the  committee  on  manufactures, 
at  an  early  day.  Mr.  Wright,  and  a  majority  of  his 
associates,  soon  came  to  the  conclusion  that  they  re 
quired  more  information  upon  certain  points,  than  was 
in  possession  of  the  committee.  It  had  been  alleged, 
that  the  bill  passed  at  the  previous  session  favored  the 
manufacturer,  at  the  expense  of  the  wool-grower ;  and 
they  desired  to  ascertain  what  degree  of  protection 
would  afford  the  former  a  fair  remunerating  profit. 
Application  was  accordingly  made  to  the  House,  on  the 
31st  of  December,  for  leave  to  send  for  persons  and 
papers.  The  motion  was  resisted  by  a  portion  of  the 
Adams  men,  and  was  advocated  by  Mr.  Wright,  who 
frankly  stated  his  inability  to  prepare  a  bill  that  would 
be  satisfactory,  with  the  light  he  had ;  but  if  the  House 
directed  a  report,  without  waiting  for  further  informa 
tion,  he  was  prepared  to  obey  their  commands.  The 
resolution  granting  leave  was  amended,  so  as  to  require 
the  committee  to  report  the  minutes  of  their  examina 
tions,  and  in  that  shape  it  passed  the  House  by  the 
votes  of  the  republican  members.  The  delay  rendered 
necessary  in  order  to  procure  the  attendance  of  wit 
nesses,  and  take  their  testimony,  was  attempted  to  be 
turned  to  advantage  by  the  friends  of  the  administra 
tion  ;  and  it  was  asserted  in  the  New  York  Commercial 
Advertiser,  that  the  committee  were  opposed  to  pro 
tective  duties ;  that  they  would  not  meet,  and  sought 
delay.  The  chairman  of  the  committee,  himself  an 
Adams  man,  corrected  these  impressions,  by  stating 
before  the  House  that  they  had  met  thirteen  times 
within  the  month  following  their  appointment,  and  that 
the  members  were  more  punctual  in  their  attendance 
than  those  of  any  other  committee. 

While  the  subject  was  still  pending  before  the  com- 


56  NEW-YORK    RESOLUTIONS. 

mittee,  the  New  York  Legislature  assembled  for  its 
winter  session.  On  the  30th  of  January,  1828,  the  fol 
lowing  resolutions  were  introduced  in  the  Assembly,  by 
a  member  from  one  of  the  counties  in  Mr.  Wright's 
congressional  district,  and  passed  that  body  by  a  vote 
of  ninety-seven  to  three  : — 

"  Resolved,  (if  the  Senate  concur  herein,)  That  the 
senators  of  this  state  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  be,  and  they  are  hereby  instructed,  and  the  rep 
resentatives  of  this  state  are  requested,  to  make  every 
proper  exertion  to  effect  such  a  revision  of  the  tariff  as 
will  afford  a  sufficient  protection  to  the  growers  of 
wool,  hemp,  and  flax,  and  the  manufacturers  of  iron, 
woollens,  and  every  other  article,  so  far  as  the  same 
may  be  connected  with  the  interests  of  manufactures, 
agriculture,  and  commerce. 

"  Resolved,  (as  the  sense  of  this  Legislature,)  That  the 
provisions  of  the  woollens  bill  which  passed  the  House 
of  Representatives,  at  the  last  session  of  Congress, 
whatever  advantages  they  may  have  promised  the 
manufacturer  of  woollens,  did  not  afford  adequate  en 
couragement  to  the  agriculturist  and  growers  of  wool." 

The  first  resolution  passed  the  Senate  of  the  state, 
on  the  31st  of  January,  without  a  dissenting  voice  ;  on 
the  second,  the  vote  stood  twenty-seven  to  three.  Ey 
a  singular  coincidence,  which,  whether  designed  or 
otherwise,  was  not  without  its  effect  in  other  tariff 
states,  General  Jackson  was  nominated  at  a  caucus  of 
the  republican  members  of  the  Legislature,  held  on  the 
evening  of  the  same  day,  as  their  candidate  for  Pres 
ident. 

Upon  a  comparison  of  views  in  the  committee  on 
manufactures  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  it  was 
ascertained  that  they  would  not  be  able  to  make  a 


REPORT    OF    THE    COMMITTEE.  57 

unanimous  report.  Mr.  Wright,  and  a  majority  of  the 
committee,  were  in  favor  of  adhering,  very  nearly,  to 
the  tariff  of  rates  proposed  by  the  Harrisburg  conven 
tion,  in  regard  to  wool  in  its  raw  state ;  but  they 
wished  to  make  the  duties  on  the  manufactured  article, 
and  especially  the  finer  qualities,  considerably  less  than 
had  been  recommended.  Mr.  Mallary,  who  expressed, 
more  authoritatively,  the  sentiments  of  the  manufac 
turers,  thought  a  bill  formed  on  such  a  basis,  would 
afford  little  or  no  protection  to  the  woollen  interest, 
and  desired  to  reduce  the  duty  on  the  raw  material, 
and  increase  it  on  woollen  goods.  Such  being  the 
opinions  of  the  chairman,  Mr.  Wright  was  selected  to 
draw  up  the  report.  Taking  the  testimony  of  the  per 
sons  engaged  in  manufactures,  who  had  been  examined 
before  the  committee,  as  his  guide,  the  report  was  pre 
pared,  and  the  details  of  the  accompanying  bill  per 
fected.  This  duty  was  discharged  with  so  much 
fidelity  and  ability,  that  Mr.  Mallary  availed  himself 
of  an  opportunity  presented  in  the  progress  of  the  de 
bate  on  the  bill,  to  say,  that  "  as  a  statement  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  committee  in  the  performance  of 
a  most  laborious  duty,  the  report  met  his  approbation  ; 
and,  as  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  provisions  of  the 
bill,  he  saw  nothing  in  it  unfair  or  uncandid." 

The  report  of  the  committee,  and  the  bill  which  ac 
companied  it,  were  presented  to  the  House  by  Mr. 
Wright,  on  the  31st  of  January,  1828.  The  principal 
articles  upon  which  higher  duties  were  imposed  by  the 
provisions  of  this  bill,  were  iron,  wool,  hemp,  flax,  mo 
lasses,  spirits,  glass,  and  cotton  and  woollen  goods. 
The  debate  that  ensued  on  the  merits  of  the  question, 
was  ably  conducted,  and  possessed  an  unusual  degree 
of  interest.  The  main  issue  to  be  determined,  was 

3* 


58  SPEECH    OF    MR.    WRIGHT. 

that  between  the  wool-growers  and  the  manufacturers. 
The  eastern  members  declared  that  the  bill  would  ruin 
the  latter  class,  and  insisted  that  adequate  protection 
must  be  shown  to  them,  though  corresponding  duties 
could  not  be  laid  for  the  benefit  of  the  producer.  The 
bill  as  reported  imposed  a  specific  duty  of  seven  cents 
per  pound,  on  wool  costing  eight  cents  or  less,  and 
forty  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  to  be  increased  annually 
five  per  cent.,  until  it  amounted  to  fifty  per  cent.  Mr. 
Mallary  proposed  to  strike  out  the  whole  specific,  and 
retain  the  ad  valorem  duty,  which  would  then  be 
merely  nominal;  and  to  increase  the  duty  on  manu 
factured  goods.  His  views  were  enforced  by  himself, 
and  by  Messrs.  Storrs,  Davis,  and  Barnard,  in  several 
speeches  of  great  merit  and  power.  The  defence  of 
the  bill  necessarily  devolved  upon  Mr.  Wright.  On 
the  6th  and  10th  of  March,  he  spoke  at  length  in  sup 
port  of  the  views  presented  in  the  report.  The  subject 
was  an  abstruse  one,  but  he  handled  it  with  clearness 
and  force.  His  speech  imbodied  the  facts  elicited  on 
the  examinations  before  the  committee ;  it  was  elabo 
rate,  argumentative,  and  logical ;  and  attracted  attention 
throughout  the  state  and  nation. 

The  Harrisburg  scheme,  the  leading  features  of 
which  were  advocated  by  Mr.  Mallary,  and  other 
Adams  members,  was  voted  down — there  .being  but 
eighty  votes  in  its  favor,  to  one  hundred  and  fifteen  op 
posed.  Mr.  Sutherland  then  offered  a  medium  propo 
sition,  reducing  the  specific  duty  on  wool  to  four  and  a 
half  cents,  subsequently  modified  to  four  cents,  and  in 
creasing  the  duty  on  manufactured  woollens,  the  value 
of  which  was  under  fifty  cents  per  square  yard,  from 
sixteen  cents,  as  proposed  by  the  committee,  to  twenty 
cents,  the  rate  fixed  by  the  Harrisburg  convention. 


OPPOSITION    TO    THE    BILL.  59 

This  proposition  retained  the  minimum  principle  in 
part,  for  which  the  manufacturers  contended  so  ear 
nestly,  and  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and 
eighty-three  to  seventeen — Mr.  Wright  voting  in  favor 
of  the  amendment.  But  there  were  other  features  of 
the  bill  equally  objectionable  to  the  eastern  members. 
The  increased  duties  on  hemp  and  flax,  designed  to 
encourage  the  production  in  Kentucky  and  other  west 
ern  states,  did  not  meet  with  the  approbation  of  those 
who  represented  the  ship-building  interests ;  and  the 
friends  of  commerce  were  dissatisfied  with  the  provis 
ions  in  regard  to  manufactures  of  iron  and  other  arti 
cles,  of  which  large  quantities  were  imported.  The 
additional  duty  on  spirits  was  also  opposed ;  and  that 
on  molasses,  without  allowing  a  drawback  on  the  ex 
portation  of  spirits  distilled  therefrom,  was  resisted 
with  much  warmth.  The  two  last  mentioned  provis 
ions  were  successfully  defended  by  Mr.  Wright  and 
Mr.  Buchanan,  who  contended  that  every  gallon  of 
New  England  rum  took  the  place  of  one  bushel  of 
corn  or  rye,  and  that  every  cent  laid  on  molasses,  ope 
rated  to  give  the  farmer  two  or  three  cents  a  bushel  on 
his  grain. 

The  bill  was  ordered  to  a  third  reading  on  the  15th 
of  April.  The  fate  which  awaited  it  had  been  for 
some  time  in  doubt,  and  the  friends  of  the  administra 
tion  appeared  undecided  as  to  what  course  they  should 
pursue.  If  the  bill  passed,  the  dominant  party  in  the 
House  were  sure  to  reap  the  advantage.  At  one  time, 
it  was  asserted  that  "  all  the  views  and  votes  of  Mr. 
Wright  were  supported  by  the  southern  members,"  and 
at  another,  the  bill  was  declared  to  be  worse  and  more 
objectionable  than  the  act  of  1824.  But  the  Adams 
men  from  the  middle  states,  were  unwilling  to  disre- 


60  PASSAGE    IN    THE    HOUSE. 

gard  the  wishes  of  their  constituents,  though  disap 
proving  of  some  of  the  provisions  of  the  bill ;  and  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Clay  from  the  West,  were  determined 
to  support  it.  The  vote  on  its  final  passage  was  one 
hundred  and  five  to  ninety-four.  Of  the  New  England 
delegation,  fifteen  voted  in  favor  of  the  bill,  Mr.  Mai- 
lary  among  the  number,  and  twenty-eight  against  it. 
The  members  from  the  middle  states  stood  fifty-six  to 
eleven.  There  were  thirty-three  of  the  New  York 
delegation  present,  twenty-seven  of  whom  voted  foi 
the  bill ;  those  who  opposed  it  were  Messrs.  Cambre- 
leng,  Hallock,  Johnson,  Oakley,  Verplanck,  and  Ward 
With  a  single  exception,  all  the  western  members,  in 
eluding  those  from  Kentucky,  supported  the  bill.  Bui 
three  representatives  from  the  southern  states  voted 
with  the  majority. 

Besides  the  principal  speech  made  by  Mr.  Wright, 
he  addressed  the  House  several  times  during  the  prog 
ress  of  the  debate,  in  answer  to  different  speakers.  In 
the  course  of  the  discussion,  while  in  committee,  Mr. 
Barnard  advocated  a  protective  duty  to  favor  the  man 
ufacturer,  amounting  to  a  monopoly,  and  made  use  of 
some  remarks  in  reference  to  the  arguments  of  Mr. 
Wright,  which  dreJw  from  him  a  most  pertinent  and 
effective  reply.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  his 
speech  on  that  occasion  : — 

"  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  are  we  to  enter  upon  this  doc 
trine  of  monopoly  ?  Am  I  to  agree,  that  this  is  the  only 
and  correct  stopping  point  in  the  protective  system  ? 
I  had  supposed,  that  when  I  put  the  American  manu 
facturer  upon  a  par  with  the  foreigner,  and  not  only  so, 
but  left  against  the  foreigner  the  whole  of  the  expense 
and  charges  of  bringing  his  goods  to  our  markets,  I  had 
granted  a  fair  protection  to  our  -manufacturer,  but  not 


REPLY    TO    MR.    BARNARD.  61 

that  I  had  thereby  granted  to  him  a  monopoly.  Such 
protection,  and  more,  is  furnished  by  thei)ill  as  reported 
by  the  committee.  But,  sir,  it  is  not  monopoly ;  and 
hence  denunciations  against  that  bill.  Hence,  too,  1 
suppose,  the  arguments  of  the  gentleman  from  Vermont 
(Mr.  Mallary)  have  been  heard  against  the  proposition 
of  the  member  from  Pennsylvania,  (Mr.  Buchanan,)  be 
cause  that  proposition  will  not  effect  the  desired  mo 
nopoly. 

"  I  must  here  be  permitted,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  correct 
a  misrepresentation  of  one  of  my  own  arguments  used 
upon  a  former  occasion.  I  was  represented  by  my 
colleague  (Mr.  Barnard)  as  having  urged  the  protection 
of  the  native  wool  of  this  country,  in  preference  to,  if 
not  to  the  exclusion  of,  other  kinds  and  qualities  of  wool. 
Sir,  I  used  no  such  argument.  The  bill  makes  no  such 
provision  ;  nor  has  any  such  distinction  been  suggested 
by  me.  But  the  terms,  and  language  of  my  colleague, 
in  making  this  representation,  deserve  a  moment's  no 
tice.  After  he  had  given  this  turn  to  my  argument, 
he  informed  the  House  that  I  was  a  lawyer ;  and  then 
appealed  to  me  in  that  character,  and  in  a  strain  of 
eloquence,  to  which  he  was  aided  by  a  draft  upon  the 
poets,  to  inform  him  how  far  removed  from  the  blood 
of  the  merino  a  sheep  must  be,  to  entitle  it  to  protection 
upon  my  principles.  When  at  home,  sir,  I  bear  the 
appellation  of  a  lawyer ;  and  whether  my  colleague  in 
tended  to  apply  it  to  me  here  reproachfully,  or  not,  I 
know  not ;  but  I  have  not  considered  a  place  in  that 
respectable  profession  disgraceful.  I  have  already  said 
that  my  colleague  misrepresented  my  argument.  He 
equally  mistook  my  information.  I  will  assure  that 
honorable  gentleman,  that  I  have  never  inquired  into 
the  degrees  of  blood  of  sheep  or  men.  No  part  of  my 


62  AMENDMENTS  OF  THE  SENATE. 

education  has  led  me  to  these  inquiries.  No  branch  of 
the  profession  of  the  law,  which  I  have  studied,  whatever 
may  have  been  the  fact  with  my  honorable  colleague, 
has  furnished  me  with  the  information  he  asks.  None 
of  my  ambition  is  drawn  from  considerations  of  blood, 
and  it  therefore  never  has  been  any  part  of  my  business 
to  trace  the  blood  of  men  or  beasts.  It  never  shall  be 
any  part  of  my  business,  sir,  until  that  system  of  mo 
nopoly  is  established  in  this  country  which  my  colleague 
so  ardently  wishes,  and  so  loudly  and  so  boldly  calls  for 
from  this  committee.  When  that  time  shall  arrive,  his 
blood  may  rate  him  among  the  monopolists.  Then  too, 
sir,  the  degrees  of  blood,  of  my  kindred,  of  my  friends, 
may  determine  whether  they  are  to  labor  in  the  facto 
ries,  or  to  be  ranked  among  the  monopolists ;  and  then, 
if  my  honorable  colleague  will  make  this  appeal  to  me, 
as  to  the  degrees  of  blood  of  these  relatives  and  these 
friends,  it  shall  be  my  duty  carefully  and  accurately  and 
distinctly  to  answer  him." 

When  the  tariff  bill  was  presented  to  the  Senate, 
Mr.  Webster  opposed  the  duties  on  hemp,  flax,  mo 
lasses,  distilled  spirits,  and  other  articles ;  and  it  was 
ascertained  that  the  bill  could  not  pass,  until  it  was 
made  acceptable  to  the  administration  senators  from 
New  England.  It  was  accordingly  modified,  and 
passed  the  Senate  on  the  13th  of  May,  by  a  vote  of 
twenty-six  to  twenty-one ;  Mr.  Webster  voting  in  its 
favor.  The  House  concurred  in  the  amendments,  and 
it  became  the  law  of  the  land. 

The  act  of  1828  has  been  often  referred  to,  in  our 
legislative  halls  and  political  assemblages,  as  "  the  bill 
of  abominations/'  The  term  was  not  altogether  inap 
propriate;  as  the  authors  of  the  measure  themselves 
subsequently  admitted.  The  tariff  of  duties  established 


CHANGE    OF    OPINION.  63 

by  the  law  was  exorbitant.  The  act  of  1824  averaged 
thirty-eight  per  cent.,  but  the  former  averaged  over  forty- 
one  per  cent.  But  it  was  notoriously  intended  for  pro 
tection,  without  even  discriminating  for  the  sake  of  reve 
nue,  because  that  was  unnecessary.  The  object  of  the 
bill  was  not  disguised.  Mr.  Wright  stated  it  distinctly. 
He  was  in  favor  of  its  principles  ;  and  never  sheltered 
himself  behind  the  instructions  of  the  Legislature. 
There  were  scarcely  two  opinions  upon  the  subject  in 
the  state  of  New  York,  out  of  the  city  and  its  vicinity ; 
but  he  did  not  ask,  or  desire,  any  part  or  portion  or  his 
constituents  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  his  vote. 
Political  considerations  may  have  been  connected  with 
the  passage  of  the  bill ;  yet  they  did  not  influence  his 
action,  for  his  support  of  the  measure  was  cordial  and 
voluntary.  At  the  time,  it  received  his  approbation, 
and  he  voted  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of  his 
judgment.  But,  short  as  was  his  life,  he  lived  long 
enough  to  regret  that  vote,  and  to  express  his  regret, 
not  privately  to  a  few  confidential  friends,  that  it  might 
be  whispered  about  in  his  praise,  in  particular  localities 
of  the  country  ;  it  was  done  manfully  and  openly,  upon 
the  great  theatre  of  his  usefulness  and  fame.  It  is  to 
acts  like  this,  that  we  may  point  for  the  exhibition  of  a 
true  magnanimity — that  magnanimity  which  does  not 
consist  in  never  changing,  but  in  being  willing  to  re 
nounce  an  error ;  which  is  not  made  up  of  professions 
of  consistency,  but  is  tempered  and  subdued  by  the 
frankness  that  conceals  nothing  from  those  who  have 
the  right  to  know. 

In  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  during  the  dis 
cussion  on  the  compromise  act,  Mr.  Wright  avowed 
different  sentiments  from  those  he  had  previously  enter- 


64  REMARKS  IN  THE  SENATE. 

tained  ;*  and  on  the  memorable  passage  of  the  tanti  law 
of  1842,  he  referred,  in  more  explicit  terms,  to  his  vote 
in  1828.  In  announcing  the  conclusion  of  his  mind, 
slowly  and  reluctantly  formed,  to  support  the  measure 
then  under  consideration,  he  said :  "  His  first  service  in 
Congress  was  as  a  member  of  the  committee  on  manu 
factures  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  during  the 
session  of  1827  and  1828,  when  he  assisted  to  form, 
and  voted  for,  the  tariff  bill  of  1828,  which  has  been  so 
extensively  denominated  '  the  bill  of  abominations.'  He 
was  then  wholly  without  experience  in  legislation  of 
this  class  and  character ;  but  his  experience  from  that 
action  had  taught  him  the  truth  of  the  adage,  that 
'  mens'  evil  deeds  follow  them.'  He  became  very  soon 
convinced  that  he  had  committed  a  great  error  upon 
that  occasion,  and  it  was  possible  he  was  about  to  com 
mit  another  as  great  now.  It  grieved  him  to  know  and 
feel,  that  many  friends  within  the  reach  of  his  voice, 
whose  judgment  he  most  highly  respected,  and  whose 
good  opinions  were  most  valuable  to  him,  would  so  look 
upon  his  present  vote.  He  could  not.  The  occasions 
appeared  to  him  to  be  wholly  dissimilar.  The  tariff  of 
1828  was  avowedly  passed  for  protection;  and  if  con 
siderations  of  revenue  had  any  connection  with  it,  they 
were  only  incidental  to  the  main  object  of  protection. 
There  was  no  complaint  of  want  at  the  treasury ;  no 
alleged  necessity  for  increased  revenues  ;  and  no  blemish 
upon  the  public  credit,  so  far  as  his  recollection  served 
him." 

Besides  the  tariff  bill,  there  were  few  questions  of 

special  moment  determined  at  the  first  session  of  the 

20th  Congress.     On  the  1  Oth  of  May,  a  bill  was  passed 

for  the  relief  of  revolutionary  officers  and  soldiers,  which 

*  Niles'  Register,  Vol.  XLIV.  p.  24. 


RE-ELECTED    TO    CONGRESS.  65 

received  the  vote  of  Mr.  Wright.  The  internal  im 
provement  bill  also  obtained  his  approbation  and  support. 
In  the  fall  of  1828,  Mr.  Wright  was  re-nominated, 
with  great  unanimity,  by  the  congressional  convention 
held  in  his  district.  He  was  also  a  delegate  from  the 
county  of  St.  Lawrence  to  the  democratic  state  con 
vention,  at  which  Martin  Van  Buren  was  nominated 
for  governor,  and  Enos  T.  Throop  for  lieutenant-gover 
nor.  The  excitement  in  the  state  of  New  York,  which 
had  grown  out  of  the  abduction  of  William  Morgan  by 
a  number  of  persons  connected  with  the  masonic  fra 
ternity,  was,  at  this  time,  at  its  height ;  and  had  a  com 
plete  union  been  formed  between  the  national  repub 
licans,  as  the  Adams  men  were  termed,  and  the  anti- 
masons,  Mr.  Van  Buren  wrould  have  been  defeated. 
But  there  were  a  large  number  of  masons  in  the  ranks 
of  the  national  republicans,  and  hence  such  an  event 
was  out  of  the  question.  The  sudden  death  of  Governor 
Clinton  left  him,  without  a  rival,  at  the  head  of  the 
Jackson,  or  democratic  party ;  and  its  whole  strength 
was  rallied  in  his  support.  The  November  election 
resulted  in  the  general  success  of  the  democratic  ticket. 
Mr.  Wright  encountered  a  violent  opposition  in  his 
district,  on  the  part  of  the  national  republicans  and 
anti-masons,  who  united  their  forces,  in  many  instances, 
upon  the  local  candidates.  The  vote  was  exceedingly 
close,  and  for  a  long  time  the  issue  remained  in  doubt. 
Joseph  Hawkins,  one  of  the  persons  on  the  Adams 
ticket,  was  elected ;  Mr.  Wright  also  received  a  ma 
jority  of  the  votes,  but  the  certificate  was  given  to  his 
opponent,  George  Fisher,  for  the  reason  that  the  word 
"junior"  was  omitted  on  several  tickets  evidently  in 
tended  for  him,  and  because  a  slight  informality  had 
been  made  in  the  return  from  one  of  the  towns. 


66  SLAVERY    IN    THE    DISTRICT. 

At  the  session  of  Congress  commencing  in  December, 
1828,  Mr.  Wright  was  again  appointed  on  the  com 
mittee  on  manufactures.  The  opponents  of  the  tariff 
law  enacted  at  the  previous  session,  were  not  yet  dis 
posed  to  give  up  the  contest ;  and  on  the  10th  of  De 
cember,  a  resolution  was  offered  by  Mr.  Weeks,  of  New 
Hampshire,  instructing  the  committee  on  ways  and 
means  to  bring  in  a  bill  repealing  the  act.  The  subject 
of  the  repeal  was  discussed  by  several  speakers,  and, 
on  taking  the  question,  but  twenty-two  members  voted 
in  favor  of  the  resolution,  to  one  hundred  and  fifty-one 
against  it.  Among  the  latter  was  Mr.  Wright.  This 
vote  was  so  decisive,  that  no  further  efforts  were  made 
to  procure  the  repeal  at  that  session ;  nor  was  any 
attempt  to  change  or  modify  the  law  successful,  until 
the  passage  of  the  act  of  1832. 

On  the  9th  of  January,  1829,  two  resolutions  were 
adopted  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  providing, 
respectively,  for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to 
inquire  into  the  condition  of  the  slave  trade  in  the  dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  and  the  laws  in  relation  thereto ;  and 
to  consider  and  report  upon  the  propriety  and  expe 
diency  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  said  district.  The 
voto  on  the  first  resolution  was  one  hundred  and  twenty 
to  fifty-nine ;  on  the  second,  one  hundred  and  fourteen 
to  sixty-six.  Mr.  Wright  voted  for  the  resolutions.  On 
the  13th,  a  resolution  presented  by  Mr.  WicklifFe,  of 
Kentucky,  requiring  all  votes  taken  on  the  election  of 
the  officers  of  the  House  to  be  given  viva  voce,  was 
laid  upon  the  table  by  a  vote  of  ninety-seven  to  ninety 
two ;  Mr.  Wright  voting  in  the  minority. 

The  election  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  as  governor  of  the 
state  of  New  York,  rendered  it  necessary  for  him  to  re 
sign  his  seat  in  the  Senate.  His  successor  was  Charles 


ELECTED    COMPTROLLER.  67 

E.  Dudley.  Although  not  a  candidate  for  the  office, 
Mr.  Wright  had  become  so  well  known  throughout  the 
state,  and  had  obtained  so  high  a  reputation  for  ability, 
that  he  received  a  number  of  votes  in  the  caucus. 
But  his  constituents  were  not  unmindful  of  one  whom 
they  believed  had  served  them  so  faithfully  and  well, 
and  on  the  27th  of  January  he  was  elected  Comptroller 
of  the  state,  to  fill  the  vacancy  occasioned  by  the  ap 
pointment  of  William  L.  Marcy  as  one  of  the  justices 
of  the  supreme  court. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

18*29.  Mr.  Wright  leaves  Washington,  and  enters  upon  the  duties  of 
the  Office  of  Comptroller — His  Skill  and  Ability  as  a  Financier — 
Careful  Regard  for  the  Interests  of  the  State — His  Course  as  a  Leg 
islator — The  Lateral  Canals — Application  to  the  Legislature — The 
Black  River,  Genesee  Valley,  and  Chenango  Canals — Views  of  Col 
onel  Young,  Mr.  Marcy,  and  the  Canal  Board — Sentiments  of  Mr. 
Wright — Opposition  of  his  Party  Friends — Justice  to  the  Dead — Leg 
islation  in  regard  to  the  Chemung  and  Chenango  Canals — Mr.  Van 
Buren  and  Mr.  Throop — Provisional  Act  to  Construct  the  Chenango 
Canal — The  Chemung  and  Crooked  Lake  Canals  Authorized — Mr. 
Wright  Claims  his  Seat  in  Congress — Unanimously  awarded  to  him 
— Resignation — Message  of  Governor  Throop — Report  of  Mr.  Wright 
as  Comptroller — Extract — Report  of  the  Canal  Commissioners  in  re 
gard  to  the  Chenango  Canal — Mr.  Granger — The  Bill  Defeated — 
General  Election  in  1830 — Determination  of  the  Chenango  Interest 
to  persevere  in  tkeir  efforts — Legislation  in  1831  and  1832— Governor 
Throop  Recommends  a  Direct  Tax— Defeat  of  the  Bill — Re-elected 
Comptroller — The  State  Election  in  November  1832 — The  Georgia 
Missionaries — Letter  of  Messrs.  Wright,  Dix,  and  Flagg,  to  Gover 
nor  Lumpkin — Mr.  Marcy  Resigns  his  Seat  in  the  Senate — Election 
of  Mr.  Wright  as  his  Successor.— 1833. 

WHILE  engaged  in  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties 
at  Washington,  Mr.  Wright  received  the  intelligence 
of  the  new  honor  which  had  been  conferred  upon  him, 
and  he  immediately  returned  to  Albany,  having  procured 
leave  of  absence  for  the  remainder  of  the  session.  The 
office  to  which  he  had  been  appointed  was  one  of  great 
importance.  The  comptroller  bears  the  same  relation 
to  the  state,  that  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  does  to 
the  nation.  Patience,  industry,  promptitude,  "and  fidel- 


THE    LATERAL    CANALS.  69 

ity,  united  to  a  capacity  for  arrangement  and -organi 
zation,  are  the  qualifications  necessary  in  that  office. 
Mr.  Wright  possessed  these  executive  talents  in  an 
eminent  degree.  Exact,  methodical,  and  business-like, 
in  the  performance  of  every  duty,  he  found  little  diffi 
culty  in  conducting  the  affairs  of  the  department  in 
trusted  to  nis  charge.  The  funds  of  the  state  were 
divided  into  so  many  classes,  and  the  revenues  dis 
tributed  among  such  a  variety  of  objects,  that  great 
care  and  accuracy  were  required  in  their  management. 
He  proved  himself  equal  to  the  task,  and  soon  displayed 
those  financial  abilities  which  afterwards  placed  him  in 
the  front  rank  of  American  statesmen.  While  he 
watched  with  faithful  care  over  the  interests  of  the 
state,  and  examined  with  jealous  scrutiny  the  accounts 
of  the  public  creditor,  he  was  courteous  and  attentive, 
kind  and  obliging ;  though  rigid  on  the  one  hand,  he 
was  impartial  on  the  other. 

Shortly  after  the  completion  of  the  Erie  and  Cham- 
plain  canals,  various  sectional  interests  sprang  up  in 
the  state  of  New  York,  having  in  view  the  construe-, 
tion  of  lateral  works  of  the  same  character.  The  most 
important  of  these  were  subsequently  known  in  the 
legislation  of  the  state,  as  the  Black  River,  Genesee 
Valley,  and  Chenango  canals.  The  citizens  of  the 
counties  likely  to  be  benefited,  were  warmly  enlisted 
in  favor  of  these  projects.  The  Legislature  was  beset 
every  winter  with  importunities,  either  to  grant  an  ap 
propriation  to  construct  a  work,  or  to  provide  for  the 
survey  of  the  different  routes  which  had  been  sug 
gested.  Mr.  Wright's  views  and  feelings  in  relation 
to  these  questions,  had  been  made  known  while  he  oc 
cupied  a  seat  in  the  Senate.  He  was  ready  to  sup 
port  any  object  affording  even  the  most  distant  hope 


70  INTERNAL    IMPROVEMENTS. 

of  remuneration  to  the  state ;  but  no  work  of  doubtful 
utility  could  receive  his  sanction.  Appropriations  for 
surveys,  and  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  information, 
where  the  money  voted  was  not  to  be  lavishly  ex 
pended,  he  cheerfully  supported,  both  for  the  sake  of 
enlightening  the  minds  of  his  constituents  and  of  the 
people  of  the  state  at  large,  and  to  enable  the  Legisla 
ture  to  act  understandingly  upon  these  questions.  It 
was  not  in  his  nature  to  offer  a  factious  opposition  to 
any  measure.  He  deliberated  slowly  and  carefully; 
but  when  he  had  determined  in  his  own  mind,  as  to 
what  duty,  and  a  regard  to  the  welfare  of  his  constitu 
ents,  required  at  his  hands,  his  vote  was  given  without 
hesitation.  If  he  felt  bound  to  oppose  a  proposition, 
which  was  warmly  urged  by  any  particular  section  of 
the  state,  or  advocated  by  those  for  whose  opinions  he 
entertained  a  sincere  deference  and  respect ;  or  origi 
nating  with  the  party  to  which  he  belonged,  and  with 
which  it  was  always  a  pleasure  for  him  to  vote ;  he 
did  what  he  conceived  to  be  right — firmly,  it  is  true — 
yet  with  reluctance. 

At  the  session  of  the  Legislature  in  1825,  provision 
was  made  for  surveying  several  routes,  along  which  it 
was  proposed  to  construct  the  contemplated  tributaries 
of  the  great  thoroughfare  between  the  Hudson  and 
Lake  Erie.  Mr.  Wright,  with  a  large  majority  of  the 
senators  and  members  of  the  lower  House,  voted  for 
these  surveys.  In  his  annual  message  at  the  com 
mencement  of  the  session  of  1827,  Governor  Clinton 
urgently  recommended  the  extinguishment  of  the  pub 
lic  debt  of  the  state,  and  insisted  that  "  the  precedent 
would  be  more  beneficial  in  itself,  and  more  animating 
in  all  its  aspects  and  consequences,  than  any  fugitive, 
or  even  permanent  advantages,  that  could  emanate 


OPINIONS  OF  THE  CANAL  BOARD.          71 

from  another  course ;"  yet,  at  the  same  time,  he  ad 
vised  the  construction  of  a  number  of  new  roads  and 
canals,  which  would  have  increased  the  debt  several 
millions  of  dollars.  In  accordance  with  the  sugges 
tions  of  the  governor,  applications  were  made  early  in 
the  session,  in  behalf  of  the  Black  River,  Genesee  Val 
ley,  and  Chenango  canals.  The  counties  of  Broome, 
Chenango,  and  Madison,  were  deeply  interested  in  the 
last  named  project;  and  its  proposed  termination  at 
Utica  enlisted  in  its  favor  the  influence  and  sympathies 
of  the  citizens  of  the  large  and  populous  county  of 
Oneida,  then  wielding,  through  her  able  and  talented 
representatives  in  the  democratic  party,  a  great  degree, 
of  power  and  control  over  the  politics  of  the  state. 
There  being  so  many  interests  combined  in  support  of 
this  measure,  it  was  thought  advisable  to  make  it  the 
pioneer  of  the  other  lateral  canals  in  contemplation. 
The  surveys  made  in  pursuance  of  the  action  of  the 
Legislature  in  1825,  had  demonstrated,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  canal  board,  the  inutility  of  undertaking  the  con 
struction  of  those  works  in  the  existing  condition  of 
the  treasury ;  when  the  deficit  in  the  revenues  of  the 
state  was  annually  increasing,  and  provision  was  to  be 
made  for  the  ultimate  payment  of  the  large  debt  al 
ready  created.  Mr.  Marcy,  (the  comptroller,)  Colonel 
Young,  and  a  majority  of  the  board,  opposed  the  Che- 
nengo  canal  project,  at  that  time,  on  the  ground  that 
the  public  debt  ought  first  to  be  extinguished;  and  that, 
if  improvements  of  that  character  were  to  be  made, 
they  should  not  be  commenced  until  the  surplus  reve 
nue  from  the  canals  was  sufficient  to  furnish  the  means 
of  discharging  all  the  liabilities  that  it  would  become 
necessary  to  incur.  Mr.  Wright  entertained  similar 
opinions  with  the  board. 


72 


JUSTICE    TO    THE    DEAD. 


This  opposition  to  the  Chenango  canal,  laid  the  foun 
dation  of  subsequent  divisions  in  the  democratic  party, 
the  effect  of  which  was  often  visible  in  the  state  elec 
tions.  Mr.  Wright  himself  occasionally  suffered  from 
its  exhibition ;  but  it  is  unnecessary  for  the  sake  of  his 
defence,  to  impute  selfish,  unworthy,  or  dishonorable 
motives,  to  those  who  differed  from  him  in  opinion. 
Whatever  may  have  been  his  sentiments  with  regard 
to  the  justice  or  propriety  of  the  course  pursued  by 
others,  there  was  no  feeling  of  personal  bitterness  or 
animosity  buried  in  his  grave.  And  that  man  would 
do  injustice  to  his  memory,  who  should  disturb  the 
ashes  of  the  dead,  to  gather  the  materials  for  reviving 
past  differences,  or  enkindling  new  feuds  and  conten 
tions.  Those  who  opposed  his  nomination,  or  election, 
to  the  high  offices  for  which  he  was  a  candidate,  will  not 
do  him  or  themselves  so  much  wrong,  as  to  deny  that 
he  was  a  manly  and  honorable  opponent.  This,  of  it 
self,  should  content  those  who  adhered  to  him  through 
weal  and  through  woe.  To  ask  for  more,  would  be  to 
wound  the  pride  and  self-respect  of  the  living,  and  to 
mar  his  character,  in  the  judgment  of  posterity,  with  a 
stain  of  selfishness  that  was  never  suffered  to  dim  its 
purity. 

The  persevering  and  untiring  efforts  of  the  friends 
of  the  Chenango  canal  secured  a  favorable  vote  for 
their  project,  in  the  Assembly,  at  the  legislative  session 
of  1827.  In  the  Senate,  the  bill  met  with  a  determined 
and  effectual  resistance,  and  failed  in  its  passage  by  a 
vote  of  fourteen  to  ten.  The  same  result  was  wit 
nessed  at  the  winter  session  in  1828.  Bills  for  con 
structing  the  Chemung  and  Chenango  canals,  were 
passed  in  the  Assembly,  but  defeated  in  the  Senate. 
In  1829,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  though  understood  as  con- 


PROVISIONAL    BILL.  73 

curring  in  the  views  of  the  canal  board,  expressed  no 
definite  opinion  in  regard  to  the  financial  policy  of  the 
state.  Mr.  Throop  maintained  the  same  cautious  re 
serve,  in  his  farewell  address  to  the  Senate,  when  about 
to  take  his  place  in  the  executive  chair,  made  vacant 
by  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  When  Mr. 
Wright  reached  Albany,  bills  were  pending  before  the 
Legislature  in  regard  to  those  works,  the  construction 
of  which  had  been  pressed  with  so  much  pertinacity ; 
and  it  has  been  thought  proper  to  present,  as  briefly  as 
possible,  a  review  of  what  had  transpired  in  former 
years,  in  order  to  show  how  he  became  connected 
with  these  questions,  and  what  was  the  origin  of  the 
hostile  interests  frequently  opposed  to  him,  even  after 
the  occasion  had  passed  by  that  called  them  into  ex 
istence.  From  his  position  as  a  member  of  the  canal 
board,  his  influence  was  necessarily  felt  upon  all  the 
measures  connected  with  the  system  of  internal  im 
provements  of  the  state,  which  were  discussed  in  the 
Legislature  while  he  remained  in  office. 

On  the  24th  of  March,  1829,  an  act  was  finally 
passed,  authorizing  the  construction  of  the  Chenango 
canal,  coupled,  however,  with  the  conditions,  that  the 
canal  commissioners  should  not  proceed  with  the  work, 
unless  they  should  be  first  satisfied  that  there  would  be 
an  adequate  supply  of  water,  without  using  the  water 
of  either  the  Oriskany,  or  Sauquoit  creeks ;  that  the 
cost  should  not  exceed  one  million  of  dollars ;  and%lso, 
that  the  canal  would  produce  to  the  state,  within  the 
first  ten  years  after  its  construction,  an  amount  of  tolls 
equal  to  the  interest  on  its  cost,  besides  repairs  and 
expenses.  This  proviso  was  esteemed  unnecessarily 
harsh  and  severe,  by  the  friends  of  the  project,  though 
based  on  their  own  representations  ;  and  its  incorpora- 

4 


74  CLAIMS    HIS    SEAT    IN    CONGRESS. 

tion  in  the  bill  was  attributed  to  the  counsels  of  the 
comptroller  and  Colonel  Young.  The  Chemung  and 
Crooked  Lane  canals  were  also  authorized  to  be  con 
structed  at  this  session ;  but  as  those  works  were 
esteemed  more  feasible,  and  as  promising  a  more  speedy 
return  to  the  state,  on  the  moneys  to  be  invested  in 
their  construction,  there  were  no  conditions  or  limita 
tions,  to  hinder  or  delay  their  completion. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  session  of  Congress  in 
December,  1829,  Mr.  Fisher,  the  candidate  supported 
in  opposition  to  Mr.  Wright,  at  the  election  in  1828, 
took  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  A  pe 
tition  was  immediately  presented  on  behalf  of  Mr. 
Wright,  setting  forth  the  facts  and  circumstances  under 
which  the  certificate  had  been  delivered  to  the  incum 
bent,  and  claiming  that  the  seat  should  be  awarded  to 
him.  The  petition  was  referred  to  the  committee  on 
elections,  who  reported  a  resolution  giving  the  contested 
seat  to  the  claimant.  The  resolution  passed  the  House 
unanimously;  the  sitting  member  himself  acquiescing 
in  the  justice  of  the  decision.  Mr.  Wright  then  for 
warded  his  letter  of  resignation,  which  was  laid  before 
the  House  on  the  9th  of  March,  1830. 

In  his  annual  message  delivered  to  the  two  houses 
of  the  Legislature  at  the  session  of  1830,  Governor 
Throop  did  not  recommend  any  additional  improve 
ments,  either  by  roads  or  canals ;  but  stated  that,  in 
his  opinion,  a  direct  tax  would  soon  become  necessary 
to  defray  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  government,  in 
consequence  of  the  diminution  of  the  general  fund. 
The  views  of  the  executive  were  founded  upon  the 
financial  condition  of  the  state,  as  made  known  to  him 
by  the  comptroller.  The  report  of  that  officer  was 
ably  drawn,  and  presented  a  clear  and  distinct  state- 


COMPTROLLER'S  REPORT.  75 

ment  of  the  monetary  concerns  under  his  supervision 
and  control.  It  appeared  that  the  general  fund  had 
diminished,  to  the  amount  of  nearly  four  hundred  thou 
sand  dollars,  within  the  three  previous  years,  during 
which  time  no  state  tax  had  been  collected  ;  and  that  a 
deficit  of  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  dollars,  be 
yond  the  means  of  the  year,  existed  on  the  1st  day  of 
December,  1829,  notwithstanding  the  sale  of  canal 
stock,  and  the  other  large  expenditures  during  the  year, 
to  meet  the  demands  upon  the  treasury.  The  de 
ficit  for  the  ensuing  year  was  estimated  at  seventy-five 
thousand  dollars. 

"  In  the  estimate  of  receipts  for  the  present  year," 
says  the  report,  "  are  included  the  ordinary  receipts  of 
principal  from  the  general  fund,  amounting  to  $40,000, 
and  also  the  anticipated  receipts  from  the  tax  sales  to 
take  place  in  the  spring,  amounting  to  $150,000;  so 
that  from  neither  of  these  sources  can  anything  be  ex 
pected  to  meet  the  above  deficiency.  The  receipts  of 
this  year  will  be  increased  at  least  $120,000,  by  the 
tax  sales,  beyond  what  they  can  be  calculated  at  for 
several  future  years,  and  until  another  sale  occurs.  No 
hope,  therefore,  can  be  entertained,  that  the  next  year 
will  be  better  able  to  make  up  for  the  deficiencies  of 
the  last,  than  is  the  present,  unless  new  sources  of  in 
come  are  supplied  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  the  certainty 
now  exists,  that  the  ordinary  revenue  and  the  ordinary 
receipts  of  principal  from  the  general  fund,  for  the  next 
year,  must  fall  short  of  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the 
government." 

After  this  positive  and  unequivocal  statement  of  the 
resources  and  liabilities  of  the  state,  no  member  of  the 
Legislature  could  have  complained  that  he  was  not 
forewarned  in  time  to  meet  the  emergency  which  was 


76  REPORT    OF    CANAL    COMMISSIONERS. 

likely  to  arise.  The  reports  of  Mr.  Wright,  while  he 
filled  the  office  of  comptroller,  were,  in  like  manner, 
distinguished  for  their  plain  and  straightforward  exhi 
bition  of  the  condition  of  the  treasury.  He  was  no 
alarmist,  but  he  did  not  attempt  to  conceal  anything 
that  required  correction.  He  was  a  faithful  and  accu 
rate  accountant,  keeping  his  books  posted  up,  and  his 
balance-sheet  ready  to  show,  at  any  moment,  the  situ 
ation  of  the  important  interests  committed  to  his 
charge. 

The  canal  commissioners  made  their  annual  report 
on  the  21st  of  January.  They  stated  that  they  had 
examined,  and  again  surveyed  and  explored,  the  pro 
posed  route  of  the  Chenango  canal,  and  that  from  the 
result  of  that  examination  they  could  not,  consistent 
with  the  terms  of  the  law,  commence  the  construction 
of  the  work.  They  also  expressed  their  opinion,  that 
it  would  cost  more  than  a  million  of  dollars,  and  that 
"in  regard  to  its  revenue,  it  would  not  produce  an 
amount  of  tolls,  in  connection  with  the  increased  tolls 
on  the  Erie  canal,  that  would  be  equal  to  the  interest 
of  its  cost,  and  the  expense  of  its  repairs  and  superin 
tendence,  or  of  either  of  them."  This  portion  of  the 
report  was  attributed  to  Colonel  Young,  then  one  of 
the  canal  commissioners ;  and  when  it  was  taken  in 
connection  with  the  exhibit  of  the  financial  condition 
of  the  state  made  by  the  comptroller,  it  presented  a 
very  strong  argument  against  going  on  with  the  work. 
But  the  facts  and  conclusions  of  the  state  officers  were 
not  satisfactory  to  the  citizens  interested  in  the  con 
struction  of  the  canal,  though  subsequent  experience 
demonstrated  their  fidelity.  A  bill  was  introduced  into 
the  Assembly  peremptorily  ordering  the  commissioners 
to  commence  the  work  without  delay.  The  bill  was 


STATE    TAX.  77 

strenuously  advocated  by  Francis  Granger,  a  member 
of  the  House  from  Ontario  county,  and  the  candidate 
of  the  anti-masonic  party  for  governor  at  the  ensuing 
November  election.  The  democratic  members  gene 
rally  opposed  the  bill,  and  it  did  not  receive  a  favorable 
vote  at  this  session. 

Mr.  Wright  was  one  of  the  delegates  to  the  demo 
cratic  state  convention  which  met  in  September,  and 
warmly  urged  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Throop  for  the 
office  of  governor.  The  friends  of  General  Root,  in 
connection  with  the  Chenango  canal  interest,  endeav 
ored  to  prevent  this  result ;  but  the  attempt  was  un 
successful.  Mr.  Throop  was  nominated  and  elected, 
notwithstanding  a  large  portion  of  the  democratic  elec 
tors  residing  in  the  Chenango  valley,  gave  their  votes 
to  Mr.  Granger,  the  opposition  candidate. 

Early  in  the  session  of  the  Legislature,  commencing 
on  the  4th  of  January,  1831,  a  bill  for  the  construction 
of  the  Chenango  canal  was  introduced  into  the  Senate. 
After  considerable  discussion,  it  was  lost,  by  a  vote  of 
sixteen  to  fourteen.  But  five  democratic  senators 
voted  in  its  favor.  At  this  session  Judge  Marcy  was 
elected  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  as  the  suc 
cessor  of  Mr.  Sanford,  whose  term  expired  in  March. 

The  message  of  Governor  Throop  in  1832,  advised 
the  imposition  of  a  state  tax,  in  conformity  with  the 
recommendations  of  the  comptroller,  Mr.  Wright,  in 
order  to  supply  the  deficiency  in  the  general  fund.  A 
bill  was  soon  after  reported  in  the  Senate,  authorizing 
a  tax  of  one  mill  on  the  dollar,  to  be  levied  annually, 
for  three  years,  on  all  real  and  personal  property.  A 
similar  tax  had  been  collected,  for  the  same  purpose, 
from  1819  to  1825,  when  it  was  reduced  to  one-half 
of  a  mill,  and,  in  1827,  it  was  entirely  removed.  The 


78  JACKSON'S  BANK  VETO. 

fund  immediately  began  to  diminish,  and  the  comptrol 
ler  was  of  the  opinion  that  measures  should  be  taken 
to  arrest  that  diminution.  His  views  were  presented 
in  his  annual  report  with  his  accustomed  ability.  The 
governor  also,  who  was  much  indebted  to  Mr.  Wright, 
for  the  clearness  and  force  with  which  he  exhibited  the 
financial  condition  of  the  state,  expressed  his  decided 
approbation  of  the  measure.  But  the  friends  of  the 
Chenango  canal  would  not  give  their  assent  to  any 
proposition  that  might  jeopard  the  success  of  their  own 
project ;  and  a  number  of  the  senators  were  inclined 
to  believe,  that  before  the  general  fund  could  be  ex 
hausted,  there  would  be  a  sufficient  surplus  revenue 
from  the  canals,  after  paying  all  the  cost  of  construc 
tion,  to  defray  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  state  gov 
ernment  ;  which  was  the  object  had  in  view  in  the 
creation  of  that  fund.  The  tax  bill,  therefore,  failed 
to  secure  a  majority  vote  in  the  Senate.  The  defi 
ciency  in  the  fund  was  afterwards  made  up  by  tempo 
rary  loans  from  the  common  school  and  other  specific 
funds,  and  it  was  ultimately  found  necessary  to  resort 
to  a  direct  tax.  The  Chenango  canal  bill,  containing 
very  severe  restrictions,  was  passed  in  the  Senate  at 
this  session,  by  a  vote  of  sixteen  to  fifteen,  but  was  de 
feated  in  the  Assembly.  Mr.  Wright  was  re-elected  in 
the  month  of  February  to  the  office  of  comptroller. 
Some  little  opposition  was  manifested  at  one  time,  by 
those  whose  measures  he  considered  it  his  duty  to  op 
pose,  to  his  remaining  in  the  office  he  held ;  but  his 
acknowledged  abilities,  and  his  conceded  fitness  for  the 
station,  prevented  any  formidable  effort  to  defeat  his 
re-appointment. 

The  excitement  and  agitation  growing  out  of  the 
veto  of  the  bill  to  re-charter  the  Bank  of  the  United 


STATE    NOMINATIONS.  79 

States,  by  President  Jackson,  in  July  1832,  though  al 
most  unanimously  approved  by  the  democratic  party 
in  the  state  of  New  York,  rendered  it  desirable  that 
unusual  care  should  be  taken  in  the  choice  of  candi 
dates  for  the  fall  election.  The  advocates  of  the  Che- 
nango  canal  were  as  urgent  and  pertinacious  in  press 
ing  their  claims,  as  ever.  Mr.  Granger,  who  was  cer 
tain  to  be  the  candidate  of  the  opposition  party,  had 
been  long  known  for  the  friendly  interest  he  took  in 
behalf  of  the  work.  The  re-nomination  of  Governor 
Throop,  under  such  circumstances,  was  deemed  unad- 
visable  ;  and  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  state  conven 
tion  which  assembled  at  Herkimer,  respectfully  declining 
a  nomination.  Mr.  Marcy  was  then  selected  as  the 
candidate  for  governor.  The  fact,  that  the  positions  he 
had  occupied  for  several  years  previous,  had  kept  him, 
in  a  great  measure,  aloof  from  state  politics,  was  a 
strong  argument  in  favor  of  his  nomination,  and  the 
vote  was  nearly  unanimous.  John  Tracy,  of  Chenango 
county,  was  nominated  for  lieutenant-governor.  Mr. 
Wright  was  a  member  of  the  convention  from  the 
county  of  Albany,  and  participated  in  its  proceedings. 
The  state  nominations  were  entirely  acceptable  to  the 
friends  of  the  Chenango  canal ;  and  they  were  given  to 
understand,  that  the  bill  they  had  urged,  so  far  in  vain, 
would  be  favorably  considered  at  the  next  session  of  the 
Legislature.  The  democratic  ticket  succeeded ;  and  in 
the  winter  of  1833  a  bill  was  passed,  authorizing  the 
immediate  construction  of  the  canal. 

On  the  18th  of  December,  1832,  Mr.  Wright,  to 
gether  with  Azariah  C.  Flagg,  and  John  A.  Dix,  ad 
dressed  a  letter  to  Governor  Lumpkin,  of  Georgia,  rec 
ommending  the  pardon  of  certain  missionaries  among 
the  Cherokee  Indians,  who  had  been  convicted  and 


80  ELECTED    SENATOR    IN    CONGRESS. 

imprisoned  for  alleged  violations  of  the  state  laws.  The 
jurisdiction  of  Georgia  had  been  called  in  question ; 
and  as  the  controversy  was  likely  to  lead  to  collisions 
with  the  General  Government,  they  asked  the  release 
of  the  imprisoned  persons,  as  an  act  of  magnanimity  on 
the  part  of  the  state.  Their  interposition  proved  effec 
tual,  and  the  missionaries  were  restored  to  liberty. 

The  election  of  Mr.  Marcy  as  governor  of  the  state 
produced  a  vacancy  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 
The  general  choice  of  the  party  centred  at  once  on 
Mr.  Wright.  The  friends  of  the  Chenango  canal  did 
not  favor  his  appointment,  but  he  was  elected  by  a 
large  majority  early  in  the  session  of  1833. 


CHAPTER  V. 

1833.— The  Anxiety  of  Mr.  Wright's  friends  for  his  Success— Enters 
the  Senate — Talent  in  that  Body — His  Course  and  Character  as  a 
Senator  early  formed — Mental  Qualities — Condition  of  the  Country 
— Nullification — The  Force  Bill — The  Compromise  Act — His  Objec 
tions  to  the  Bill — Vote  on  its  Passage — His  Remarks — Mr.  Clay's 
Land  Bill— Distribution — The  Bank  of  the  United  States-  Removal 
of  the  Deposits — Derangement  of  the  Currency  and  Pecuniary  Dis 
tress — Firmness  of  General  Jackson — Marriage  of  Mr.  Wright — 
Meeting  of  Congress — Presentation  of  Petitions — Resolutions  of  the 
New  York  Legislature — Speech  of  Mr.  Wright — Regarded  as  the 
Organ  of  the  Administration — Motion  of  Mr.  Webster  for  leave  to 
Introduce  a  Bill  to  Re-charter  the  Bank — Speech  of  Mr.  Wright  on 
the  Motion-^Resolutions  of  Mr.  Clay  Censuring  the  President  and 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury — Debate  thereon — Defence  of  the  Exec 
utive  by  Mr.  Wright — Protest  of  the  President — Difficulty  in  the  Post 
Office  Department — Vote  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the 
Resolutions  of  Mr.  Clay — Bill  for  the  Improvement  of  the  Wabash — 
Indemnity  for  French  Spoliations  prior  to  1800 — Invitation  to  a  Pub 
lic  Dinner  at  Albany — 111  Health — Executive  Patronage — Regula 
tion  of  the  Deposits — Appropriation  Bills — Anticipated  Rupture  with 
France— The  Fortification  Bill— Mr.  Wright's  Speech.— 1835. 

AT  the  time  Mr.  Wright  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate, 
there  were  those  who  distrusted  his  abilities ;  who 
feared  that  he  would  be  unable  to  maintain  his  own  rep 
utation,  and  the  high  character  of  the  state  he  repre 
sented,  in  the  fierce  intellectual  contests  which  must 
inevitably  take  place.  They  did  not  stop  to  consider 
how  often  it  is,  that  "  honor  pauseth  in  the  meanest 
habit ;"  they  did  not  appreciate,  at  its  proper  value,  the 
strong  and  powerful  genius  concealed  beneath  his  plain 

4* 


82  ENTERS    THE    SENATE. 

and  unassuming  manner;  and  they  trembled  for  the 
senator,  still  young  in  years,  as  he  crossed  the  threshold 
of  the  chamber  where  the  sages  and  statesmen  of  the 
past  had  so  often  assembled  in  council,  and  enrolled  his 
name  as  a  member  of  the  ablest  body  in  the  nation — 
perhaps  in  the  world.  But  those  who  knew  him  inti 
mately  and  well,  had  no  fears  or  apprehensions.  They 
had  caught  some  glimpses  of  the  sterling  metal  in  his 
composition,  and  they  were  willing  that  it  should  be 
submitted  to  the  ordeal,  satisfied  in  their  own  minds 
that,  like  the  gold  of  the  refiner,  it  could  but  come  the 
purer  from  the  trial.  They  were  anxious,  very  anxious ; 
but  they  doubted  not.  Remembering  that 

"  Peace  hath  her  victories, 
No  less  renowned  than  war," 

they  were  content  to  see  him  enter  the  arena,  in  the 
full  confidence  that  he  would  gather  new  laurels  to 
adorn  his  brows,  and  confer  new  honor  upon  those  who 
had  promised  so  much  in  his  behalf. 

It  was,  indeed,  a  critical  time  in  his  history.  There 
were  hosts  of  friends  to  cheer  and  encourage  him ;  he 
was  the  representative  of  one  of  the  largest  and  most 
important  members  of  the  confederacy ;  it  was  con 
ceded  that  he  possessed  talents  of  a  high  order ;  but 
his  character  as  a  statesman  was  yet  to  be  formed. 
Everything  was  expected  from  him,  and  those  expec 
tations  must  not  be  disappointed.  There  was  a  great 
deal  in  the  past  to  incite  him  to  renewed  exertion,  and, 
like  Alexander  on  the  shores  of  the  Hellespont,  before 
him  lay  "  Hope  and  the  world !"  Had  he  faltered  then 
— had  he  hesitated  but  for  one  moment — who  can  say 
what  his  destiny  might  have  been  ?  The  country  was 
agitated  from  one  extremity  to  the  other.  The  best 


AMERICAN    STATESMEN.  83 

talent  in  the  land  was  collected  in  the  Senate.  Op 
posed  to  the  administration  he  would  be  called  upon  to 
sustain,  at  the  head  of  his  compeers,  stood  the  gallant 
and  chivalrous  Clay — captivating  the  heart,  and  enchain 
ing  the  imagination,  by  the  magic  bursts  of  his  thrilling 
eloquence ;  Calhoun,  the  fearless  champion  of  the 
sovereignty  of  the  states,  with  his  chaste  diction,  and 
analytical  mind — every  sentence  that  he  uttered  a 
whole  chapter  of  argument,  and  every  word  a  political 
text ;  Webster,  calm,  profound,  and  argumentative — 
powerful  in  stature,  and  gigantic  in  mind ;  the  smooth 
and  plausible  Clayton  ;  and  Preston,  fervid  and  impas 
sioned,  as  the  rays  of  the  southern  sun  which  had 
warmed  his  genius  into  life.  On  the  opposite  side,  there 
was  Benton,  industrious,  determined,  and  unyielding — 
with  his  pockets  overflowing  with  statistics,  and  his 
head  full  of  historical  lore  ;  Forsyth,  easy  and  graceful 
in  his  address,  but  an  able  and  experienced  debater; 
Rives,  the  eloquent  and  talented  senator  from  the  Old 
Dominion,  seeking  to  give  vent  to  the  inspiration  he 
had  caught  in  the  groves  of  Monticello ;  White,  with 
his  metaphysical  and  sententious  apothegms ;  and  the 
shrewd  and  cautious  Grundy,  familiar  with  parliamen 
tary  tactics,  watching  for  the  weak  points  in  his  adver 
sary's  argument,  and  never  caring  to  conceal  his 
gratification  when  he  saw  the  fabric,  reared  with  so 
much  labor,  toppling  down  in  the  dust. 

Such  were  the  statesmen  among  whom  Mr.  Wright 
had  taken  a  place,  and  against  and  with  whom  he  was 
obliged  to  compete  for  the  brilliant  honors  he  acquired 
in  his  senatorial  career.  At  the  outset,  the  course  was 
marked  out  which  he  subsequently  pursued.  Courteous 
and  affable — dignified  and  respectful — he  never  suffered 
himself,  in  the  midst  of  the  stormiest  debate,  to  forget 


84  COURSE    AND    CHARACTER. 

the  character  he  had  assumed.  Cool,  thoughtful,  and 
deliberative,  every  word  was  weighed  before  he  gave  it 
utterance,  and  not  one  of  his  opponents  ever  obtained 
an  advantage  that  he  voluntarily  surrendered.  There 
were  none  of  those  impulsive  features  in  his  character, 
which  would  have  induced  him  to  dash  heedlessly  for 
ward,  in  the  hope  of  outstripping  every  competitor  at 
the  start ;  and,  if  he  failed,  to  console  himself  with  the 
reflection  that  he  had  dared  something  beyond  the 
power  of  human  skill  to  accomplish.*  His  advances 
were  slow  and  steady,  but  sure.  He  did  not  thrust 
himself  forward.  He  did  not  assume  too  much.  Not 
even  when  the  bold  and  independent  Jackson  was 
willing  to  lean  upon  him  for  support,  and  he  became 
known  as  the  confidential  friend  of  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
was  there  anything  like  assumption,  or  dictatorial 
harshness,  in  his  tone  or  manner^  The  efforts  of  his 
discriminating  and  logical  mind  were  directed  to  the 
enforcement  of  the  positions  he  laid  down,  and  the 
principles  he  advocated,  for  the  sake  of  the  argument ; 
for  the  sake  of  what  he  believed  to  be  just  and  right ; 
and  not  to  compel  those  who  listened  to  adopt  the  con 
clusions  at  which  he  had  arrived.  If  successful,  he 
never  advanced  too  hastily,  but  was  content  to  wait 
until  he  had  secured  what  was  gained.  He  did  not 
peril  everything  by  attempting  to  grasp  more  than  could 
be  reached.  And  when  he  was  defeated,  when  dark 
and  portentous  clouds  hung  around  the  political  horizon, 
and  the  omens  for  the  future  were  fearful  and  threaten 
ing,  he  did  not  lose  his  confidence  in  the  ultimate 
triumph  of  the  truths  he  labored  to  establish ;  but  he 
calmly  seated  himself  down,  prepared  patiently  to  bide 

*  "  Magnis  tamen  excidit  ausis,"  was  the  consolation  of  the  unfor 
tunate  Phaeton. 


NULLIFICATION.  85 

his  time,  "  with  his  feet  to  the  foe,"  and  his  breast 
bared  for  the  shock,  ready  alike  to  resist  an  attack,  or 
to  advance  and  secure  the  victory. 

Mr.  Wright  entered  the  Senate  as  a  member  of  that 
body  on  the  14th  of  January,  1833.  The  second  ses 
sion  of  the  22nd  Congress,  though  short,  was  a  memo 
rable  one.  The  internal  improvement  question  had 
been  settled  for  the  time,  by  the  Maysville  veto ;  the 
difficulties  with  the  Creek  and  Cherokee  Indians  were 
temporarily  laid  aside ;  and  the  excitement  growing 
out  of  the  refusal  of  the  President  to  affix  his  name  to 
the  bill  providing  for  the  re-charter  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  had  partially  subsided.  But  a  still  more 
important  subject  was  now  agitated — the  dissolution  of 
the  American  Confederacy.  The  inconsiderable  re 
duction  made  in  the  tariff  act  of  1832,  which  had  been 
designed  to  modify  the  objectionable  features  of  the  law 
of  1828 — and,  especially,  the  continuance  of  the  high 
protective  duties  on  the  protected  articles,  and  the  ad 
mission,  duty  free,  of  those  consumed  by  the  manufac 
turers — were  regarded  in  the  southern  states  as  tam 
pering  with  their  rights,  as  independent  parties  to  the 
original  compact  between  the  members  of  the  Union. 
The  state  of  South  Carolina  assumed  an  attitude  of 
hostility  to  the  General  Government,  and  declared  that 
the  revenue  laws  should  not  be  enforced  within  her 
borders.  On  the  llth  of  December,  1832,  the  Presi 
dent  issued  his  celebrated  proclamation,  which  elicited 
such  a  general  feeling  of  approbation  at  the  North,  and 
caused  every  heart  to  beat  high  with  patriotic  hope 
and  devotion,  as  the  sentiment  was  repeated,  "  The 
Union,  it  must  be  preserved !" 

On  the  16th  of  January,  1833,  the  nullification  mes 
sage  of  General  Jackson  was  communicated  to  Con- 


86  THE    COMPROMISE    ACT. 

gress,  and  on  the  18th  of  February  following,  Mr. 
Wright  was  called  upon  to  give  his  vote  for  the  "  force 
bill,"  as  it  was  termed,  intended  to  secure  the  prompt 
collection  of  the  revenue  in  the  state  of  South  Caro 
lina.  The  bill  passed  the  Senate  by  the  decisive  vote 
of  thirty-two  to  eight.  In  the  meantime,  a  tariff  bill 
had  been  prepared  by  Mr.  Clay  and  others,  called 
"  The  Compromise  Act,"  and  presented  to  the  Senate. 
This  act  surrendered  the  protective  principle,  and  es 
tablished  the  ad  valorem :  a  gradual  reduction  of  the 
duties  on  all  protected  articles  was  also  to  be  made, 
until  the  30th  of  June,  1842,  when  no  duty  was  to  be 
imposed  above  twenty  per  cent.  The  general  object 
of  the  bill  was  approved  by  Mr.  Wright,  but  he  was 
opposed  to  certain  of  its  features,  and  endeavored  to 
procure  its  amendment.  On  the  22nd  of  February,  he 
voted  to  strike  out  the  clause  requiring  a  home  valua 
tion,  believing  that  it  would  be  impossible  ever  to  estab 
lish  such  a  system  ;  that  it  would  be  constantly  fluctu 
ating,  and  could  never  be  relied  upon.  The  act  of 
1832  had  reduced  the  duty  on  coarse  wool,  in  accord 
ance  with  the  wishes  of  the  manufacturers,  and  he 
made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  restore  it.  Mr.  Dal 
las  moved  to  strike  out  the  "revenue  feature"  of  Mr. 
Clay's  bill,  declaring  that  after  the  minimum  standard 
of  duties  had  been  reached,  no  more  revenue  should 
be  collected  than  was  "  necessary  to  an  economical 
administration  of  the  government."  The  vote  on  the 
motion  was  fourteen  in  favor,  to  twenty-two  against  it. 
Mr.  Wright,  with  Mr.  Benton  and  Mr.  Webster,  sup 
ported  the  motion;  and  it  was  opposed  by  Messrs. 
Clay,  Calhoun,  Forsyth,  and  Rives.  Mr.  Wright  like 
wise  disapproved  of  the  abolition  of  all  specific  and  dis 
criminating  duties,  and  predicted  the  very  evils  from 


OBJECTIONS    TO    THE    BILL.  87 

the  adoption  of  the  measure,  which  were  witnessed  in 
1842,  and  which  led  to  the  passage  of  a  law  completely 
at  variance  with  the  compromise  act,  and  that,  too,  in 
those  features  that  he  had  opposed.  Having  attempted, 
in  vain,  .to  make  the  bill  conform  to  his  views,  he  gave 
his  vote  in  its  favor.  The  details  of  the  act  were  not 
satisfactory ;  but  he  felt  that  the  state  of  the  country 
required  its  passage,  as  nothing  better  could  be  ob 
tained.  His  feelings  may  be  gathered  from  the  follow 
ing  report  of  his  remarks  delivered  previous  to  the 
final  vote  on  the  bill : — 

"Mr.  Wright  then  rose,  and  stated  the  defects  he 
found  in  the  bill.  He  objected  to  the  proposed  rate  of 
reduction  for  the  eight  years,  and  to  the  want  of  a  uni 
form  rule  of  valuation.  He  objected  to  the  inequality 
of  the  protection  given  by  this  bill.  His  next  objec 
tion  was,  that  while  the  duty  on  negro  cloth  exists,  it 
refuses  to  impose  any  duty  on  the  material  which 
enters  into  that  fabric,  and  which  is  grown  in  abun 
dance  in  this  country.  He  also  objected  to  the  sys 
tem  of  home  valuation,  which  he  deemed  to  be  im 
practicable,  or  if  practicable,  most  unequal ;  and  he 
objected  further  to  the  abolition  of  all  specific  and 
discriminating  duties,  and  substituting  a  mode  unjust 
and  oppressive  [the  ad  valorem  principle.]  He  would 
not  discuss  the  power  of  Congress  to  protect  our  man 
ufactures  by  imposing  duties  on  foreign  articles,  but 
he  thought  that  this  bill  did  not  sufficiently  recognize 
that  power.  On  this  point  he  quoted  the  language  of 
the  address  of  the  free  trade  convention,  which  met 
last  year.  He  expressed  his  own  opinion  to  be  in 
favor  of  laying  imposts  for  the  purpose  of  raising  suf 
ficient  revenue  for  the  wants  of  the  country.  So  far, 


88  REMARKS. 

he  was  assured  that  the  power  to  impose  duties  was 
vested  in  Congress. 

"  His  strongest  objection  to  the  bill  was,  that  it  en 
deavors  to  bind  the  action  of  future  Congresses.  He 
considered  this  as  a  provision  which  was  puerile  in  it 
self,  and  one  which  would  never  be  considered  as 
binding.  He  then  viewed  the  circumstances  under 
which  Congress  was  called  upon  to  act  on  this  bill, 
imperfect  as  it  is.  He  knew  that  he  should  be  charged 
with  legislating  under  the  influence  of  his  fears.  He 
could  not  suffer  his  fears  to  govern  his  conclusions. 
But  he  would  not  disregard  them.  There  had  been  a 
deep  and  settled  discontent  in  a  certain  portion  of  the 
country,  against  our  legislation,  and  he  could  not  bring 
himself  to  regard  that  discontent  lightly. 

"  Under  the  expression  of  that  feeling,  Congress  had 
done  what,  if  they  had  not  done,  would  have  left  the 
Union  dissolved.  The  operation  of  that  discontent  was 
against  the  whole  body  of  laws  for  the  collection  of  the 
revenue ;  and  would,  if  carried  on,  have  destroyed  all 
the  means  of  the  government,  and  without  the  purse, 
no  government  could  exist.  He  had,  therefore,  come 
to  the  question,  deeply  impressed  with  the  conviction, 
that  it  was  his  duty  to  give  his  vote  to  prevent  such  an 
evil.  He  had  been  long  of  the  opinion  that  the  reve 
nue  ought  to  be  reduced.  He  had  also  been  long  im 
pressed  with  a  sense  of  the  inequality  of  the  tariff 
system.  No  one  had  questioned  the  principle  on  which 
this  bill  was  founded ;  it  was  only  in  reference  to  the 
details  that  difference  of  opinion  existed.  A  part  of 
the  country  is  deeply  excited,  deeply  exasperated ;  by 
what  means,  it  was  not  for  him  to  inquire ;  but  the 
condition  of  things  was  such  as  to  render  it  uncertain 


REMOVAL    OF    THE    DEPOSITS.  89 

whether  the  Union  can  exist  even  until  the  month  of 
December,  unless  some-thing  shall  be  done."* 

How  prophetic  were  these  words — how  lamentably 
the  predictions  of  Mr.  Wright  were  verified,  the  legis 
lation  of  1842  will  bear  witness!  The  passage  of  the 
bill,  however,  quieted  the  agitation ;  and  the  state  of 
South  Carolina  expressed  herself  satisfied  with  its  pro 
visions.  The  only  prominent  measure  discussed  at  this 
session  of  Congress,  besides  the  compromise  act,  was 
the  famous  land  bill  of  Mr.  Clay,  which  passed  the 
Senate  on  the  25th  of  January.  The  bill  authorized 
the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands 
among  the  states  for  a  limited  time.  Mr.  Wright  op 
posed  the  measure,  on  this  occasion,  as  he  did  whenever' 
it  was  again  brought  forward.  His  opinions  were  ;  that 
the  public  lands  constituted  a  fund  set  apart  for  national 
purposes ;  that  the  avails  were  necessary  to  the  General 
Government;  and  that  the  distribution  was  only  an 
indirect  mode  of  paying  the  debts  of  the  several  states. 
The  bill  was  retained  by  the  President  after  the  adjourn 
ment  of  Congress,  and  returned  to  the  Senate,  with  his 
objections,  at  the  ensuing  session. 

In  the  summer  of  1833,  General  Jackson  determined 
upon  the  removal  of  the  national  deposits  from  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States.  He  had  previously  advised 
Congress  that  he  considered  the  Government  funds 
insecure;  but  that  body  had  taken  no  action  in  the 
premises.  Under  the  impression  that  the  bank  was 
pursuing  a  reckless  and  improvident  course,  in  order  to 
create  a  panic  in  the  monetary  affairs  of  the  country, — 
which  opinion  was  shown  to  be  not  entirely  without 
foundation,  by  the  developments  made  on  the  winding 
up  of  the  affairs  of  that  institution, — he  read  to  his 

*  Niles'  Register,  Vol.  XLIV.  p.  24. 


90  EXCITEMENT. 

cabinet,  on  the  18th  of  September,  his  reasons  for  de 
siring  the  removal ;  which  received  the  approbation  of  a 
majority  of  his  constitutional  advisers.  The  secretary 
of  the  treasury,  Mr.  Duane,  refused  to  carry  out  the 
wishes  of  the  President,  and  he  was  displaced,  to  make 
room  for  Mr.  Taney,  by  whom  the  removal  was  made, 
early  in  October.  This  proceeding  was  followed  by  an 
immediate  derangement  of  the  currency  of  the  country, 
and  a  general  depression  in  business — attributed,  on  the 
one  hand,  to  the  removal,  and  on  the  other,  to  the 
struggles  of  the  bank  to  perpetuate  its  existence.  The 
act  was  denounced  in  the  bitterest  terms  by  the  friends 
of  the  bank,  as  an  arbitrary  exercise  of  power,  de 
manding  the  impeachment  of  the  President,  and  his 
removal  from  office.  He  was  alternately  entreated  and 
threatened,  to  induce  him  to  restore  the  deposits ;  but 
he  remained  firm  in  his  determination  to  carry  into 
effect  what  had  been  decided  upon  with  care  and  de 
liberation.  Many  of  the  most  influential  politicians  in 
the  country,  who  had  previously  given  him  their  sup 
port,  united  with  the  opposition ;  every  danger  that  the 
imagination  could  suggest  was  forcibly  depicted,  to 
move  him  from  his  purpose ;  the  panic  became,  for  the 
time,  visible  and  real ;  and  the  whole  land  was  thrown 
into  commotion,  from  the  St.  Croix  to  the  Sabine. 
Still  the  President  could  not  be  induced  to  forego  his 
conclusions.  He  believed  himself  in  the  right.  He 
was  aware  that  embarrassment  must  be  produced,  but 
he  thought  it  could  only  be  temporary  in  its  duration. 
The  measure  was,  indeed,  as  rigorous  as  it  was  unex 
pected  ;  yet  he  trusted  to  his  countrymen  to  sustain 
him,  when  they  came  to  know  the  reasons  which  had 
influenced  his  conduct. 

In  the  fall  of  1833,  Mr.  Wright  was  married  to  a 


HIS    OPINIONS.  91 

Miss  Moody,  the  daughter  of  a  gentleman  at  Canton, 
in  whose  family  he  had  always  boarded.  This  connec 
tion  was  not  only  productive  of  sincere  and  unalloyed 
happiness  to  those  more  immediately  interested,  but  it 
afforded  much  pleasure  and  gratification  to  the  friends 
who  witnessed  and  participated  in  it.  Both  parties  re 
sembled  each  other  in  that  kindness  of  heart,  and 
amiability  of  disposition,  which  are  sure  to  produce 
harmony  and  contentment ;  and  it  has  been  said  that 
an  unkind  word,  or  look,  never  passed  between  them. 
This  is  a  sufficient  commentary  upon  the  association 
formed  under  such  happy  auspices,  which  death  has  so 
rudely  severed. 

But  the  absorbing  topics  to  be  presented  to  the  Con 
gress  of  the  Union,  summoned  Mr.  Wright  to  Wash 
ington  in  the  midst  of  his  felicity.  The  course  of  the 
President  was  in  accordance  with  his  own  views,  and 
he  was  prepared  to  sustain  him  with  all  the  ability  he 
possessed.  The  administration,  too,  counted  upon  his 
aid,  and  it  could  not  have  found  a  more  zealous  de 
fender.  The  opinions  he  entertained  on  the  exciting 
questions  brought  before  Congress,  may  be  summed  up 
in  a  few  words :  He  believed,  with  the  President,  that 
the  deposits  were  unsafe  with  the  bank  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  the  circumstances  of  the  case  required 
their  removal ;  that  the  executive  was  responsible  to 
the  country  for  the  proper  discharge  of  the  official 
duties  of  every  member  of  his  cabinet ;  and  that  the 
power  of  removal  necessarily  belonged  to  him,  in  ordei 
to  effect  that  object.  In  regard  to  the  existing  pecu 
niary  distress,  he  thought  the  bank  had  produced  it  foi 
the  purpose  of  creating  an  impression  favorable  to  its 
re-charter ;  and  that  if  it  would  confine  itself  to  closing 
its  affairs,  confidence  would  be  restored,  and  the  coun- 


92  MEETING    OF    CONGRESS. 

try  become  prosperous.  Upon  these  general  views,  his 
speeches  and  votes  were  founded,  at  the  session  com 
mencing  in  December,  1833. 

At  the  opening  of  the  session,  Mr.  White,  the  presi 
dent  pro  tern.,  declined  to  appoint  the  committees  of 
the  Senate.  It  had  been  customary,  since  the  year 
1828,  for  the  presiding  officer  to  discharge  that  duty; 
but  the  Senate  thought  proper  to  take  the  power  from 
the  Vice-President,  and  appoint  the  committees  by 
ballot.  Mr.  Wright  was  placed  on  the  committees  on 
agriculture  and  on  commerce.  With  the  organization 
of  the  Senate  commenced  the  warfare  between  the 
friends  of  the  administration  and  the  opposition.  The 
latter  had  a  majority  in  the  Senate  ;  but  in  the  House 
the  preponderance  was  in  favor  of  the  executive. 
Petitions  of  every  class  and  character  were  presented. 
The  prayer  of  all  was,  that  relief  should  be  afforded  to 
the  monetary  interests  of  the  nation,  which,  it  was  said, 
were  now  threatened  with  a  complete  prostration.  Some 
thought  the  restoration  of  the  deposits  would  be  suffi 
cient — others  asked  for  the  re-charter  of  the  bank. 
But  the  main  questions  put,  in  and  out  of  Congress, 
were — What  does  the  government  propose  ? — what  will 
the  administration  do  in  this  emergency  ?  On  the  pre 
sentation  of  petitions,  it  was  usual  for  senators  to 
express  their  opinions  in  regard  to  the  financial  dis 
tresses  which  all  admitted  to  exist,  and  which  all  de 
plored.  On  the  30th  of  January,  Mr.  Wright  presented 
a  series  of  resolutions  approving  of  the  removal  of  the 
deposits,  adopted  by  the  Legislature  of  the  state  of  New 
York,  and  availed  himself  of  the  occasion  to  express  his 
views  at  some  length.*  He  disclaimed  to  speak  as  the 
organ  of  the  administration,  but  every  one  felt  that  he 

*  See  Appendix. 


SPEECH    ON    THE    BANK.  93 

uttered  the  sentiments,  not  only  of  himself,  but  of  the 
President  and  Vice- President.  He  defended  the  removal 
of  the  deposits,  and  declared  that  he  was  opposed  to 
their  restoration.  He  also  assumed  a  position  adverse 
to  the  re-charter  of  the  bank,  or  the  incorporation  of 
any  similar  institution ;  on  the  broad  ground  that  the 
constitution  had  not  conferred  the  power  upon  Congress. 
He  acknowledged  that  the  pecuniary  affairs  of  the 
country  were  deranged,  but  assumed  that  they  would 
soon  return  to  a  healthy  condition,  provided  the  bank 
would  adhere  to  its  legitimate  business,  and  prepare  to 
bring  its  concerns  to  a  close.  The  speech  was  able 
and  eloquent.  It  was  listened  to  with  deep  interest ; 
and  those  who  knew  the  inflexible  nature  of  President 
Jackson,  and  the  uncompromising  character  of  the 
speaker,  saw  that  there  could  be  no  hesitation,  or  change, 
in  the  course  of  the  administration. 

On  the  20th  of  March,  Mr.  Wright  addressed  the 
Senate  again,  upon  a  motion  made  by  Mr.  Webster, 
for  leave  to  introduce  a  bill  re-chartering  the  Bank  of 
the  United  States  for  a  limited  period.  This  speech, 
like  the  previous  one,  was  expressive  of  his  views  upon 
the  currency  questions,  and  attracted  attention,  on  the 
part  of  the  friends,  as  well  as  of  the  opponents  of  the 
administration.  No  one  now  denied  him  the  possession 
of  commanding  talents — Mr.  Webster  paid  him  a  high 
compliment  for  the  ability  he  had  displayed — and  he 
was  afterwards  regarded  as  the  leader  of  the  demo 
cratic  party  in  the  Senate.  The  following  extracts 
from  the  concluding  portion  of  the  speech  on  Mr.  Web 
ster's  resolution,  present  Mr.  Wright's  opinions  in  re 
gard  to  the  course  of  the  bank,  and  the  propriety  of 
its  re-charter,  in  a  clear  and  forcible  manner : — 

"  I  cannot,  then,  be  mistaken  when  I  say,  that  if  the 


94  SPEECH    CONTINUED. 

Bank  of  the  United  States  would  cease  its  efforts  for, 
and  its  hopes  of,  a  re-existence,  and  would  endeavor 
to  perform  its  duty  to  the  country,  by  closing  its  affairs 
with  as  little  injury  as  possible  to  any  individual  or 
public  interest,  the  state  banks  would  be  able  to  extend 
their  loans,  confidence  would  be  restored,  and  the  pres 
sure  upon  the  money  market  would  soon  cease.  Ap 
prehension, — a  just  apprehension  of  the  hostile  move 
ments  of  this  great  institution,  is  the  most  powerful 
cause  of  the  present  scarcity  of  money.  This  scarcity 
must  exist  so  long  as  this  apprehension  continues. 
How,  then,  is  it  to  be  allayed  ?  would  seem  to  be  the 
pertinent  inquiry.  The  honorable  senator  from  Mas 
sachusetts  answers  us  by  the  bill  upon  your  table.  Re- 
charter  the  bank  ;  appease  the  monster  by  prolonging 
its  existence,  and  increasing  its  power.  I  say,  no,  sir ; 
but  act  promptly  and  refuse  its  wish ;  destroy  its  hope 
of  a  re-charter,  and  you  destroy  its  inducement  to  be 
hostile  to  the  state  institutions.  A  different  interest — 
the  interest  of  its  stockholders — to  wind  up  its  affairs 
as  profitably  to  themselves  as  possible,  becomes  its 
ruling  object,  and  will  direct  its  policy.  The  more 
prosperous  the  country,  the  more  plenty  the  money  of 
other  institutions,  the  more  easily  and  safely  can  this 
object  be  accomplished ;  and  every  hope  of  a  contin 
ued  existence  being  destroyed,  that  this  will  be  the  ob 
ject  of  the  bank  is  as  certain  as  that  its  moneyed  interest 
governs  a  moneyed  incorporation.  Mr.  President,  this 
is  unquestionably  the  opinion  of  the  country.  Look, 
sir,  at  the  files  of  memorials  upon  your  table,  and  how 
ever  widely  they  may  differ  as  to  their  views  of  the 
bank,  they  all  hold  to  you  this  language,  *  act  speedily, 
and  finally  settle  the  question.' 

"But  we  are  told,  sir,  that  the  country  cannot  sus- 


SPEECH    CONTINUED.  95 

tain  the  winding  up  of  the  affairs  of  this  bank.  Is  this 
so  ?  What  does  experience  teach  us  upon  this  subject  ? 
The  old  Bank  of  the  United  States,  within  four  months 
of  the  close  of  its  charter,  was  more  extended  in  pro 
portion  to  the  amount  of  its  capital  than  the  present 
bank  is  at  this  moment,  and  still  it  is  almost  two  years 
to  the  close  of  its  charter.  The  old  bank  struggled  as 
this  does  for  a  re-existence;  the  country  was  then 
alarmed  ;  memorials  in  favor  of  the  bank  were  then,  as 
now,  piled  upon  the  tables  of  the  members  of  Congress ; 
the  cries  of  distress  rung  through  these  halls  then,  as 
distinctly  as  they  now  do  ; — nay,  more,  gentlemen  were 
then  sent  here  from  the  commercial  cities  to  be  ex 
amined  upon  oath,  before  the  committees  of  Congress, 
to  prove  the  existence  and  the  extent  of  the  distress ; 
business  was  then  in  a  state  of  the  utmost  depression 
in  all  parts  of  the  Union ;  commerce  was  literally  sus 
pended  by  the  restrictive  measures  of  the  government ; 
trade  was  dull  beyond  any  former  example ;  property 
of  all  kinds  was  unusually  depressed  in  price  ;  and  the 
country  was  on  the  eve  of  a  war  with  the  most  pow 
erful  nation  in  the  world.  Still,  Congress  was  un 
moved,  and  the  old  bank  was  not  re-chartered.  Such 
is  the  history  of  that  period,  and,  with  the  final  action 
of  Congress,  all  knowledge  of  the  distress  ceased. 
Who  has  ever  heard  of  disasters  to  the  business  of  the 
country,  proceeding  from  the  winding  up  of  the  old 
bank  ?  I,  sir,  can  find  no  trace  of  any  such  conse 
quences.  I  do  find  that,  in  a  period  of  about  eigh 
teen  months  after  the  expiration  of  the  charter,  the 
bank  disposed  of  its  obligations,  and  divided  to  its 
stockholders  about  eighty-eight  per  cent,  upon  their 
stock. 

"  It  is  now  admitted,  on  all  hands,  that  the  country 


96  SPEECH    CONTINUED. 

is  rich  and  prosperous  in  an  unusual  degree ;  property 
of  all  kinds  is  abundant ;  commerce  is  free,  and  exten 
sive,  and  flourishing,  and  business  of  every  description 
is  healthful  and  vigorous.  If  then,  we  cannot,  in  this 
condition  of  things,  sustain  the  closing  of  the  affairs  of 
this  great  moneyed  incorporation,  it  is  safe  to  assume 
that  the  country  will  never  see  the  time  when  it  can 
do  it.  Grant  it  longer  life  and  deeper  root,  and.in  vain 
shall  we  try  in  future  to  shake  it  from  us.  It  will  dic 
tate  its  own  terms,  and  command  its  own  existence. 
Indeed,  Mr.  President,  the  whole  tendency  of  the  hon 
orable  senator's  argument  seemed  to  me  to  be,  to  prove 
the  necessity  of  a  perpetual  bank  of  this  description ; 
and  we  have  been  repeatedly  told,  during  the  debate 
of  the  last  three  months,  that  this  free,  and  rich,  and 
prosperous  country,  cannot  get  on  without  a  great  mo 
neyed  power  of  this  description  to  regulate  its  affairs. 
The  bill  before  the  Senate  proposes  to  repeal  the  mo 
nopolizing  provision  in  the  existing  charter,  and  the 
honorable  senator  tells  us  that  this  is  to  be  done  that 
Congress  may,  within  the  six  years  over  which  this  is 
to  extend  the  life  of  the  present  bank,  establish  a  new 
bank  to  take  its  place,  and  into  which  the  affairs  of  the 
old  may  be  transferred,  so  as  to  be  finally  closed  with 
out  a  shock  to  the  country.  Sir,  this  is  not  the  relief 
I  seek.  My  object  is  the  entire  discontinuance  and 
eradication  of  this  or  any  similar  institution.  We  are 
told  the  distresses  of  the  country  will  not  permit  this 
now.  When,  sir,  will  it  ever  permit  it  better  ?  When 
will  the  time  come,  that  this  odious  institution  can  be 
finally  closed  with  less  distress  than  now?  Never, 
while  cupidity  obeys  its  fixed  laws ;  never,  sir,  never ! 

"  This  distress,  Mr.  President,  did  not  exist  when  we 
left  our  homes ;  we  heard  not  of  it  then ;  it  commenced 


RESOLUTIONS    OF    CENSURE.  97 

with  the  commencement  of  our  debates  here  ;  and  I 
doubt  not  it  will  end  when  our  debates  end,  and  our 
final  action  is  known,  whatever  may  be  the  result  to 
which  we  shall  arrive.  It  must  necessarily  be  tempo 
rary,  and  it  does  not  prove  to  my  mind  the  necessity 
of  a  bank,  but  the  mischiefs  a  bank  may  produce.  I 
care  not  whether  it  be  or  be  not  in  the  power  of  the 
bank  to  ameliorate  the  evils  now  complained  of.  That 
it  can  cause  them  in  any  manner,  is  proof  that,  if  the 
disposition  exist,  it  can  cause  them  at  pleasure ;  and 
this  very  fact  is  the  strongest  evidence,  to  my  mind, 
that  no  institution,  with  such  a  power,  ought  to  exist 
in  this  country. 

"  Sir,  the  subject  of  our  present  action  involves  two 
great  first  principles :  one  of  constitutional  power,  and 
one  of  governmental  expediency.  Upon  neither  should 
our  action  be  governed  solely  by  considerations  of 
temporary  derangement  and  distress  in  the  money 
market.  Revulsions  in  trade  and  business,  and  pecu 
niary  affairs,  will  happen.  They  must  be  temporary ; 
the  country  will  restore  itself,  and  money  will  again  be 
plenty  ;  but  the  settlement  of  important  principles  must 
involve  consequences  of  an  enduring  character, — con 
sequences  which  will  exert  an  influence  for  good  or  for 
evil,  through  all  time." 

Early  in  the  session,  Mr.  Clay  introduced  in  the 
Senate  two  resolutions — the  one  declaring  that  the 
reasons  given  by  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  for  the 
removal  of  the  deposits,  in  his  report  to  Congress,  were 
insufficient  and  unsatisfactory ;  and  the  other,  having 
reference  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  which 
was  modified  previous  to  the  final  vote  thereon,  so  as 
to  read  as  follows  : — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  President,  in  the  late  executive 
6 


98  DEFENCE    OF    THE    PRESIDENT. 

proceedings  in  relation  to  the  public  revenue,  has  as 
sumed  upon  himself  authority  and  power  not  conferred 
by  the  constitution  and  laws,  but  in  derogation  of  both." 
The  debate  on  these  resolutions  was  protracted  to  a 
late  day  in  the  session,  and  called  out  the  most  power 
ful  talent  in  the  Senate.  All  the  prominent  members 
of  that  body  spoke  on  the  subject.  The  clashing  and 
collision  of  so  much  intellect  in  the  fiery  debate,  it  was 
terrible  to  witness.  The  relation  which  the  bank  sus 
tained  to  the  government  as  its  fiscal  agent ;  the  extent 
of  the  discretionary  authority  of  the  secretary  to  con 
trol  the  funds  ;  the  power  of  removal  and  appointment 
to  office;  and  the  right  to  censure  or  impeach  the 
President ;  were  reviewed  at  length.  It  was  a  severe 
school  to  a  new  member  like  Mr.  Wright ;  but  he  sus 
tained  himself,  even  above  the  expectations  of  his 
friends.  On  the  26th  of  March,  1834,  he  delivered  one 
of  the  most  touching  and  forcible  speeches  that  was 
made  upon  the  resolutions,  and  which  elicited  the  high 
est  encomiums  from  those  who  heard  it.*  "  Mr. 
Wright,"  said  the  correspondent  of  an  opposition  paper 
in  the  city  of  New  York,  "  argued  long  in  defence  of 
the  full  and  complete  power  of  removal  from  office 
given  to  the  President ;  and,  taking  the  ground  as  for 
merly  by  Mr.  Benton,  that  the  President  was  amenable 
criminally,  and  subject,  if  guilty,  to  impeachment  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  the  Senate,  he  concluded,  as 
his  judges,  ought  not  to  entertain  the  resolutions  ;  that 
the  resolutions  were  not  relevant,  and  if  relevant,  there 
was  nothing  in  the  facts  to  support  them.  After  argu 
ing  upon  all  these,  and  urging  much  in  deprecation  of 
the  proceedings  the  Senate  was  about  to  take,  to  blast 
the  character  of  one  whose  actions,  commencing  in  the 

*  See  Appendix. 


THE    RESOLUTIONS    PASSED.  99 

revolutionary  annals  of  the  country,  had  closed  by  his 
victory  at  New  Orleans,  with  a  blaze  of  glory  which 
time  would  not  extinguish ;  he  concluded,  after  a  well- 
delivered  and  feeling  eulogy  and  appeal,  by  hoping  that 
it  was  not  such  a  person  they  were  about  to  condemn, 
without  trial,  without  that  which  was  given  to  every 
other  individual.  He  besought  them  to  consider  that 
in  his  career  he  had  done  the  state  some  service ;  that 
age  was  creeping  fast  upon  him ;  that  his  gray  hairs 
were  without  a  stain ;  and  that  they  would  permit  him 
to  enjoy  the  rights  guaranteed  by  the  constitution  which 
he  had  gallantly  defended  from  the  attack  of  its  enemies 
in  the  field,  and  let  conviction  precede  their  sentence. 
This  defence  and  peroration  were  given  by  Mr.  Wright, 
in  a  manner  which  is  creditable  to  his  head  and  heart." 
In  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  administration  senators, 
the  resolutions  of  Mr.  Clay  were  passed  on  the  28th 
of  March,  by  large  majorities  ;  and  on  the  15th  of  April 
following,  the  President  communicated  to  the  Senate 
his  protest  against  their  proceedings.  The  passage  of 
the  resolutions  had  been  followed  by  a  season  of  calm 
and  quiet ;  but  the  appearance  of  the  protest  aroused 
the  fires  of  excitement  and  passion  which  had  only  been 
smothered,  and  not  subdued.  The  right  of  the  execu 
tive  to  communicate  such  a  paper  to  the  Senate  was 
positively  denied,  and  the  act  denounced  as  a  breach 
of  privilege.  The  war  of  words  was  fiercer  than  ever ; 
and  Messrs.  Clay,  Calhoun,  and  Webster,  delivered 
most  effective  speeches  in  opposition  to  the  reception 
of  the  protest.  Mr.  Wright,  and  the  administration 
senators,  manfully  defended  the  course  of  the  President, 
but  they  were  overborne  by  the  resistless  power  of 
numbers.  The  Senate  refused  to  enter  the  protest  on 
their  journals,  as  was  requested  by  its  author,  and  the 


100        THE  POST  OFFICE  DEPARTMENT. 

controversy  soon  after  terminated.  It  is  a  remarkable 
fact,  in  connection  with  the  debate  on  this  subject,  and 
the  other  exciting  discussions  of  the  session,  that  Mr. 
Wright  always  preserved  his  self-possession,  and  was 
never  known  to  be  ruffled  in  temper.  While  other 
senators  around  him,  older  in  years  and  in  experience, 
occasionally  gave  way  to  the  impulses  they  were  unable 
to  restrain,  he  was  never  wanting  in  courtesy  or  respect. 
It  is  honorable,  also,  to  the  distinguished  statesmen  at 
the  head  of  the  opposition,  who  found  in  him  an  antag 
onist  whom  it  required  all  their  strength  to  encounter, 
that  they  ever  paid  him  the  most  marked  deference  and 
regard. 

Mr.  Wright  endeavored  to  procure  the  passage  of  a 
bill  at  this  session  regulating  the  deposits  in  the  safety- 
fund  banks ;  but  was  unsuccessful.  Mr.  Clay  offered 
resolutions  requiring  the  deposits  to  be  restored  to  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  which  were  adopted  by  a 
party  vote.  The  affairs  of  the  Post-office  department 
were  also  made  the  subject  of  investigation.  It  ap 
peared  that  the  postmaster-general  had  made  loans  for 
the  purpose  of  discharging  the  liabilities  of  the  depart 
ment,  without  authority  of  law,  and  a  resolution,  pro 
nouncing  such  loans  illegal  and  void,  was  unanimously 
passed  in  the  Senate — Mr.  Wright  being  present  and 
voting  in  its  favor.  It  was  not  alleged  against  the 
officer  whose  conduct  was  censured  by  this  vote,  that 
he  had  committed  any  intentional  wTong ;  and  hence 
no  further  proceedings  were  instituted. 

The  resolutions  of  Mr.  Clay  in  regard  to  the  secre 
tary  of  the  treasury,  and  the  restoration  of  the  deposits, 
were  laid  on  the  table  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
A  resolution,  declaring  that  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  ought  not  to  be  re-chartered,  was  carried,  by  a 


INVITATION    AT    ALBANY.  101 

vote  of  132  to  82.  The  session  closed  on  the  30th  of 
June — many  of  the  members  of  both  branches  of  Con 
gress  having  completely  exhausted  their  energies  and 
strength,  with  the  incessant  labor  and  excitement.  Mr. 
Wright,  at  all  times  assiduous  in  the  discharge  of  his 
public  duties,  was  never  more  so  than  during  the  winter 
and  spring  of  1834.  After  his  return  home,  he  was 
attacked  by  a  severe  fit  of  sickness,  but  recovered  in 
time  to  set  out  for  Washington  prior  to  the  meeting  of 
Congress  in  December.  While  on  his  way  to  the  seat 
of  government,  he  stopped  for  a  few  days  in  the  city 
of  Albany,  where  he  had  formerly  resided  ;  and,  during 
his  stay,  he  was  invited  to  a  public  dinner  by  the  re 
publican  general  committee.  He  declined  the  invita 
tion  in  polite  terms,  acknowledging  his  indebtedness  to 
his  friends  in  that  city,  and  to  the  democratic  citizens 
of  the  state,  "  for  everything  of  character  and  standing 
he  possessed  as  a  public  servant/'  and  avowing  his 
willingness  at  all  times  to  acknowledge  their  claims 
upon  him.  "  You  will  believe  me,  gentlemen/'  he  said, 
in  his  letter  declining  the  invitation,  "  when  I  say  that 
from  no  quarter  could  such  a  mark  of  friendship  and 
confidence  come  to  me  more  acceptably,  than  from  the 
democratic  citizens  of  Albany.  With  them  for  my 
associates  and  counsellors,  and  under  their  personal 
observation,  has  much  the  largest  portion  of  my  public 
duties  been  discharged ;  and  this  evidence  that  I  have 
been  so  fortunate  as  to  secure  their  approbation,  is  most 
gratifying,  as  it  permits  me  to  hope  that  my  efforts  to 
be  faithful  to  the  public  have  not  been  wholly  unsuc 
cessful.  A  proper  attention  to  the  same  duties  compels 
me  to  ask  you,  and  those  whom  you  represent,  to  excuse 
me  from  meeting  you  and  them  as  you  request.  My 
short  stay  in  the  city  must  be  wholly  devoted  to  public 


102     REDUCTION  OP  EXECUTIVE  PATRONAGE. 

business  and  public  interests  of  great  importance,  a 
necessary  attention  to  which  brought  me  here  thus 
early,  on  my  way  to  the  seat  of  government ;  and  while 
I  will  not  attempt  to  express  my  regret  that  I  cannot 
enjoy  the  social  meeting  to  which  you  invite  me,  I  am 
consoled  by  the  reflection  that  the  loss  will  be  mine — 
not  that  of  the  friends  who  are  thus  partial  to  me." 

At  the  second  session  of  the  23rd  Congress,  commen 
cing  in  December  1834,  Mr.  Wright  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  committees  on  finance  and  on  com 
merce.  One  of  the  most  important  questions  discussed 
at  this  session,  was  that  of  the  reduction  of  the  ex 
ecutive  patronage.  The  design  of  the  bill  introduced 
on  this  subject  was,  to  limit  the  power  of  the  President 
in  making  removals  from  office,  and  to  require  a  vote 
of  the  Senate  in  certain  cases.  The  bill  was  opposed 
by  Mr.  Wright  in  an  able  speech,  in  which  he  proved 
most  conclusively,  that  the  first  Congress  had  decided 
that  the  power  of  removal  belonged  to  the  President, 
under  the  constitution,  and  that  every  executive  from 
Washington  downwards  had  exercised  it.  The  bill 
passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  thirty-one  to  sixteen, 
but  failed  in  the  House.  At  the  session  of  1833-34  an 
act  was  passed  for  the  improvement  of  the  Wabash 
river,  which  the  President  had  refused  to  sanction,  on 
the  ground  that  it  could  not  be  considered  a  national 
work,  as  there  was  no  port  of  entry  on  that  river.  In 
1835  an  attempt  was  made  to  pass  a  bill  establishing  a 
port  of  entry  on  the  Wabash,  in  order  to  evade  the 
constitutional  difficulty.  Mr.  Wright  regarded  such 
legislation  as  trifling  with  the  constitution,  and  gave 
his  vote  against  the  bill. 

At  this  session  Mr.  Wright  opposed  the  passage  of 
the  bill  providing  for  the  payment  of  French  spoliations 


DIFFICULTY    WITH    FRANCE.  103 

prior  to  1800.  He  also  took  a  prominent  part  in  per 
fecting  the  bill  to  regulate  the  deposits  in  the  state 
banks,  which  was  lost  in  the  House,  and  the  annual  ap 
propriation  bills. 

In  his  message  to  Congress,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  session,  the  President  had  stated  his  apprehen 
sions  of  a  termination  of  the  friendly  intercourse  existing 
between  the  government  of  the  United  States  and  the 
French  nation,  growing  out  of  the  refusal  or  neglect  of 
the  latter  to  fulfil  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  1831. 
He  also  recommended  that  measures  should  be  taken 
to  provide  for  the  defence  of  the  country.  The  Senate 
were  of  the  opinion  that  it  would  be  more  advisable  to 
delay  action,  until  it  was  known  what  had  been  the 
proceedings  of  the  French  Chambers,  and  therefore 
passed  a  resolution  declaring  that  any  legislation  at  that 
time  was  inexpedient.  But  as  Congress  was  about  to 
adjourn,  intelligence  of  the  most  alarming  character 
was  received,  and  both  Houses  unanimously  resolved  to 
insist  upon  the  execution  of  the  treaty.  It  was  feared  that 
hostilities  might  commence  before  the  new  Congress 
could  be  summoned  together,  and  on  the  evening  of  the 
last  day  of  the  session,  at  the  request  of  the  President, 
an  amendment  was  inserted  in  the  fortification  bill,  then 
before  the  House  of  Representatives,  appropriating  the 
sum  of  three  millions  of  dollars,  to  be  expended  under 
his  directions,  in  preparations  for  war,  if  it  should  be 
necessary.  The  opposition  members  of  the  Senate  re 
fused  to  concur  in  this  amendment,  on  the  ground  that 
it  was  placing  too  much  power  in  the  hands  of  the 
President.  After  several  senators  had  spoken,  Mr. 
Wright  made  a  most  eloquent  and  patriotic  speech  in 
reply,  which  is  reported  as  follows : — * 

*  Niles'  Register,  Vol.  XLVIII.  p.  52. 


104  SPEECH    ON    THE    APrROPRIATION. 

"  Mr.  Wright,  hoped  the  Senate  would  not  adhere  to 
their  disagreement.  He  felt  himself  bound  to  state  that 
he  did  not  know  that  he  had  heard  of  Jhe  constitution 
being  broken  down — destroyed — and  the  liberties  of 
the  country  overthrown,  so  frequently  in  that  Senate, 
as  to  render  him  callous  to  the  real  state  of  things. 
For  the  last  sixteen  months  these  fears  and  forebodings 
had  been  so  strongly  and  often  expressed  on  that  floor, 
that  they  had  been  forcibly  impressed  upon  him  ;  yet, 
he  must  say,  that  he  was  incapable  of  perceiving  a  par 
ticle  of  their  effects.  No  evidence  had  he  seen  of  them  ; 
nor  could  he  now  partake  of  the  alarm  which  some 
gentlemen  pretended  to  feel,  when  he  saw  that  the  as 
severations  made  at  this  time  came  from  the  same 
source.  What  had  the  Senate  now  before  it  ?  A  bill 
from  the  House  of  Representatives — from  the  immediate 
representatives  of  the  people,  proposing  to  provide  for 
the  defence  of  the  country.  What  had  honorable 
senators  debated  ?  The  danger  of  executive  power. 
Were,  he  would  ask,  those  representatives,  sitting  at 
the  other  end  of  the  capitol,  the  most  likely  to  contribute 
to  that  danger?  Was  that  the  source  from  which 
senators  were  compelled  to  look  for  danger  in  that  re 
spect  ?  Such  an  idea  had  never  occurred  to  his  mind. 
Under  what  circumstances  did  the  members  of  the 
other  body  permit  the  appropriation  ?  He  believed, 
and  he  spoke  on  good  authority,  that  our  minister  at 
the  court  of  France  had  informed  this  government  that 
it  was  problematical  that  the  French  might  strike  the 
first  blow  against  us  by  detaining  our  fleet,  now  in  the 
Mediterranean.  Congress  were  on  the  point  of  ad 
journing  ;  and  being  in  possession  of  such  advices  from 
our  minister,  they  had  thought  proper  to  act  as  they  had 


EFFECT  OF  THE  SPEECH.  105 

done  in  regard  to  this  appropriation ;  and  he  would  in 
quire,  by  what  notion  it  was,  that  the  Senate  were  to 
be  impressed  with  the  danger  of  putting  this  power  into 
the  hands  of  the  executive — that  our  liberties  were  to 
be  destroyed,  and  the  constitution  trampled  upon  ? 
Ay,  in  making  an  appropriation  for  the  defence  and 
safety  of  the  country  from  a  foreign  enemy  ! 

"  The  honorable  senator,"  (Mr.  Leigh)  said  Mr. 
Wright  in  continuation,  "  has  exhibited  to  us  the  dan 
gers — of  what  ?  Not  a  foreign  enemy,  for  he  would 
hardly  dread  the  landing  of  a  foreign  foe  at  our  doors — 
but  a  domestic  enemy  is  to  ruin  us  !  I  remember, 
though  it  was  at  a  period  when  I  was  very  young,  that 
a  certain  portion  of  the  country  held  the  same  opinion  as 
the  honorable  senator,  and,  when  a  foreign  enemy  did 
land  in  it,  no  alarm  was  shown,  but  the  people  there  were 
alarmed  at  the  domestic  enemy.  How  was  the  foreign 
enemy  met  ?  As  the  honorable  senator  has  most  elo 
quently  said — '  breast  to  breast  ?'  No  ;  that  enemy 
was  seen  holding  a  Bible  in  his  hand,  and  the  American 
citizen  putting  his  hand  upon  it,  and  swearing  allegiance 
to  the  British  government.  Such  is  not  my  feeling  in 
regard  to  a  foreign  enemy.  I  would  prepare  to  re 
pulse  him  at  the  first  step ;  I  would  prepare  to  prevent 
him  from  touching  my  native  soil,  if  I  had  it  in  my 
power." 

The  earnest  appeal  of  Mr.  Wright  was  not  without 
its  effect.  The  Senate  appointed  a  committee  of  con 
ference,  of  which  Messrs.  Webster,  Frelinghuysen,  and 
Wright,  were  members,  to  meet  a  similar  committee 
from  the  House..  The  result  was,  the  reduction  of 
the  amount  to  be  appropriated,  to  eight  hundred  thou 
sand  dollars.  The  Senate  concurred  in  the  amendment, 

5* 


106  FAILURE    OF    THE    BILL. 

but  when  the  subject  was  again  presented  to  the  House, 
there  was  not  a  quorum  of  members  in  attendance, 
and  the  whole  bill  failed.  With  the  adjournment,  the 
twenty-third  Congress,  one  of  the  most  important  in 
the  history  of  the  country,  terminated  its  existence. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

1835.— Nomination  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  for  the  Presidency — Standing 
of  Mr.  Wright  in  the  Senate — The  Land  Bill — Abolition  of  Slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia — The  Surplus  Revenue — Speculations — 
Remedies  for  the  Financial  Evils  of  the  Country — Distribution—  Op 
position  of  Mr.  Wright  and  others — The  Specie  Circular— Election 
of  Mr.  Van  Buren — Act  to  Repeal — Abolition  Petitions — Acknowl 
edgment  of  Texan  Independence — Expunging  Resolution — Re-elec 
tion  of  Mr.  Wright — Visit  to  Vermont — The  Pressure — Differences 
of  Opinion — Views  of  Mr.  Wright — Extra  Session—  The  Independent 
Treasury — United  States  Bank — Special  Deposit  System — The  Con 
servatives—Slavery  in  the  District— North  Eastern  Boundary  Ques 
tion—The  Bankrupt  Bill  of  1840— Renomination  of  Mr.  Van  Buren 
— His  Administration — Expenses — Extra  Session  called  by  President 
Harrison — Repeal  of  the  Independent  Treasury— Loan  Bill — Bankrupt 
Law— Land  Distribution  Bill  of  Mr.  Clay— Vetoes  of  the  Bank  Bills 
—Provisional  Tariff  Bill  and  Vetoes  of  the  President— Mr.  Clay's 
Resolutions— Apportionment  Bill— Tariff  Law  of  1842— Bill  to  Re 
fund  the  Fine  Paid  by  General  Jackson  at  New  Orleans — Mr. 
Wright  Re-elected  for  a  Third  Term.— 1843. 

IN  May  1835,  a  national  democratic  convention  was 
held  at  Baltimore,  of  which  Mr.  Wright  was  a  member. 
Public  opinion  had  for  a  long  time  been  fixed  upon  Mr. 
Van  Buren  as  the  successor  of  General  Jackson  in  the 
chair  of  state,  and  he  received  the  unanimous  nomina 
tion  of  the  convention  for  the  presidency.  The  con 
spicuous  position  occupied  by  Mr.  Wright  during  the 
stormy  session  of  the  twenty- third  Congress,  as  one  of 
the  ablest  supporters  of  the  administration ;  the  reliance 
of  the  President  on  his  counsel  and  advice ;  and  the 


108  HIGH    STANDING    IN    THE    SENATE. 

high  estimation  in  which  his  practical  good  sense  and 
sound  judgment  were  held  by  his  party  friends,  had 
contributed  to  place  him  prominently  before  the  nation. 
The  selection  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  as  the  presidential 
candidate,  and  its  undoubted  confirmation  by  the  elec 
tors  of  the  country,  attracted  still  greater  attention  to 
his  movements.     Possessing  the  unlimited  confidence 
of  the  President  and  Vice  President,  it  was  generally 
thought  that  in  all  he  said  or  did,  he  was  prompted 
more  or  less  by  a  regard  for  their  views  and  interests. 
This  sudden  elevation  to  a  high  place  among  the  ablest 
statesmen  of  the  day  might  well  have  dazzled  one  less 
fixed  and  unchanging  in  his  principles.     He  was  sur 
rounded  by  men  who  were  active  participants  in  the 
political  contests  of  a  past  generation.     Many  of  them 
he  had  distanced,  and  all  were  willing  to  acknowledge 
him  as  an  equal.     But  no  one  remarked  a  change  in 
his  bearing.     He  was  the  same  upon  the  floor  of  the 
Senate,  when  he  was  looked  upon  as  the  confidential 
representative  of  the  executive,  that  he  had  been  while 
administering  justice,  and  reconciling  differences,  be 
tween  his  fellow-citizens  in   a  quiet  country  village. 
Substantial,  enduring  merit  was  his,  and  a  clear,  well- 
balanced  mind.     He  was  not  elated  at  his  success,  but 
calmly  pursued  the  straightforward,  undeviating  track, 
along  which   his   footsteps   had   been  directed.     The 
purity  of  his  motives  was  never  questioned,  nor  his 
integrity  doubted,  upon  the  floor  of  the  Senate.     Had 
any  dared  to  whisper  aught  against  him — all,  even  the 
most  zealous  and  determined  partisan  in  the  ranks  of 
the  opposition,  would  have  shrunk  from  the  calumnia 
tor,  as  if  there  had  been  poison  in  the  touch. 

Congress   convened  in   December   1835,   and  Mr. 
Wright  was  again  placed  on  the  committee  on  finance. 


THE    SURPLUS    REVENUE.  109 

having  been  supported  by  the  administration  senators 
for  chairman,  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Webster.  He  was 
also  a  member  of  the  committee  on  agriculture.  At 
this  session  he  advocated  the  passage  of  the  prospec 
tive  pre-emption  bill,  the  admission  of  Arkansas  and 
Michigan  into  the  Union,  and  the  bill  for  the  relief  of 
the  sufferers  at  the  fire  in  New  York.  The  land  dis 
tribution  bill  of  Mr.  Clay  was  again  brought  forward, 
and  again  passed  the  Senate.  Mr.  Wright,  with  Mr. 
Calhoun  and  Mr.  Benton,  voted  against  it.  During  the 
session,  a  petition  was  presented  from  the  Society  of 
Friends  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  praying  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  On 
Mr.  Buchanan's  motion  to  reject  the  prayer  of  the 
petition,  Mr  Clay,  Mr,  Benton,  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  Mr. 
Wright,  voted  in  the  affirmative.  But  six  members  of 
the  Senate  opposed  the  motion.  On  the  2nd  of  June 
1836,  a  bill  was  passed  to  prevent  the  transmission 
through  the  mail  of  printed  matter  calculated  to  excite 
the  prejudices  of  the  citizens  of  the  southern  states,  in 
regard  to  the  question  of  slavery.  Mr.  Wright  voted 
for  the  bill.  A  resolution  was  unanimously  passed  in 
the  Senate  on  the  1st  of  July,  declaring  that  the  Inde 
pendence  of  Texas  ought  to  be  acknowledged,  so  soon 
as  it  was  ascertained  that  it  had  an  established  govern 
ment  in  successful  operation. 

But  the  most  important  question  presented  for  the 
consideration  of  the  national  legislature  at  this  session 
was,  that  of  the  disposition  of  the  surplus  revenue  and 
the  regulation  of  the  deposits.  It  was  important,  not 
merely  so  far  as  the  safety  of  the  government  funds 
was  concerned,  but  in  the  influence  it  exerted  upon 
the  administration  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  the  com 
mercial  and  mercantile  interests  of  the  country.  The 


110  SPECULATION    IN    LANDS. 

amount  deposited  in  the  state  banks  selected  as  the 
fiscal  agents  of  the  treasury,  exceeded  forty  millions  of 
dollars.  This  large  sum  formed  the  basis  of  a  most 
gigantic  system  of  speculation.  The  amount  of  credit 
resting  upon  this  actual  capital  could  hardly  be  esti 
mated  with  exactness,  but  it  is  supposed  to  have  been 
several  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  Heavy  loans  were 
made  by  the  deposit  banks  upon  the  government  funds 
in  their  vaults.  Money,  or  the  representative  of  money, 
-became  plenty;  and  the  dreams  which  had  haunted 
the  early  Spanish  adventurers,  of  an  El  Dorado  in  the 
West,  seemed  about  to  be  realized.  City  lots,  and 
real  estate  of  every  description,  were  converted  into 
mines  of  wealth.  The  prices  of  all  articles  of  value 
rose  as  if  by  magic.  The  fever — for  it  was  but  a 
fever,  as  fitful  and  exciting  in  its  progress,  as  terrible 
when  at  its  height,  and  as  slow  and  painful  in  its  con 
valescence — the  fever  of  speculation,  raged  in  the  city, 
in  the  town,  and  in  the  country.  The  ledger  of  the 
merchant,  or  the  banker,  was  laid  aside ;  the  briefs  of 
the  lawyer  were  left  untouched  upon  his  table  ;  the 
tools  of  the  mechanic  rested  in  their  places ;  and  the 
plough  of  the  farmer  remained  idle  in  its  furrow.  One 
engrossing  sentiment  occupied  every  mind — the  desire 
for  gain. 

Among  the  many  objects  of  speculation,  were  the 
western  lands  belonging  to  the  Government.  The  loans 
made  by  the  deposit  banks  were  employed  in  purchas 
ing  up  large  tracts,  whose  descriptions  had  for  years 
cumbered  the  files  of  the  land  office,  and  the  moneys 
paid  to  the  receivers  were  returned  to  the  banks,  as 
new  deposits,  to  form  the  basis  of  new  loans.  The  able 
statesmen  in  Congress,  of  both  parties,  foresaw  the 
evils  which  must  ensue,  and  began  seriously  to  reflect 


DISTRIBUTION.  Ill 

upon  a  remedy.     The  administration  proposed  to  ex 
pend  such  portion  of  the  surplus  revenue  as  could  be 
advantageously  used,  upon  the  military  defences  of  the 
nation.     Mr.  Benton  offered  a  resolution  having  that 
object  in  view,  which  was  supported  by  Mr.  Wright. 
The  opposition  senators  voted  for  striking  out  the  word 
"surplus"  in  the  resolution,  and  succeeded  in  carrying 
the  motion.     As  amended,  the  resolution  was  unani 
mously  passed.     But  it  was  shorn  of  its  strength,  and 
a  disposition  of  the  surplus  was  yet  to  be  made.     The 
idea  of  investing  it  in  state  stocks  was  then  suggested 
on  the  part  of  the  administration,  and  it  was  proposed 
on  the  other  side  to  deposit  it  with  the  several  states. 
It  was  objected  to  the  plan  of  the  administration,  that 
the  secretary  of  the  treasury  would  have  too  much 
power  and   patronage   at   his  disposal,  under  such  a 
regulation,  and  that  the  funds  would  be  less  reliable 
and  secure  than  if  deposited  with  the  states.     Subse 
quent  events  have  shown  that  the  last  argument  was 
of  little  weight,  though  it  was  warmly  urged  when  the 
subject  was  under  discussion.    The  stocks  of  the  states 
would  have  enabled  the  government,  in  some  degree, 
to  sustain  itself  in  its  embarrassments ;  but  the  mere 
indebtedness  proved  to  be  wholly  nominal.     The  first 
objection  of  the  opposition  would  have  been  removed, 
by  the  adoption  of  restrictions  more  severe  than  those 
which  had  been  proposed ;  but  the  friends  of  the  distri 
bution  of  the  surplus  among  the  states,  had  a  com 
manding  majority  in  Congress,  and  were  determined 
to  carry  the  measure  into  effect.     Both  parties  were 
desirous  of  regulating  the  deposits,  and  of  preventing 
their  use  as  the  basis  of  loans  to  speculators.     But  the 
opposition,  with  a  large  proportion  of  the  administra 
tion  members,  thought  proper  to  couple  the  two  pro- 


112  SPECIE    CIRCULAR. 

jects  together.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  decidedly  opposed 
to  the  distribution.  Mr.  Wright  and  Mr.  Benton  la 
bored  to  prevent  its  adoption.  The  former  delivered 
an  elaborate  and  argumentative  speech,  in  which  he 
predicted  the  financial  difficulties  that  afterwards  crip 
pled  the  government  and  the  energies  of  its  citizens, 
as  the  inevitable  results  of  this  disposition  of  the  sur 
plus.  His  warnings  were  not  heeded,  and  the  bill  be 
came  the  law  of  the  land.  Mr.  Wright,  and  the  sena 
tors  who  thought  with  him,  persisted  in  their  opposition 
to  the  last,  and  recorded  their  votes  against  the  bill. 
To  the  latest  hour  of  his  life,  he  was  prouder  of  that 
vote,  than  of  any  other  given  during  the  time  he  was  a 
member  of  the  Senate.  In  the  course  of  the  debate  on 
the  bill,  Mr.  Tallmadge,  the  colleague  of  Mr.  Wright, 
intimated  that  the  latter  had  disregarded  the  wishes  of 
his  constituents,  and  that  his  opposition  to  the  measure 
under  consideration  would  be  visited  with  their  dis 
pleasure.  Mr.  Wright  made  but  a  few  remarks  in 
reply,  but  those  were  uttered  with  so  much  manliness 
and  dignity,  that  no  one  envied  the  position  of  his  col 
league. 

On  the  llth  of  July,  subsequent  to  the  adjournment 
of  Congress,  President  Jackson  issued  his  celebrated 
"  Specie  Circular,"  requiring  all  payments  for  the  public 
lands  to  be  made  in  gold  and  silver.  The  design  of  this 
movement  was,  both  to  check  the  spirit  of  speculation, 
which  continued  to  increase  until  the  distribution  act 
went  into  operation ;  and  also  to  guard  the  treasury 
against  loss,  when  the  catastrophe,  which  was  now 
confidently  predicted  by  himself  and  the  opponents  of 
that  measure,  had  come  to  pass.  While  the  country 
was  still  apparently  prosperous,  the  presidential  elec 
tion  was  held,  and  resulted  in  the  choice  of  Mr.  Van 


DEDUCTION    OF    THE    TARIFF.  113 

Buren,  by  a  mrge  majority  of  the  electoral  votes.  In 
December,  1836,  the  administration  party  had  a  ma 
jority  in  the  Senate,  in  consequence  of  several  changes 
which  had  taken  place.  Mr.  Wright  was  then  ap 
pointed  chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance,  a  po 
sition  which  he  continued  to  occupy  until  the  whigs 
came  into  power  in  1841,  adding  every  year  to  his 
previous  reputation  for  industry  and  ability. 

The  specie  circular  was  the  main  topic  of  discussion 
at  this  session.  It  no  doubt  operated  harshly  and  rigor 
ously  in  many  instances,  and  while  it  was  thought  to 
close  up  a  source  of  inexhaustible  wealth,  wrhich,  in 
fact,  was  but  transitory  in  its  duration,  and  delusive  in 
its  character,  it  was  felt  to  be  oppressive.  A  portion 
of  the  administration  members  of  Congress,  most  of 
whom  afterwards  opposed  the  Independent  Treasury 
bill,  united  with  the  opposition  in  passing  a  law  repeal 
ing  the  circular.  The  President  declined  carrying  it 
into  effect,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  uncertain  and  in 
definite,  and,  for  the  present,  the  currency  question 
remained  in  its  former  position.  At  this  session,  Mr. 
Wright  procured  the  passage  of  a  bill  reducing  the 
duty  on  certain  articles.  It  was  opposed  by  Mr.  Clay, 
on  the  ground  that  it  violated  the  compromise  act;  but 
it  was  carried  in  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  twenty-seven 
to  eighteen.  The  question  of  the  reception  of  abolition 
petitions  was  again  discussed,  and  the  subject  disposed 
of,  by  the  informal  adoption  of  a  rule  among  the  sena 
tors,  of  laying  the  motion  to  refer,  or  the  motion  to 
receive,  on  the  table.  This  course  was  approved  by 
Mr.  Clay,  Mr.  Benton,  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  Mr.  Wright. 
On  the  1st  of  March,  1837,  a  vote  was  taken  on  a 
resolution  previously  introduced  in  the  Senate,  ac 
knowledging  the  Independence  of  Texas.  Mr.  Wright, 


114  RE-ELECTED    SENATOR. 

and  nearly  all  the  administration  senators  from  the 
northern  states,  were  of  the  opinion  that  it  would  be 
unwise,  inasmuch  as  a  proposition  for  the  annexation 
of  Texas  to  this  government  was  in  contemplation,  or 
a  wish  to  that  effect  had  been  expressed,  to  pass  the 
resolution,  while  negotiations  were  understood  to  be 
pending  between  the  Texan  government  and  Santa 
Anna,  the  President  of  the  Mexican  republic  ;  and 
therefore  they  opposed  its  adoption.  At  this  session 
also,  the  resolution  censuring  General  Jackson  for  the 
removal  of  the  deposits,  passed  in  1834,  was  ordered  to 
be  expunged  from  the  journal,  by  a  vote  of  twenty-nine 
to  fourteen — Mr.  Wright  voting  in  its  favor. 

At  the  annual  session  of  the  Legislature  of  New  York 
in  the  winter  of  1837,  Mr.  Wright  was  re-elected  for 
the  full  term  of  six  years.  At  the  caucus  to  nominate 
a  candidate,  some  opposition  was  manifested  to  his 
selection.  The  friends  of  the  lateral  canals  were  not 
unmindful  of  his  opposition  to  their  projects,  and  the 
banking  interest  of  the  state  had  become  in  a  measure 
hostile  to  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  himself.  There  were 
older  politicians,  too,  who  were  jealous  of  his  increas 
ing  popularity — even  in  spite  of  their  respect  for  the 
man,  and  their  admiration  of  his  talents.  The  oppos 
ing  candidate  was  Samuel  Beardsley,  then  attorney- 
general  of  the  state.  The  caucus  decided  by  a  large 
vote  in  favor  of  Mr.  Wright,  and  on  the  following  day 
he  was  elected  by  the  Legislature. 

Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  Mr. 
Wright  visited  the  state  of  Vermont.  At  Burlington, 
he  received  an  invitation  to  a  public  dinner,  which,  in 
accordance  with  his  invariable  rule,  he  respectfully  de 
clined.  Everywhere  throughout  the  state,  where  his 
early  years  had  been  passed,  he  was  regarded  with 


FINANCIAL    CRISIS.  115 

especial  favor,  and  received  many  evidences  of  the 
respect  and  esteem  of  its  inhabitants.  He  returned 
from  his  journey  in  time  to  witness  the  explosion  which 
he  had  anticipated.  The  distribution  act  had  not  pre 
vented  the  evil  which  its  friends  declared  would  be 
averted.  The  crisis  came — came  too,  with  crushing 
force — bearing  everything  before  it ;  and  crumbling 
into  dust  the  whole  fabric  of  the  credit  system,  which 
had  depended  on  the  surplus  revenue  for  its  strength 
and  support.  The  measures  of  the  administration 
doubtless  hastened  this  catastrophe,  but  how  could  the 
result  have  been  avoided?  The  system  was  an  un 
sound  one  in  its  origin.  The  surplus  was  not  designed 
to  famish  the  means  for  banking  facilities  or  operations  ; 
nor  should  it  have  been  considered  as  so  much  actual 
capital  on  which  a  permanent  credit  could  be  based. 
But  laying  this  argument  aside ;  there  was  another 
reason  why  such  a  state  of  things  could  not  long  have 
endured.  A  large  amount  of  individual  capital  was 
invested  in  unproductive  real  estate,  or  in  that  which 
possessed  a  fictitious  value.  Nominal  wealth  was  made 
to  take  the  place  of  what  should  have  been  real,  and 
when  the  day  for  payment  came  to  those  who  relied 
upon  such  means,  as  it  could  not  but  eventually  come, 
however  long  it  might  have  been  postponed,  no  human 
agency  could  have  prevented  just  such  results  as  were 
witnessed  in  1837.  The  feelings  growing  out  of  the 
political  contests  of  that  day,  are  still  cherished  by 
those  who  participated  in  the  struggle ;  and  while  some 
may  condemn  the  administration  and  its  friends,  as  it 
is  but  natural  that  they  should  if  they  were  then  honest 
in  their  opinions,  others  will  defend  them.  It  must  not 
be  expected,  that  those  who  suffered  from  the  blow 
could  so  easily  forget  the  causes  which  they  believed 


116  THE    CIRCULAR    AND    DISTRIBUTION. 

had  produced  it.  Many,  many  bright  hopes,  depended 
upon  the  speculations  of  that  period — oh,  how  bright 
were  they,  and  gorgeous — and  how  painful  must  it  have 
been,  to  see  them  scattered  forever,  like  the  leaves  of 
the  Sibyl,  before  the  breath  of  the  tempest ! 

The  views  of  Mr.  Wright  in  regard  to  the  objects 
of  the  specie  circular,  and  its  propriety  and  expediency 
were  often  expressed  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate.  It 
was  designed  to  prevent  the  speculation  in  western 
lands ;  to  save  the  government  from  loss ;  and  check 
the  over-issues  of  the  banks.  The  avowed  intention 
of  the  distribution  policy  was  to  accomplish  the  same 
purposes.  Its  advocates  declared  themselves  desirous 
of  preventing  the  use  of  the  surplus  as  the  basis  for 
bank  loans ;  and  no  more  effectual  mode  could  have 
been  devised  to  secure  that  object,  than  its  deposit 
with  the  states.  But  that  was  not  the  only  result,  as 
Mr.  Wright  contended,  that  was  produced  by  the  mea 
sure.  While  remaining  on  deposit,  it  had  formed  the 
foundation  of  the  most  stupendous  banking  system,  in 
the  aggregate,  that  ever  existed  in  the  country.  Its 
withdrawal  from  the  eastern  cities  left  the  system 
without  prop  or  support.  The  specie  circular,  in  his 
opinion,  would  have  prevented  the  extravagant  specu 
lations  which  all  desired  to  correct,  and  the  investment 
of  the  surplus  in  state  stocks,  as  proposed  by  him  in 
Congress,  have  relieved  the  pressure  by  retaining  the 
surplus  in  the  large  commercial  towns. 

The  removal  of  the  government  deposits  from  the 
banks,  for  the  purposes  of  distribution,  was  followed  by 
a  heavy  demand  for  specie  to  be  shipped  to  Europe. 
Large  importations  of  foreign  goods  had  been  made  in 
1836.  The  financial  condition  of  the  European  states, 
towards  the  close  of  that  year,  was  such,  that  a  com- 


SUSPENSION    OF    SPECIE    PAYMENTS.  117 

mercial  revulsion  was  apprehended — abroad  as  well  as 
at  home.  The  Bank  of  England  curtailed  its  opera 
tions,  and  refused  to  discount  for  the  houses  engaged  in 
the  American  trade.  Bills  drawn  on  them  were  pro 
tested,  and  returned  in  the  spring  of  1837.  Specie 
funds  were  required  for  their  payment,  which  the  banks 
were  expected  to  furnish.  The  pressure  began  to  be 
felt  in  March,  and  rapidly  progressed,  until  alarm  and 
consternation  pervaded  every  department  of  business. 
Early  in  May,  the  President  was  waited  upon  by  a 
committee  from  the  city  of  New  York,  who  requested 
him  to  rescind  the  specie  circular,  to  delay  the  collec 
tion  of  the  bonds  given  for  duties,  and  to  call  an  extra 
session  of  Congress.  The  delay  asked  for  was  imme 
diately  assented  to;  but  the  other  requests  were  not 
granted.  Two  days  after  the  decision  of  the  President 
was  made  known  in  New  York,  the  banks  in  that  city 
suspended  specie  payments.  Their  example  was  soon 
followed  throughout  the  whole  Union.  An  extra  session 
was  now  rendered  absolutely  necessary.  Public  officers 
were  prohibited  by  law,  from  receiving  or  paying  out 
bank  notes  not  convertible  into  current  coin,  on  the 
demand  of  the  holder,  at  the  place  where  they  were 
received,  and  from  making  deposits  in  banks  not  paying 
specie.  The  funds  of  the  government  previously  re 
ceived  were  deposited  with  the  banks,  and  therefore 
entirely  unavailable.  On  the  15th  of  May,  therefore, 
the  proclamation  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  issued,  sum 
moning  Congress  to  meet  on  the  ensuing  4th  day  of 
September. 

In  1835,  a  proposition  for  the  entire  separation  of  the 
government  from  the  banks  was  presented  in  Congress, 
but  did  not  meet  the  approbation  of  members.  At  that 
early  day,  both  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr.  Wright  were 


118          THE  INDEPENDENT  TREASURY. 

deeply  impressed  with  the  belief  that  there  was  no  ne 
cessity  for  the  connection  which  had  formerly  existed. 
Yet  the  business  relations  of  the  country  were  such, 
and  public  opinion  was  so  firmly  fixed  in  its  favor,  that 
it  was  not  then  thought  expedient  to  propose  a  change. 
But  now  that  the  failure  of  the  banks  to  fulfil  their 
functions  as  the  fiscal  agents  of  the  treasury,  had  dis 
solved  the  connection,  the  question  arose — whether  it 
should  be  renewed  ?  After  the  proclamation  of  the 
President  appeared,  the  desire  to  know  what  were  the 
views  and  plans  of  the  administration  was  increased. 
The  suspense  daily  grew  more  painful  and  exciting. 
Fear  and  uncertainty  prevailed  on  every  hand.  Rumor 
was  busy  with  her  thousand  tongues,  devising  strange 
tales  and  inventions.  In  the  midst  of  the  anxiety,  the 
plan  of  an  Independent  Treasury  was  shadowed  forth 
in  the  columns  of  a  leading  democratic  paper  in  the 
vicinity  of  Mr.  Wright's  residence.  None  doubted 
from  whence  that  voice  proceeded.  The  tone  and  the 
manner  were  recognized  far  and  near.  Some  ap 
proved  ;  while  others  feared,  and  condemned.  The 
few  who  had  long  thought  the  separation  inevitable, 
hailed  the  project  as  the  omen  of  hope  and  encourage 
ment  ;  but  the  many  looked  upon  it  as  the  darkling 
cloud,  ready  to  burst  in  its  fury,  over  the  angry  waters 
now  surging  and  tossing  in  madness  and  rage. 

The  extra  session  of  Congress  was  awaited  with  in 
tense  interest.  The  whig  party,  by  which  name  the 
opponents  of  the  administration  were  then  known,  had 
evinced  their  decided  hostility  to  the  financial  scheme 
in  contemplation.  A  large  number  of  the  supporters, 
of  Mr.  Van  Buren  also,  and  especially  those  connected 
with  mercantile  and  banking  operations,  who  felt — 
honestly  felt — that  their  interests  would  be  endangered, 


EXTRA    SESSION.  119 

were  opposed  to  the  measure.  Others,  too  timid  to 
strike  out  in  advance  of  public  sentiment,  but  waiting 
to  be  borne  along  on  the  wave,  hoped  that  it  would  not 
be  urged.  The  message  appeared ;  and  the  President 
distinctly  and  explicitly  announced  his  opposition  to 
the  establishment  of  a  national  bank,  and  to  the  re 
newal  of  the  connection  between  the  government  and 
the  banks.  Mr.  Wright  was  indefatigable  in  preparing 
the  several  bills  upon  which  it  was  desired  to  obtain 
the  action  of  Congress,  in  order  that  the  session  might 
not  be  unduly  protracted.  On  the  llth  of  September, 
he  reported  from  the  committee  on  finance,  a  bill  to 
postpone  the  payment  to  the  states  of  the  fourth  instal 
ment  of  the  surplus  placed  on  deposit,  which  was  sub 
sequently  passed  by  Congress,  with  an  amendment, 
changing  the  time  to  which  the  postponement  was 
made.  On  the  following  day  he  introduced  bills  to 
authorize  the  issue  of  treasury  notes  ;  to  provide  for 
the  adjustment  of  the  claims  against  the  deposit  banks  ; 
and  to  postpone  the  collection  of  duty  bonds.  The  bill 
in  relation  to  treasury  notes  authorized  the  issue  of  an 
amount  not  exceeding  ten  millions  of  dollars.  It  en 
countered  a  vehement  opposition  from  the  whig  mem 
bers  of  Congress,  who  preferred  a  direct  loan  in  its 
stead.  On  the  part  of  the  administration  it  was  urged, 
as  being  more  convenient  for  the  temporary  purpose  it 
was  designed  to  serve,  and  as  furnishing  at  all  times 
the  means  of  paying  the  obligations  of  the  government 
in  such  sums  as  were  desired.  A  majority  approved 
of  the  bill,  and  it  was  passed  during  the  session. 

On  the  14th  of  September  Mr.  Wright  reported  the 
great  measure  of  Mr.  Van  Bui  en's  administration — the 
bill  providing  for  the  divorce  of  bank  and  state.  As 
originally  presented  by  him,  the  bill  contained  no  pro- 


120  THE    SPECIE    CLAUSE. 

vision  in  regard  to  the  character  of  the  funds  which 
should  be  received  in  payment  of  government  dues. 
In  the  course  of  the  debate  on  the  treasury  note  bill, 
Mr.  Calhoun,  who  had  indicated  a  disposition  to  offer 
that  support  to  the  administration  which  was  after 
wards  rendered,  expressed  his  fears  that  there  existed  a 
design  to  restore  the  connection  with  the  banks.  Mr. 
Wright,  though  never  assuming  to  speak  for  others  be 
sides  himself,  positively  and  unequivocally  disavowed 
any  such  intention  on  his  part ;  and  on  the  third  of 
October  the  bill  was  amended,  with  his  vote,  by  adding 
the  specie  clause  proposed  by  Mr.  Calhoun.  The 
amendment  contemplated  the  gradual  collection  of 
government  duties,  in  what  Mr.  Wright,  Mr.  Benton, 
and  Mr.  Calhoun,  insisted  was  the  only  constitutional 
currency  of  the  country  ;  and  was  adopted  by  a  vote 
of  twenty-four  to  twenty-three.  Mr.  Wright  was  in 
favor  of  requiring  payments  to  be  made  in  specie,  from 
the  beginning;  but  he  desired  to  have  the  subject 
brought  up  as  a  separate  proposition,  yet  cheerfully 
waived  his  own  preferences,  when  his  friends  offered 
to  incorporate  the  feature  with  the  independent  treas 
ury  bill. 

The  opponents  of  the  separation  denounced  the  bill, 
as  originating  in  a  design  to  overthrow  the  banking  in 
stitutions  of  the  country ;  to  unite  the  purse  and  the 
sword  in  the  hands  of  the  President ;  and  to  establish 
a  hard-money  government.  Its  advocates  supported  it, 
as  the  best  and  most  feasible  mode  of  collecting  and 
disbursing  the  public  revenues,  and  as  placing  the  funds 
of  the  government  beyond  the  reach  of  danger  from 
the  convulsions  and  exigencies  of  trade,  which  had  re 
cently  proved  so  disastrous.  While  Congress  was  in 
session,  a  number  of  memorials  were  presented  in  favor 


SPECIAL    DEPOSIT    SYSTEM.  121 

o*  chartering  a  national  bank.  A  resolution  was  re 
ported  by  Mr.  Wright,  from  the  committee  on  finance, 
declaring  that  "  the  prayer  of  the  memorialists  ought 
not  to  be  granted  ;"  which  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote 
of  thirty-one  to  fourteen.  The  House  of  Representatives 
also  decided  against  a  bank,  by  the  strong  vote  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty-three  to  ninety-one.  These  votes 
decided  the  question  as  to  the  re-charter  of  a  national 
institution  ;  but  a  proposition  offered  by  Mr.  Rives,  and 
advocated  by  himself,  Mr.  Tallmadge,  and  the  other 
members  of  Congress  who  had  before  supported  the 
administration,  but  were  opposed  to  the  independent 
treasury,  providing  for  the  establishment  of  a  special 
deposit  system,  was  regarded  with  more  favor.  This 
plan  contemplated  a  return  to  that  which  had  just 
failed,  but  with  such  modifications  and  restrictions  as, 
it  was  alleged,  would  prevent  any  improper  use  of  the 
government  funds.  The  democratic  members  of  Con 
gress  who  favored  this  project  were  styled  conserv 
atives,  and  a  large  portion  of  them  afterwards  united 
with  the  opposition.  The  vote  in  the  Senate  on  Mr. 
Rives'  project  was  twenty-two  in  favor,  to  twenty-six 
against  it.  The  independent  treasury  bill  was  then 
passed,  on  the  4th  of  October — yeas  twenty-six,  nays 
twenty.  On  the  14th  of  the  same  month  the  bill  was 
laid  on  the  table  in  the  House  by  a  vote  of  one  hun 
dred  and  nineteen  to  one  hundred  and  seven;  and 
Congress  soon  after  adjourned. 

At  the  regular  session  commencing  in  December  1837, 
Mr.  Wright  again  reported  the  independent  treasury 
bill,  with  the  specie  clause.  The  act  which  he  had 
drawn  up  was  also  more  complete  in  its  details,  than 
that  presented  at  the  extra  session.  The  one  previously 
introduced,  had  constituted  each  officer  a  receiver ; 
6 


122  THE    ISSUE. 

but  this  proposed  the  appointment  of  persons,  to  be 
charged  with  the  special  duty  of  keeping  and  paying 
out  the  public  funds.  This  provision  was  intended  to 
obviate  the  objection  which  had  been  raised,  that  the 
administration  was  desirous  of  establishing  an  army  of 
office-holders,  who  would  have  the  means  of  the  gov 
ernment  at  their  disposal.  Severe  penalties  were  also 
prescribed,  for  any  neglect  of  duty,  or  breach  of  trust ; 
and  every  precaution  taken  to  provide  against  losses. 
The  opponents  of  the  measure  were  free  to  admit  that, 
waiving  the  principle  upon  which  the  bill  was  founded, 
nothing  could  be  better  calculated  to  carry  into  effect 
the  object  had  in' -view.  Mr.  Wright  made  several  able 
speeches  while  this  question  was  agitated  in  Congress ; 
but  that  delivered  on  the  31st  of  January,  1838,  prob 
ably  exceeded  them  all.  In  his  speech  on  that  occa 
sion,  he  reviewed  the  whole  subject  of  the  collection, 
keeping,  and  disbursement  of  the  public  revenue.  He 
avowed  it  as  his  firm  and  settled  conviction,  that  the 
state  banks  could  not  be  relied  upon  as  the  fiscal  agents 
of  the  government ;  for  the  reason  that,  as  state  insti 
tutions,  Congress  would  be  unable  to  exercise  that  con 
trol  over  them  which  was  absolutely  requisite.  He 
also  declared  that  there  could  be  no  middle  ground — , 
that  a  system  based  on  the  principles  of  the  bill  before 
the  Senate  must  be  established,  or  they  would  be  com 
pelled  to  resort  to  a  national  bank.  The  bill  reported 
by  Mr.  Wright  was  discussed  for  a  long  time  in  the 
Senate,  and  on  the  24th  of  March  the  specie  clause 
wras  stricken  out — yeas  thirty-one,  nays  fourteen.  Sev 
eral  of  the  democratic  senators  voted  for  the  motion, 
in  obedience  to  the  instructions  of  their  state  Legisla 
tures.  Mr.  Wright,  with  Mr.  Benton  and  Mr.  Calhoun, 
resisted  it  to  the  end.  On  the  26th  the  bill  passed  the 


INDEPENDENT  TREASURY  ESTABLISHED.     123 

Senate  by  a  vote  of  twenty-seven  to  twenty-five. 
Like  its  predecessor,  this  bill  was  laid  upon  the  table 
in  the  House — yeas  one  hundred  and  six,  nays  ninety- 
eight — the  whigs  and  conservatives  voting  for  the 
motion.  At  the  next  session,  in  1838-39,  Mr.  Wright 
again  brought  forward  the  independent  treasury  pro 
ject,  without  the  specie  clause,  in  the  hope  of  securing 
a  favorable  vote,  as  some  law  on  the  subject  was 
deemed  necessary  ;  but  it  was  a  third  time  defeated. 
The  elections  for  members  of  the  twenty-sixth  Con 
gress,  however,  terminated  in  the  choice  of  a  reliable 
majority  for  the  administration,  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  ;  and  soon  after  the  commencement  of  its 
first  session,  Mr.  Wright  brought  forward  a  bill  estab 
lishing  the  system  which  he  had  so  earnestly  advocated 
since  the  extra  session  in  1837.  The  specie  clause 
was  added<  with  his  vote,  and  in  that  shape  it  passed 
the  Senate.  On  the  1st  of  July,  1840,  a  final  vote  was 
taken  on  the  bill  in  the  House,  which  resulted  in  its 
passage — yeas  one  hundred  and  twenty-four,  nays  one 
hundred  and  seven.  The  law  thus  enacted  was  known, 
by  its  title,  as  "  An  act  to  provide  for  the  collection, 
safe-keeping,  transfer  and  disbursement,  of  the  public 
revenue." 

The  various  bills  introduced  in  the  Senate,  during 
the  administration  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  which  were  de 
signed  to  protect  the  settlers  on  the  public  lands ;  to 
graduate  the  prices  of  the  latter;  and  to  secure  the 
rights  of  pre-emption,  received  the  cordial  and  hearty 
support  of  Mr.  Wright.  At  the  session  of  Congress 
commencing  in  December  1837,  the  subject  of  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  was  brought  up  in  the 
Senate.  On  the  10th  of  January,  1838,  Mr.  Wright 
voted,  with  Mr.  Clay  and  others,  in  favor  of  a  resolu- 


124  SLAVERY    IN    THE    TERRITORIES. 

tion,  declaring  that  any  interference,  on  the  part  of 
the  citizens  of  other  states,  with  slavery  in  the  district, 
endangered  the  rights  of  the  citizens  of  such  district, 
violated  the  implied  faith  in  which  the  cession  was 
made  by  Maryland  and  Virginia,  and  would  disturb 
and  endanger  the  Union.  Mr.  Rives  offered  a  similar 
resolution,  on  the  llth  of  the  same  month,  in  regard  to 
slavery  in  the  territories,  which  also  declared  that  the 
people  of  those  territories,  when  applying  for  admission, 
would  have  the  exclusive  right  to  determine  the  question 
for  themselves.  Mr.  Wright  voted  against  this  resolu 
tion  ;  but  supported  one  offered  by  Mr.  Clay,  affirming 
that  it  would  be  injudicious  to  interfere  with  slavery 
in  the  territories  ;  that  such  interference  would  be  a 
violation  of  faith  towards  those  who  had  been  permit 
ted  to  settle,  and  hold  slaves  there ;  and  that  the  in 
habitants  would  be  exclusively  entitled  to  decide  the 
question,  when  admitted  into  the  Union.  Mr.  Preston, 
of  South  Carolina,  offered  a  resolution,  at  this  session, 
asserting  that  the  original  boundary  of  Texas  was  the 
Rio  Grande,  previous  to  its  cession  to  Spain  ;  that  it 
was  unwise  to  cede  it ;  and  that  it  was  desirable  to  re- 
annex  it,  when  it  could  be  done  with  the  consent  of 
Texas,  and  consistent  with  the  treaties,  stipulations, 
and  faith  of  the  United  States.  The  resolution  was 
taken  up  for  consideration  on  the  14th  of  June,  and 
finally  disposed  of  by  a  motion  to  lay  it  upon  the  table. 
The  vote  stood  twenty-four  for  the  motion,  and  four 
teen  against  it.  Mr.  Wright  voted  with  Mr.  Clay,  Mr. 
Buchanan,  and  Mr.  Webster,  for  the  motion.  It  was 
opposed  by  Mr.  Benton,  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  Mr.  Preston. 
In  1838,  Mr.  Wright  warmly  urged  the  passage  of  a 
bill,  which  he  had  introduced,  to  revoke  the  charters  of 
the  banks  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  provided  they 


NORTHERN  BOUNDARY  QUESTION.         125 

did  not  resume  specie  payments  by  the  1st  of  May  in 
that  year.  He  also  proposed  to  prohibit  the  issue  and 
circulation  of  small  bills  in  the  district — believing  that 
stringent  measures  of  that  character  were  required,  in 
order  to  protect  the  people  from  imposition  and  fraud. 
On  the  16th  of  May,  1838,  he  delivered  one  of  his  most 
elaborate  speeches  in  the  Senate,  on  a  joint  resolution 
prescribing  the  funds  to  be  received  for  government 
dues,  and  advocated  a  return  to  a  specie  currency,  as 
the  only  one  known  to  the  constitution. 

At  the  close  of  the  session  in  the  spring  of  1839,  the 
difficulties  on  the  northern  frontier  growing  out  of  the 
unsettled  state  of  the  boundary  question,  assumed  a 
threatening  aspect.  A  general  feeling  prevailed  in 
Congress  in  favor  of  maintaining  the  cautious  and  de 
cided  stand  of  the  administration.  The  task  of  its  de 
fence,  therefore,  on  the  part  of  the  democratic  senators, 
was  comparatively  light  and  easy.  The  unanimity  of 
feeling  that  existed,  may  be  understood  by  referring  to 
the  fact,  that  in  March,  1839,  Congress  placed  a  large 
sum  of  money  at  the  disposal  of  the  President,  and  au 
thorized  him  to  call  out  fifty  thousand  volunteers,  if  he 
judged  it  expedient  for  the  defence  of  the  country, 
without  scarcely  a  show  of  opposition.  The  vote  in 
the  Senate  was  unanimous,  and  there  were  but  six  nays 
in  the  House. 

On  his  route  home  in  March,  1839,  Mr.  Wright 
passed  through  Harrisburg,  and  was  invited  to  a  public 
dinner  by  the  democratic  members  of  the  Legislature 
of  Pennsylvania.  A  similar  invitation  was  tendered 
to  him  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Both  invitations 
were  declined.  It  was  very  grateful  to  his  feelings 
to  be  singled  out  as  the  object  of  attention  and  re 
gard,  on  the  part  of  his  fellow-citizens;  though  the 


126  BANKRUPT    LAW    PASSED. 

opinions  he  entertained  forbade  his  acceptance  of  the 
civilities  thus  tendered. 

The  commercial  disasters  of  1837,  had  reduced  a 
large  number  of  persons  throughout  the  Union,  to  what 
they  regarded  as  hopeless  and  irretrievable  insolvency. 
Relief  was  earnestly  besought  for  them,  by  the  passage 
of  a  law  to  enable  them  to  have  outstanding  debts  en 
tirely  cancelled.  Petitions  for  the  enactment  of  a 
bankrupt  law  were  presented  to  Congress,  and  at  the 
session  of  1839—40,  a  bill  was  introduced  in  the  Senate. 
Mr.  Van  Buren  had  formerly  recommended  the  pas 
sage  of  a  law  of  that  character,  applicable  to  banks 
and  bankers.  Mr.  Wright  was  in  favor  of  that  propo 
sition,  and  he  also  supported  the  bill  before  the  Senate ; 
which  contained  both  the  compulsory  and  the  volun 
tary  feature,  or,  in  other  words,  combined  the  princi 
ples  of  an  insolvent  with  a  bankrupt  law.  Mr.  Clay 
made  a  motion  to  strike  out  the  compulsory  clause, 
which  Mr.  Wright  opposed.  The  bill  passed  the  Sen 
ate  on  the  25th  of  June,  1840,  but  was  laid  on  the 
table  in  the  House. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  was  unanimously  nominated  in  1840, 
as  the  democratic  candidate  for  President,  and  General 
Harrison,  of  Ohio,  was  selected  as  his  opponent.  The 
canvass  was  animated  and  exciting,  but  the  ultimate 
result  did  not  long  remain  in  doubt.  Mr.  Wright  made 
a  number  of  powerful  and  effective  speeches,  at  New 
York  and  other  places,  during  the  electioneering  cam 
paign,  and  was  everywhere  listened  to  with  interest 
and  delight.  But  all  the  efforts  of  the  able  and  tal 
ented  men  who  gallantly  defended  the  administration, 
proved  unavailing.  The  pecuniary  reverses  of  1837, 
were  still  seriously  felt;  confidence  was  not  entirely 
restored ;  and  a  change  afforded  some  hope  of  relief. 


COURSE    OF    THE    CONSERVATIVES.  127 

A  majority  of  the  conservatives  united  with  the  oppo 
sition  ;  of  the  remainder,  some  stood  aloof  from  the 
contest ;  others  yielded  a  lukewarm  and  reluctant  sup 
port  to  Mr.  Van  Buren ;  and  others  again,  generously 
and  manfully  aided  to  secure  his  re-election.  The  se 
vere  measures  which  it  had  been  found  necessary  to 
employ  in  order  to  preserve  the  neutrality  of  the  coun 
try,  during  the  outbreak  and  insurrection  in  Canada, 
had  alienated  many  of  the  citizens  along  the  northern 
frontier  from  the  administration  which  they  had  once 
supported.  The  banking  institutions  of  the  country, 
too,  were  far  from  being  friendly  to  the  President. 
The  measures  he  had  recommended,  and  which  Mr. 
Wright  and  others  had  advocated  in  Congress,  were 
believed  to  indicate  a  feeling  of  hostility  towards  them; 
and  the  remarks  of  many  of  the  most  prominent  ad 
ministration  journals,  had  the  tendency  to  strengthen 
that  impression.  This  feeling  \vas,  to  a  great  extent, 
erroneous,  although  Mr.  Wright  most  certainly  believed 
that  there  were  many  defects  in  the  banking  system 
which  required  correction.  To  banks,  as  such,  he  was 
not  opposed — but  he  did  not  hesitate  to  condemn  the 
abuses  which  had  been  committed,  under  the  cover 
and  protection  of  chartered  rights  and  privileges. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  was  defeated.  Notwithstanding 
every  effort,  his  opponent  was  elected  by  an  unusually 
large  majority.  The  people  had  spoken,  and  it  but  re 
mained  to  register  their  decree.  When  Congress  met  in 
December,  little  was  to  be  done,  except  to  render  an 
account  of  the  manner  in  which  the  government  had 
been  administered,  during  a  season  of  continued  excite 
ment,  of  constant  agitation  in  the  money  market,  and 
embarrassment  in  all  the  business  relations  of  the 
country.  The  friends  of  the  in-coming  administration, 


128  PUBLIC    DEBT. 

however,  began  to  discover  that  it  was  much  easier 
to  criticize,  than  to  correct — to  point  out  an  evil,  than 
to  provide  a  remedy.  They  had  the  power  in  their 
hands,  and  knew  that  they  could  overturn  and  destroy ; 
but  it  was  for  the  future  to  determine  whether  they 
would  be  able  to  build  up  and  restore.  They  foresaw 
the  difficulties  in  their  way,  and  were  anxious  to  avoid 
them.  The  feeling  in  favor  of  exorbitant  appropria 
tions,  which  had  originated  in  a  large  surplus,  and 
which  had  proved  so  disastrous  to  Mr.  Van  Buren,  who 
attempted  in  vain  to  control  it,  might  prove  equally  as 
unfortunate  to  his  successors.  It  was  then  rumored  that 
a  large  debt  would  be  left  upon  their  hands,  for  which 
they  must  provide  the  means  of  payment.  Inquiries 
were  made  in  the  Senate,  and  among  others,  Mr.  Web 
ster  demanded  to  know  the  condition  of  the  treasury 
and  the  amount  of  the  debt.  On  the  17th  of  Decem 
ber,  Mr.  Wright  replied,  by  pointing  out  the  erroneous 
character  of  the  estimates  which  had  been  made,  and 
showing  that  a  large  mass  of  claims,  never  recognized 
by  Congress  or  the  Government,  and  the  treasury  notes 
issued  to  supply  those  which  had  been  returned  and 
cancelled,  were  added  to  the  actual  debt  of  five  mil 
lions  of  dollars,  including  the  notes  originally  put  in 
circulation,  in  order  to  make  up  the  array  of  figures 
which  had  excited  so  much  alarm.  He  also  referred  to 
the  alleged  necessity  of  calling  an  extra  session  of 
Congress,  for  which  the  existing  administration  would 
be  held  responsible ;  and  said,  that,  so  far  as  he  was 
concerned,  "  he  should  do  everything  in  his  power  to 
obviate  any  such  necessity;  and  to  accomplish  that 
object  with  the  greatest  certainty,  he  should  use  his 
utmost  endeavors  to  keep  the  appropriations  of  this 
session  within  the  anticipated  means  of  the  year  1841. 


DEATH    OF    HARRISON.  129 

He  believed  the  estimates  supplied  all  the  necessary 
wants,  and  he  intended  to  adhere  to  them  strictly. 
Having  done  so,  he  should  cheerfully  leave  it  to  those 
who  had  been  placed  in  power  by  a  triumphant  ex 
pression  of  the  popular  voice,  to  call  a  Congress  when 
they  pleased,  and  to  recommend  such  measures  as  they 
pleased."  This  pledge,  thus  publicly  made,  was  re 
ligiously  fulfilled  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Wright.  But  o 
portion  of  his  political  friends  thought  proper  to  unite 
with  the  opposition,  in  voting  appropriations  which  he 
believed  were  both  unnecessary  and  unwise.  By  con 
necting  them  with  the  regular  supply  bills,  the  President 
was  compelled  either  to  approve,  or  to  leave  the  gov 
ernment  entirely  without  the  means  of  support.  Mr. 
Wright  was  still  of  the  opinion,  that  an  extra  session 
was  uncalled  for,  except  it  were  to  adopt  measures  and 
projects  not  connected  with  the  payment  of  the  public 
debt.  The  successor  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  thought  differ 
ently,  and  soon  after  his  inauguration  a  proclamation 
was  issued,  requiring  Congress  to  convene  on  the  31st 
of  May. 

At  the  election  in  1840,  the  whig  party  had  chosen 
a  large  majority  of  the  members  of  Congress,  and  they 
never  doubted  their  ability  to  enact  such  laws  as  would 
be  agreeable  to  their  wishes.  But  how  delusive  are 
human  expectations — how  transitory  all  the  things  of 
this  world  !  On  the  4th  of  March,  1841,  General  Har 
rison  stood  uncovered,  in  the  capitol  of  the  nation, 
with  thousands  upon  thousands  of  his  fellow-citizens 
around  him,  and  took  that  solemn  oath  to  administer 
the  government  in  accordance  with  the  constitution 
and  the  laws.  On  the  4th  of  April,  he  lay  cold  and 
lifeless  in  the  executive  mansion.  The  period  of  his 
administration  was  over.  The  same  streets  along 

6* 


130        MEASURES  OF  THE  WHIG  PARTY. 

which  he  had  passed,  but  a  few  days  before,  receiving 
the  voluntary  homage  of  a  free  people  welcoming  the 
Chief  Magistrate  of  their  choice,  witnessed  another 
and  a  sadder  pageant.  The  shouts  of  the  multitude, 
the  swelling  notes  of  martial  music,  the  waving  plumes, 
and  the  gay  trappings,  gave  place  to  the  mournful 
lamentation,  the  low  tones  of  the  muffled  drum,  the 
black  pall,  and  the  funeral  hearse.  The  opening  of  the 
month  was  bright  and  cheering — its  close  was  dark 
and  dreary.  It  was  like  a  day  in  the  early  spring. 
The  sun  rose  in  joy  and  gladness,  in  its  unclouded 
majesty  and  splendor — it  set  in  sorrow  and  gloom  ! 

The  national  Congress  assembled  at  Washington. 
The  objects  of  the  extra  session  were  now  made  known. 
Four  prominent  measures  were  brought  forward — a  bill 
authorizing  a  loan  of  twelve  millions  of  dollars  ;  a  bank 
rupt  law  divested  of  the  severe  compulsory  provisions 
which  Mr.  Wright  had  advocated ;  the  distribution  of  the 
proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ;  and  the  incorporation  of  a 
national  bank.  Mr.  Wright  was  succeeded  in  the  com 
mittee  on  finance  by  Mr.  Clay,  and  placed  upon  those  on 
commerce  and  claims.  The  whigs  had  a  gallant  and 
fearless  leader  at  their  head,  in  whom  all  confidence  was 
placed.  The  plans  he  recommended  were  instantly 
adopted.  The  independent  treasury  law  was  repealed 
on  the  9th  of  June.  On  the  18th  of  August  a  bankrupt 
law  was  passed,  in  opposition  to  the  vote  of  Mr.  Wright ; 
only  to  be  repealed  by  the  same  Congress,  in  less  than 
two  years  from  the  date  of  its  enactment.  The  loan  bill 
also  became  a  law,  though  Mr.  Wright  and  others  earn 
estly  recommended  a  temporary  resort  to  treasury  notes. 
The  project  of  Mr.  Clay  for  the  distribution  of  the  pro 
ceeds  of  the  public  lands  was  then  taken  up.  The  demo 
cratic  senators  opposed  it,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  the 


VETO    OF    THE    BANK    BILLS.  131 

assumption  of  the  debts  of  the  several  states  in  a  dis 
guised  form  ;  that  it  was  impolitic  in  the  existing  con 
dition  of  the  treasury,  to  surrender  so  large  a  portion 
of  the  annual  revenue ;  and  that  the  bill  was  designed 
to  create  a  necessity  for  a  high  protective  tariff.  The 
last  objection  was  so  evident,  that  a  number  of  the 
whigs  united  with  Mr.  Wright  and  his  friends  in  insert 
ing  a  provision,  declaring  that  the  distribution  should 
cease  whenever  the  average  rate  of  duties  collected 
exceeded  twenty  per  cent.  This  clause  prevented  the 
bill  from  ever  being  carried  into  effect.  A  bill  for  the 
incorporation  of  a  national  bank  also  passed  the  Senate  ; 
the  democratic  members  remaining  firm  in  their  oppo 
sition.  It  received  a  favorable  vote  in  the  House,  and 
was  presented  to  Mr.  Tyler,  who,  as  Vice  President, 
had  succeeded  General  Harrison  in  the  executive 
chair.  A  suspicion  had  for  some  time  been  gaining 
ground,  that  the  state  rights  doctrines  of  the  President, 
and  the  views  entertained  by  the  leading  politicians  of 
the  state  of  Virginia,  which  he  had  been  known  to 
favor  when  in  Congress,  might  produce  a  division  in 
the  ranks  of  the  whig  party.  The  bill  was  vetoed,  and 
the  fears  of  its  advocates  were  increased.  But  the 
manly  form  of  their  distinguished  champion  was  still 
recognized  by  its  proud  bearing  amid  the  surrounding 
confusion.  He  was  a  host  in  himself,  and  so  long  as 
he  was  disposed  to  struggle,  they  hoped  that  all  would 
yet  be  well.  A  second  bill  was  presented  to  Congress, 
and  adopted  by  the  votes  of  the  whig  members.  Great 
care  had  been  taken  to  avoid  what  were  said  to  be  the 
constitutional  objections  of  Mr.  Tyler  ;  and  the  ap 
parent  object  was  only  to  establish  a  fiscal  agent  for  the 
treasury,  and  provide  a  moneyed  circulation  of  uniform 
value  throughout  the  states.  Another  veto  followed, 


132  RETIREMENT    OF    MR.    CLAY. 

and  the  whig  party  was  thrust  out  of  power,  by  the 
very  hand  they  had  raised  to  protect  and  defend  it. 
They  possessed  a  numerical  majority  in  the  National 
Legislature — but  they  had  no  President. 

Congress  adjourned  in  confusion,  and  the  cabinet 
was  dissolved.  At  the  regular  session  in  December, 
1841,  Mr.  Clay  again  appeared;  but  was  unwilling  to 
assume  the  position  he  had  occupied  on  the  committee 
on  finance.  He  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Evans,  of 
Maine.  The  experience,  industry,  and  ability  of  Mr. 
Wright,  in  examining,  arranging,  and  determining,  the 
large  number  of  claims  presented  to  Congress,  were  so 
universally  conceded,  that  he  was  retained  on  that 
committee.  He  was  also  re-appointed  a  member  of  the 
committee  on  commerce.  Early  in  the  session,  Mr. 
Clay  introduced  a  series  of  resolutions,  declaratory  of 
his  views  in  regard  to  the  revenues  and  expenditures 
of  the  government.  He  avowed  himself  friendly  to 
the  general  principles  of  the  compromise  act ;  but  he 
desired  that  a  sufficient  amount  of  revenue  should  be 
raised  from  the  customs,  to  support  the  government ; 
that  the  land  fund  should  be  surrendered  to  the  states ; 
and  that  the  proviso  in  the  distribution  act  should  be 
repealed.  His  friends  in  the  Senate  supported  the  res 
olutions,  but  Mr.  Wright  and  the  democratic  senators 
opposed  them,  for  the  same  reasons  which  had  influ 
enced  them  in  resisting  the  policy  of  distribution,  from 
the  outset.  For  several  years,  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr. 
Wright  had  been  placed  as  competitors  against  each 
other,  in  all  the  prominent  debates  in  the  Senate.  But 
during  all  that  time,  each  had  preserved  towards  the 
other  the  most  marked  courtesy  and  respect.  Mr.  Clay 
resigned  his  seat  on  the  31st  of  March,  to  retire  to 
private  life.  The  leave-taking  with  his  old  associates 


THE    LOAN    BILL.  13 

was  painful  and  affecting : — but  how  much  more  sad 
would  it  have  been,  had  he  known  that  it  was  his  last 
parting  for  this  world  with  his  friend — for  they  were 
friends  in  the  midst  of  violent  party  excitement — with 
his  friend  Silas  Wright. 

The  depression  in  trade  had  reduced  the  imports  of 
1841  to  such  an  extent,  that  the  public  revenues  had 
materially  diminished,  and  it  became  necessary  to  pro 
vide  means  for  the  relief  of  the  treasury.  The  loan 
authorized  at  the  extra  session  had  not  been  made,  on 
account  of  the  difficulty  of  disposing  of  the  stock  upon 
the  conditions  prescribed  in  the  bill ;  which  contained 
a  proviso  forbidding  any  sales  below  par.  The  diffi 
culty,  as  alleged  by  the  democratic  senators,  originated 
in  the  general  impression  entertained  among  capitalists, 
that  the  government  had  unwisely  yielded  up  the  land 
revenues,  in  prospective,  when  they  would  be  needed 
for  its  support ;  but  Mr.  Evans  reported  a  bill  from  the 
committee  on  finance,  authorizing,  among  other  things, 
the  stock  "  to  be  disposed  of  at  the  highest  price"  which 
the  secretary  of  the  treasury  could  obtain  for  the  same. 
On  the  5th  of  April,  Mr.  Wright  gave  his  views,  at 
length,  in  opposition  to  the  bill.  He  stated  his  willing 
ness  to  vote  for  the  necessary  supplies,  but  he  could  not 
approve  of  the  measure  under  consideration,  and  it 
should  not  receive  his  vote.  The  foreign  relations  of 
the  country  were  far  from  being  peaceful,  and  he  did 
not  think  that  such  was  the  time  to  offer  "  the  very 
standard  of  American  credit  for  sale  in  the  markets  of 
the  world."  He  advised  the  government  to  call  back 
the  land  fund ;  to  increase  it  by  pre-emption  and  grad 
uation  bills ;  and  to  offer  new  lands  for  sale.  "  If," 
said  he,  "  these  things  cannot  be  done,  follow  the  noble 
example  of  New  York ;  lay  taxes,  direct  or  indirect,  or 


134  BILL    TO    RESTORE    JACKSON'S    FINE. 

both;  stop  expenditure  beyond  the  means  which  the 
lands  and  the  customs  will  supply ;  fund  the  outstanding 
treasury  notes  as  you  propose  to  do,  in  this  bill,  and 
wait  until  the  money  market  shall  improve,  or  until 
you  can  realize  an  adequacy  of  means  from  your  im 
proved  revenues.  Again  I  say,  do  anything,  do  nothing, 
rather  than  propose  to  sell  your  credit  in  the  open 
market,  for  what  it  may  bring." 

At  this  session,  a  bill  was  proposed,  which  proved 
unsuccessful,  to  restore  the  fine  of  one  thousand  dollars 
imposed  on  General  Jackson  at  New  Orleans  in  1815, 
together  with  the  interest  from  the  time  of  its  payment. 
During  the  debate,  Mr.  Conrad,  of  Louisiana,  who  had 
opposed  the  bill,  recommended  the  passage  of  a  resolu 
tion  to  procure  a  paiating  representing  the  scene,  and 
hang  it  in  the  capitol,  in  which  the  victorious  general 
should  appear  bowing  himself  ta  the  majesty  of  the 
law,  that  the  exigency  of  the  case  had  compelled  him 
to  violate.  Mr.  Wright  advocated  the  passage  of  the 
bill,  and  in  his  speech  alluded  to  the  suggestion  of  the 
senator  from  Louisiana,  in  a  strain  of  manly  eloquence 
He  said : — 

"Sir,  such  a  picture  would  be  a  proud  one  for  the 
country,  and  especially  for  that  distinguished  general ; 
and  I  should  rejoice  to  see  it  gracing  the  capitol  of  the 
nation.  But  will  you  write  beneath  it,  *  We  gained  a 
thousand  dollars  to  the  public  treasury  by  this  operation, 
which  has  paid  for  this  picture  ?'  Will  you  hang  the  proud 
national  emblem  aloft  in  this  marble  palace,  and  invoke 
towards  it  the  attention  and  admiration  of  all  succeed 
ing  ages ;  and,  in  the  very  moment  when  you  do  so, 
make  up  a  record  upon  your  journal  here,  which  must 
either  disgrace  the  general,  whose  gallant  services  and 
patriotic  forbearance  gave  the  sketch  for  the  painting, 


APPORTIONMENT    BILL.  135 

or  must  disgrace  the  country  he  so  faithfully  and  dis 
interestedly  served?  The  general,  by  his  wisdom  and 
valor,  defended,  with  a  handful  of  undisciplined  militia, 
one  of  your  proudest  cities  against  a  veteran  enemy  of 
many  times  his  numbers.  In  doing  so,  he  had,  in  the 
opinion  of  a  judge  and  a  lawyer,  committed  a  technical 
breach  of  the  law,  and  been  guilty  of  a  technical  con 
tempt  of  court.  He  was  arraigned  by  the  precise 
judge  for  his  offence ;  and  within  the  very  bounds  of 
his  military  camp,  in  the  hour  of  his  proud  victory,  and 
in  the  presence  of  his  gallant  companions  in  arms,  and 
of  thousands  of  his  indignant  countrymen,  he  unresist 
ingly  permitted  himself  to  be  led  to  the  bar  of  the  court 
as  a  criminal,  and  there  received  the  sentence  of  the 
law,  and  paid  this  thousand  dollars  as  the  penalty  for 
the  offence  charged  against  him ;  not  a  human  being 
then,  or  since,  questioning  the  purity  of  his  intentions, 
or  the  wisdom  of  his  acts.  This  is  the  event,  it  is  said, 
we  should  commemorate  by  a  national  painting ;  and 
yet  we  are  urged  to  refuse  to  refund  the  penalty  thus 
incurred  in  our  service ;  or,  if  we  do  refund  it,  to  say, 
as  part  of  the  act,  that  it  was  worthily  imposed.  Will 
we,  can  we,  do  this  ?  No,  sir,  no.  The  heart  of  every 
man  who  occupies  a  seat  here  will  tell  him  that  he  can 
not  do  it ;  that  he  cannot  vote  for  such  a  memorial  to 
national  honor  and  private  merit,  and  place  his  vote  at 
the  foot  of  such  a  record." 

The  subject  of  the  division  of  the  several  states  into 
single  congressional  districts  was  also  brought  forward 
in  the  session  of  1841-42,  and  a  provision  inserted  in  the 
apportionment  bill  which  passed  both  Houses  of  Con 
gress.  Mr.  Wright  opposed  the  bill,  on  the  ground  that 
it  was  subversive  of  the  rights  of  the  states,  and  assumed 
to  control  and  dictate  the  action  of  their  Legislatures. 


136  OBJECTIONS    TO    THE    MEASURE. 

He  addressed  the  Senate  at  various  stages  of  the  bill, 
and  in  his  final  speech  presented  the  following  summary 
of  his  positions  : — 

"  Passing  the  other  arguments  by  which  this  novel 
enactment  is  attempted  to  be  sustained,  I  wish  to 
bring  the  Senate,  for  one  moment,  to  the  consideration 
of  the  great  interests — I  may  almost  say,  in  a  political 
sense,  estates — involved  in  this  action. 

"  The  first  in  the  constitutional  order,  was  the  peo 
ple  of  the  respective  states,  to  whom  the  right  of  electing 
representatives  to  the  Congress  was  expressly  reserved. 

"  The  second  was  the  Legislatures  of  the  states,  upon 
which  the  duty  was  devolved,  in  the  absence  of  any 
action  on  the  part  of  Congress,  to  prescribe  the  regula 
tions  necessary  to  enable  the  people  to  exercise  this 
great  constitutional  right. 

"  The  third  was,  Congress,  upon  which  a  discretion 
ary  power  was  conferred  to  make  these  regulations,  if 
the  states  did  not,  or  to  alter  the  regulations  which  the 
states  might  have  made. 

"  The  first  (the  people)  have  thus  far  enjoyed  theii 
great  right  under  the  regulations  of  the  states — and 
that,  too,  without  injury  or  complaint. 

"  The  second  (the  states)  have  acted  under  the  consti 
tution,  and  performed  the  duty  enjoined  upon  them,  in 
a  way  to  preserve  the  right  of  the  people  and  its  prac 
tical  and  beneficial  exercise. 

"  The  third  (Congress)  now  comes  in,  and  proposes, 
not  to  make  regulations  by  its  own  action — not  by  its 
own  action  to  alter  the  regulations  which  the  states 
have  made — but  to  prescribe  certain  rules  by  which 
the  Legislatures  of  the  states  shall  alter  their  own 
regulations. 

"  Congress  admits  its  want  of  power  to  compel  the 


SINGLE    DISTRICT    SYSTEM.  137 

state  Legislatures  to  comply  with  its  prescription,  and 
alter  their  regulations  to  conform  to  it.  And  how  does 
it  propose  to  attempt  coercion  upon  them  ?  By  abridg 
ing  any  of  their  powers  or  privileges  ?  No ;  but  by 
forfeiting  this  great  right  of  the  people  of  the  state  to 
elect  representatives,  if  their  Legislature  do  not  comply. 

"Thus  the  fault  is  to  be  either  in  Congress,  or  in 
the  state  Legislature.  The  people  can  coerce  neither ; 
and  yet  the  forfeiture  for  the  fault  is  to  be  visited  upon 
the  only  innocent  party  of  the  three — the  people,  who 
cannot  make  the  regulations,  and  whose  most  essential 
right  is  to  be  forfeited  if  they  are  not  made.  Was  such 
action,  on  the  part  of  Congress,  constitutional,  or  wise, 
or  expedient?  To  his  mind,  it  was  neither." 

By  the  provisions  of  the  apportionment  bill,  the  state 
Legislatures  were  required  to  district  their  respective 
states ;  and  if  not  so  districted,  it  was  contended  that 
they  should  not  be  represented.  Mr.  Wright  conceded 
the  power  in  Congress  of  making  any  division  it  saw 
fit,  or  of  altering  such  as  might  be  made  by  any  state 
Legislature  ;  but  he  denied  the  right  to  prescribe  to 
the  states  what  laws  they  should  enact.  In  one  of  hii 
speeches  he  stated,  that  he  was  ignorant  as  to  what 
would  be  the  course  of  the  Legislature  of  New  York 
under  such  an  enactment.  His  colleague,  Mr.  Tall- 
madge,  who  had  been  re-elected  in  1840,  by  the  then 
whig  Legislature,  referred  to  this  admission  of  Mr. 
Wright,  in  his  remarks  on  the  bill,  as  casting  a  "  blot 
upon  the  escutcheon  of  the  state."  After  the  separa 
tion  of  the  former  gentleman  from  the  democratic 
party,  Mr.  Wright  studiously  avoided  any  collision  or 
dispute  with  him  upon  the  floor  of  the  Senate  in  re 
gard  to  the  state  they  represented.  But  to  such  an 
attack  he  felt  bound  to  reply.  He  said  that  "  he  would 


138  REVISION    OF    THE    TARIFF. 

not  undertake  to  say  whether  it  was  his  fault,  or  his 
misfortune,  that  he  could  not  look  into  futurity  and  tell 
what  would  be  the  actions  of  men  hereafter ;  but  the 
fact  was  so.  He  did  not  know,  and  therefore  could 
not  tell ;  and  if  that  was  to  be  charged  against  him  as 
an  offence,  or  a  dishonor  to  the  state,  he  could  only  say 
that  it  proceeded  from  the  mistake  of  his  respected  and 
intelligent  constituents  in  sending  so  ignorant  a  repre 
sentative  there.  The  same  senator,"  he  continued, 
"had  assumed  that  by  his  declaration,  he  had  dishon 
ored  the  memories  of  the  Hamiltons,  and  Livingstons, 
and  Clintons,  and  Tompkinses  of  their  state.  The 
memories  of  all  the  patriots  and  statesmen  of  New 
York,  of  the  present  and  of  former  days,  ought  to  be 
dear  to  him,  and  he  thought  they  were  so ;  and  while 
he  could  scarcely  hope  to  avoid  reflecting  dishonor 
upon  them,  by  the  inadequacy  of  his  powers  to  dis 
charge  in  a  manner  worthy  of  their  memories  the  high 
and  responsible  duties  pertaining  to  his  present  station, 
he  would  say  to  his  colleague,  that  to  a  man  who  had 
drunk  less  deeply  from  the  political  doctrines  of  the 
Hamiltons  of  New  York,  and  more  deeply  from  those 
of  her  Livingstons,  and  Clintons,  and  Tompkinses,  the 
idea  would  never  have  occurred  that  opposition  to  this 
provision  of  this  bill  was  placing  a  blot  upon  the  clear 
escutcheon  of  that  proud  democratic  state." 

Another  important  question  presented  to  the  twenty- 
seventh  Congress,  at  its  first  regular  session,  was  that 
of  revising  the  compromise  act.  On  the  30th  day  of 
June,  1842,  the  minimum  was  to  be  reached.  No  duty 
exceeding  twenty  per  cent,  was  to  be  collected  after 
that  date ;  and  then,  unless  Congress  should  make 
some  different  provision,  the  distribution  act  would  go 
into  effect.  It  was  doubted,  whether  duties  could  be 


THE    PROVISIONAL    TARIFF.  139 

collected  subsequent  to  that  day,  unless  a  law  was 
passed  authorizing  it  to  be  done ;  and  whether  the  com 
promise  act  would  have  any  force  whatsoever,  except  as 
fixing  a  maximum  standard  to  govern  the  legislation  of 
Congress.  A  provisional  tariff  bill  was  therefore  passed, 
extending  the  compromise  act  to  the  1st  of  August, 
1842,  and  requiring  duties  to  be  collected  at  the  same 
rates  as  were  collectable  on  the  1st  of  June.  The 
bill  also  postponed  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of 
the  public  lands  ;  but  the  principle  was  not  surrendered, 
and  Mr.  Wright  therefore  voted  against  it.  The  Pres 
ident  did  not  approve  it,  and  it  was  returned  with  his 
objections.  A  general  bill  was  then  framed,  with  in 
creased  rates  of  duties,  averaging  nearly  forty  per  cent., 
but  containing  a  section  repealing  the  proviso  in  the 
distribution  act.  Mr.  Wright  voted  to  strike  out  the 
objectionable  clause  ;  but  it  was  retained,  and  a  second 
veto  was  the  consequence.  A  great  deal  of  confusion 
existed  in  Congress,  and  much  angry  feeling  was  man 
ifested  towards  the  President.  But  it  was  necessary 
to  have  some  revenue  law,  and  it  was  satisfactorily 
demonstrated  that  a  tariff  averaging  twenty  per  cent, 
would  not  be  sufficient  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  gov 
ernment.  The  whigs  had  the  control  in  Congress,  and 
they  were  expected  to  devise  a  plan  to  supply  the  treas 
ury.  They  were  unwilling  to  yield  the  principle  of  dis 
tribution,  and  Mr.  Tyler  refused  to  sign  any  bill  that 
contained  it.  Efforts  were  then  made  to  prepare  a  tariff 
not  exceeding  twenty  per  cent.,  by  taxing  tea,  coffee, 
and  other  articles,  which  it  was  supposed  would  yield 
a  large  amount  of  revenue.  By  enacting  such  a  law 
the  proviso  of  the  distribution  act  would  have  been 
satisfied,  and  the  law  be  permitted  to  go  into  operation. 
The  duty  on  tea  and  coffee  was  opposed  by  a  large 


140  TARIFF    BILL    PASSED. 

majority  of  the  democratic  members  of  Congress,  and 
by  a  sufficient  number  of  the  whigs  to  prevent  its  in 
sertion.  Mr.  Wright  was  uniformly  opposed  to  this 
duty,  and  voted  against  a  bill  proposed  by  Mr.  Rives 
in  the  Senate,  which  he  preferred  in  other  respects, 
because  it  contained  that  provision. 

The  law,  known  as  the  tariff  act  of  1842,  was  finally 
prepared.  The  average  rate  of  duties  fixed  by  this 
bill  was  about  thirty-two  per  cent.  Many  of  its  pro 
visions  Mr.  Wright  believed  to  be  unjust  and  unequal, 
and  he  subsequently  pointed  them  out,  in  an  able  speech 
on  the  subject,  delivered  in  the  Senate  in  1844.*  But 
the  country  was  rapidly  augmenting  her  debt,  and 
Congress  was  about  to  adjourn  without  providing  the 
means  for  its  support.  The  principle  of  distribution, 
after  a  long  struggle  to  retain  it,  was  surrendered  ;  and 
that  was  something  gained.  The  bill  came  to  a  final 
vote  in  the  Senate  on  the  27th  of  August.  It  had 
passed  the  House  by  one  majority.  The  senators  were 
known  to  be  nearly  divided  in  their  opinions,  and  every 
thing  depended  on  a  single  vote.  That  vote — the  vote 
of  Mr.  Wright — saved  the  bill.  He  gave  it  with  re 
luctance,  and  before  announcing  it,  he  stated  the  rea 
sons  which  had  induced  him  to  separate  himself,  on 
this  occasion,  from  his  party  friends ;  all  of  whom, 
with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Buchanan  and  Mr.  Sturgeon, 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  Mr.  Williams,  of  Maine,  voted 
against  the  bill.  The  government  was  in  a  perilous 
condition,  and  he  was  not  willing  to  adjourn  without 
affording  relief.  The  bill  was  objectionable,  but  he 
trusted  to  see  it  amended  under  more  favorable  aus 
pices.  "  The  treasury,"  said  he,  "  is  empty ;  and  al 
most  daily  the  public  creditors  are  turned  away  from 
*  See  Appendix. 


THE    VOTE    OF    MR.    WRIGHT.  141 

it  without  payment.  This  very  Congress  has  increased, 
and  is  daily  increasing  the  public  expenditures,  and 
thus  creating  the  necessity  for  increased  revenues. 
And  the  public  credit  is  not  sinking,  but  sunken ;  so 
that  loans,  at  high  interest  and  at  long  time,  cannot 
be  negotiated  at  home  or  abroad,  upon  the  declared 
reason  that  we  have  not  revenues  to  meet  the  payment 
of  the  public  liabilities.  These  changes  of  circumstan 
ces  constituted,  in  his  mind,  the  highest  necessity  for  a 
revenue  law,  and  forced  upon  him,  under  the  most 
solemn  sense  of  public  duty,  the  course  of  action  which 
he  proposed  to  pursue.  All  he  could  ask  of  the  friends 
who  should  differ  from  him,  and  believe  him  to  be  still 
in  error,  was,  that  they  would  believe  him  to  be  gov 
erned  by  pure  motives ;  and  if  in  error,  to  be  honestly 
so.  He  owed  it  to  those  friends,  as  well  as  to  himself, 
to  make  another  remark  ;  which  was,  that  the  con 
sequences  of  his  action,  if  evil,  should  be  visited  upon 
himself  alone  ;  as  no  friend,  here  or  elsewhere,  had  inter 
fered  to  bring  him  to  the  conclusion  he  had  pronounced. 
Many  very  dear  friends,  whose  judgments,  upon  almost 
all  occasions,  he  valued  more  highly  than  his  own,  had 
kindly  attempted  to  convince  him  that  he  was  in  error 
— not  one  to  urge  him  to  give  the  vote." 

Several  of  the  democratic  senators,  who  spoke  pre 
vious  to  the  passage  of  the  bill,  expressed  their  regret 
that  Mr.  Wright  was  about  to  give  his  vote  in  its  favor. 
But  not  one  doubted  the  purity  of  his  motives,  or  re 
proached  him  for  supporting  it.  They*  saw  that  the 
sacrifice  pained  him  deeply ;  that  if  the  bill  could  have 
passed  without  his  vote,  he  would  have  remained  with 
them  in  the  opposition ;  and  they  honored  him  for  his 
manliness  and  independence,  and  respected  the  mora 
greatness  which  had  dictated  his  course. 


142          ELECTED  FOR  A  THIRD  TERM. 

Congress  re-assembled  in  December.  But  little 
business  of  importance  was  transacted  at  this  session 
The  elections  in  the  fall  had  proved  disastrous  to  the 
whig  party,  and  they  cared  not  to  propose  any  new 
measures,  for  their  successors  to  modify  or  overturn. 
The  bankrupt  law  was  repealed.  The  bill  to  refund 
the  fine  imposed  on  General  Jackson  was  ag-ain  dis 
cussed,  but  did  not  become  a  law.  Mr.  Benton  offered 
a  series  of  resolutions  against  the  assumption  of  the 
debts  of  the  states  by  the  General  Government,  for 
which  Mr.  Wright  cheerfully  voted.  In  the  month  of 
February,  1843,  the  latter  was  re-elected,  for  another 
term  of  six  years,  by  the  Legislature  of  Newr  York. 
In  the  caucus  at  which  he  was  nominated,  the  vote 
was  unanimous  in  his  favor.  The  idea  o^  returning 
another  person  to  fill  the  place  of  Silas  Wright  in  the 
Senate  was  entertained  by  no  one. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

1843. — Bill  Passed  to  Refund  the  Fine  Imposed  on  General  Jackson  at 
New  Orleans — Reduction  of  Postage — Notice  to  Terminate  Joint 
Occupancy  of  Oregon — Tariff  Bill  of  Mr.  McDuffie — Able  Speech  of 
Mr.  Wright — Mr.  Tyler's  Treaty  of  Annexation — Original  Bounda 
ries  of  Texas — Cession  to  Spain — Efforts  to  Recover  it — Mr.  Wright 
Declines  the  Office  of  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court — Let 
ters  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr.  Clay  on  Annexation — Democratic 
National  Convention — Nomination  of  Mr.  Polk — Mr.  Wright  Nom 
inated  as  the  Candidate  for  Vice-President — Letter  of  Declension — 
Reasons  for  the  Same— Objections  to  the  Treaty  of  Annexation — 
— Opinions  of  Mr.  Wright — Rejection  of  the  Treaty — Subsequent 
Project  of  Annexation — Failure  of  the  Tariff  Bill  in  the  House — Ad 
journment  of  Congress — Divisions  in  the  Democratic  Party  in  New 
York — Legislation  of  the  State  in  regard  to  Internal  Improvements 
—Stop  and  Tax  Law  of  1842— The  People's  Resolution— Different 
Factions  and  I»terests — Attempt  to  bring  Mr.  Wright  forward  as  a 
Candidate  for  Governor — His  Refusal  to  be  considered  as  such — The 
State  Convention — Nomination  of  Mr.  Wright — Address  and  Resolu 
tions  of  the  Convention — Letter  of  Acceptance — Letter  on  unfinished 
Canals— 1844. 

IN  December,  1843,  the  new  Congress  assembled. 
The  Senate  was  still  composed  of  a  majority  of  whigs, 
but  in  the  House  the  position  of  things  was  reversed. 
Almost  the  first  business  of  the  session  was  the  passage 
of  the  bill  to  refund  the  fine  paid  by  General  Jackson. 
On  the  8th  day  of  January,  1844,  being  the  twenty- 
ninth  anniversary  of  the  victory  at  New  Orleans,  the 
bill  was  finally  passed  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  on  the  14th  of  February,  it  received  the  concur 
rence  of  the  Senate.  The  subject  of  reducing  the 


144  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

postage  on  letters  and  newspapers  had  been  agitated 
for  a  long  time,  and  at  this  session  a  law  was  enacted 
effecting  a  considerable  reduction.  When  the  bill  was 
before  the  Senate,  Mr.  Wright  endeavored  to  have  it 
amended,  by  limiting  the  franking  privilege  beyond 
what  was  proposed ;  but  failing  in  that,  he  nevertheless 
gave  his  vote  cordially  in  its  favor.  On  the  21st  of 
March,  he  voted  for  the  joint  resolution  directing  the 
President  to  communicate  to  the  government  of  Great 
Britain  the  notice  required  by  the  existing  treaty,  of  the 
termination  of  the  common  occupancy  of  the  Oregon 
territory.  He  was  always  favorable  to  this  measure, 
and  anxiously  desired  to  see  the  power  and  jurisdiction 
of  the  nation  extended  over  the  inhabitants  of  that 
remote  portion  of  the  country,  for  their  protection  and 
security. 

The  subject  of  a  revision  of  the  tariff  of  1842  was 
early  agitated  in  Congress.  Mr.  McDuffie  introduced 
a  bill  proposing  to  reduce  all  duties  under  the  law, 
which  were  above  the  rate  of  20  per  cent,  to  that  rate, 
by  a  gradual  reduction.  The  design  of  bringing  for 
ward  this  bill  was  to  provoke  discussion  upon  the  sub 
ject,  and  to  test  the  feelings  of  senators  in  regard  to 
the  modification  of  the  act  of  1842,  rather  than  with 
any  hope  of  its  passage.  The  committee  on  finance,  to 
whom  it  was  referred,  reported  it  back  to  the  Senate, 
without  amendment,  but  accompanied  with  a  resolu 
tion  recommending  its  indefinite  postponement,  upon 
the  ground  that  the  constitution  required  that  all  such 
bills  should  originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
Upon  this  resolution  a  lengthy  discussion  arose,  involv 
ing  the  principles  of  the  whole  tariff  question.  Among 
the  speakers  was  Mr.  Wright.  His  speech  occupied 
two  days  in  its  delivery,  and  is  important,  not  only  be- 


TREATY    OF    ANNEXATION.  145 

cause  it  was  the  last  great  effort  of  its  author  on  the 
floor  of  the  Senate,  but  for  the  reason  that  it  contains 
the  matured  and  enlightened  opinions  of  an  able  states 
man — opinions  not  formed  in  the  heyday  of  youth,  or 
the  heat  of  excitement,  but  pondered  long  in  the  closet, 
and  subjected  to  the  rigid,  and  thorough  examination, 
of  a  mind  peculiarly  calculated  for  the  investigation  of 
the  subject  to  which  they  relate.*  Men  may  differ 
with  him  in  sentiment,  but  they  must  concede  the 
ability  with  which  his  positions  are  maintained.  Had 
he  never  uttered  another  syllable,  there  is  in  this  one 
speech  merit  sufficient  to  secure  him  a  proud  place  in 
the  estimation  of  his  countrymen.  To  single  out  any 
one  part  of  it  would  be  to  mar  the  whole.  It  is  a 
labored  and  complete  argument,  in  defence,  as  he  ex 
presses  it,  of  "  that  degree  of  protection  which  is  inci 
dent  to  revenue,  and  consistent  with  it,"  and  opposed 
to  the  "prohibition  destroying  revenue,  and  creating 
monopoly." 

The  project  of  annexing  Texas  to  the  United  States 
was  presented  to  the  Senate,  in  a  definite  form,  by  a 
treaty  submitted  for  its  approbation,  which  had  been 
concluded  under  the  advice  and  direction  of  President 
Tyler  on  the  12th  of  April,  1844.  The  original  Prov 
ince  of  Texas,  as  described  on  the  Atlas  of  Humboldt, 
and  the  maps  of  all  the  old  geographers  and  travellers, 
lay  between  the  Sabine  and  the  lower  Rio  del  Norte, 
or  Rio  Grande,  and  between  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the 
Red  River.  This  province  was  included  in  the  pur 
chase  of  Louisiana  from  France,  and  was  ceded  to 
Spain  by  treaty,  in  1819,  under  the  administration  of 
Mr.  Monroe,  but  in  opposition  to  the  views  of  Mr. 
Adams,  then  a  member  of  his  cabinet,  and  to  those  of 
Mr.  Clay,  who  denounced  the  cession  in  the  House  of 

7  *  See  Appendix. 


146          EFFORTS  TO  ACQUIRE  TEXAS. 

Representatives.  When  Mr.  Adams  was  elected  to  the 
presidency,  and  Mr.  Clay  appointed  secretary  of  state, 
an  effort  was  made  to  recover  back  the  territory,  but 
v,he  terms  they  offered  were  not  satisfactory,  and  the 
negotiation  failed.  Mr.  Van  Buren  repeated  the  at 
tempt,  as  secretary  during  General  Jackson's  adminis 
tration,  which  was  in  like  manner  unsuccessful.  The 
next  proposition  for  the  annexation  came  from  Texas 
herself,  after  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.  Mr.  Van 
Buren  was  then  President,  but  declined  the  proposal. 
Though  she  had  already  given  evidence  of  her  disposi 
tion  and  ability  to  maintain  her  independence,  a  state 
of  war  still  existed,  and  it  was  thought  the  annexation 
could  not  be  effected  without  a  breach  with  Mexico. 
At  the  session  of  Congress  in  1837-38,  Mr.  Preston 
offered  a  resolution  in  the  Senate  in  favor  of  recover 
ing  the  country  unwisely  ceded  to  Spain,  which  was 
laid  upon  the  table,  as  has  been  stated.  In  1842,  the 
subject  was  again  revived  by  individuals  owning  lands 
in  Texas,  but  resident  within  the  United  States,  and  by 
others  who  viewed  with  alarm  the  efforts  in  England  to 
abolish  slavery  in  that  republic,  for  the  purpose,  as  it 
was  alleged,  of  injuring  the  cotton  growers  in  the 
southern  states  belonging  to  the  American  Union. 
There  were  many,  also,  connected  by  the  ties  of  kin 
dred,  or  friendship,  with  the  citizens  of  that  country, 
who  were  anxious  to  see  those  for  whom  they  enter 
tained  so  much  regard,  sheltered  with  them  beneath  the 
same  protecting  aegis.  The  agitation  of  the  subject 
led  to  the  treaty  of  1844. 

While  the  question  of  the  annexation  was  being  dis 
cussed  in  Congress,  and  in  the  political  circles  at 
Washington,  the  office  of  associate  justice  of  the 
supreme  court  of  the  United  States,  made  vacant 


NATIONAL    CONVENTIONS.  147 

by  the  death  of  Smith  Thompson,  of  New  York,  in 
December  1843,  was  tendered  to  Mr.  Wright,  but 
declined.  The  motives  which  prompted  this  offer  have 
often  been  made  the  subject  of  comment,  yet  it  is  un 
necessary  to  speak  of  them  here,  except  it  be  to  re 
mark,  that  no  one  who  knew  Mr.  Wright,  would  have 
dared  to  encounter  the  indignation  with  which  any 
proposition  affecting  his  political  integrity,  or  his  char 
acter  as  a  senator,  in  the  remotest  degree,  would  have 
been  met  on  his  part.  Almost  every  act  of  his  life 
was  a  refutation  of  the  infamous  maxim  of  the  cor 
rupt  Walpole.  He  had  no  price.  Value  was  not 
attached  to  his  honor,  for  it  was  beyond  the  wealth  of 
worlds  to  purchase.  A  high  judicial  position  might 
not,  under  some  circumstances,  have  been  unwelcome 
to  him ;  but  to  receive  anything,  from  one  occupying 
an  equivocal  relation  towards  the  party  of  which  he 
was  a  member,  at  a  time  when  a  favorite  measure  re 
quired  votes  in  Congress  to  sustain  it,  and  without  the 
known  consent  and  approbation  of  the  constituents  to 
whom  he  felt  so  deeply  indebted,  was  entirely  out  of 
the  question. 

The  subject  of  annexation  was  also  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  presidential  nominations  in  the  spring  of 
1844.  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr.  Clay  were  the  most 
prominent  candidates  of  the  two  great  parties,  and  both 
gentlemen  were  asked  to  make  known  their  opinions. 
The  positions  assumed  in  their  respective  letters  were 
nearly  identical.  Neither  avowed  any  hostility  to  the 
immediate  or  ultimate  annexation,  provided  it  could  be 
done  in  a  proper  manner ;  but  they  believed  its  re-union 
at  that  juncture  would,  in  all  probability,  result  in  a 
war  with  Mexico.  Mr.  Clay  was  nominated  by  his 
party  friends,  at  their  national  convention.  The 


148  NOMINATED    FOR    VICE    PRESIDENT. 

democratic  convention  met  at  Baltimore,  in  May.  The 
letter  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  on  the  annexation  question 
had  excited  considerable  feeling  among  the  friends  of 
the  measure,  and  by  means  of  the  two-third  rule,  which 
had  been  adopted  in  making  nominations,  he  was  de 
feated.  After  several  ballotings  Mr.  Polk  was  brought 
forward  as  a  new  candidate,  and  received  the  nomina 
tion.  The  nomination  for  Vice  President  was  then 
bestowed  upon  Mr.  Wright  by  the  unanimous  voice 
of  the  convention,  but  entirely  without  his  consent  or 
approbation.  Immediately  upon  receiving  the  intelli 
gence,  he  addressed  the  following  letter  to  his  friend, 
Mr.  Butler,  by  whom  its  contents  were  made  known 
to  the  convention  still  in  session  : — 

WASHINGTON,  May  29th,  1844. 

My  dear  sir  : — Being  advised  that  the  convention  of 
which  you  are  a  member  has  conferred  upon  me  the 
unmerited  honor  of  nominating  me  as  a  candidate  for 
the  office  of  Vice  President,  will  you,  if  this  informa 
tion  be  correct,  present  my  profound  thanks  to  the 
convention  for  this  mark  of  its  confidence  and  favor ; 
and  say  for  me,  that  circumstances,  which  I  do  not 
think  it  necessary  to  detail,  but  which  I  very  briefly 
hint  at  to  you  [in  another  letter,]  render  it  impossible 
that  I  should,  consistently  with  my  sense  of  public  duty 
and  private  obligations,  accept  this  nomination. 

I  am,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

SILAS  WRIGHT. 

Hon.  B.  F.  Butler. 

The  declension  of  Mr.  Wright  was  followed  by  the 
selection  of  Mr.  Dallas.  When  it  was  understood  that 
he  positively  refused  to  accept  the  nomination,  a  feel- 


REASONS    FOR    HIS    DECLENSION.  149 

ing  of  deep  regret  was  manifested  in  the  convention. 
His  immediate  friends  in  that  body  expected  nothing 
less  from  him.  The  democratic  electors  of  New  York 
through  their  representatives  in  the  Legislature  and  in 
the  state  convention,  had  unanimously  presented  the 
name  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  for  the  presidency.  Was  he 
the  man  then  to  appropriate  to  himself  an  inferior  posi 
tion,  when  the  higher  one  had  been  refused  to  the  candi 
date  offered  in  the  name  of  his  constituents  ?  Could  he 
accept  a  nomination  for  such  an  office,  without  having 
first  consulted  the  citizens  of  the  state  he  represented  ? 
In  his  view  it  was  utterly  impossible.  Justice  to  them, 
justice  to  himself,  required  that  such  an  honor  should 
be  sought,  if  sought  at  all,  not  covertly,  but  openly,  and 
in  the  face  of  day. 

But  there  was  still  another^ reason  which  forbade  his 
acceptance.  The  nomination  had  been  withheld  from 
Mr.  Van  Buren,  because  of  his  opposition  to  the  im 
mediate  annexation  of  Texas.  This  was  not  denied ; 
and  had  it  been,  the  truth  was  so  apparent  as  to  defy 
contradiction.  Yet  he  was  asked  to  place  his  name 
upon  the  ticket,  when  it  was  known  that  he  entertained 
similar  views  and  opinions,  and  was  prepared  to  vote 
against  the  treaty  then  lying  before  him  in  the  Senate. 
The  same  objection  that  operated  in  the  one  case  had 
equal  weight  in  the  other.  He  felt  the  importance  of 
conciliation  and  harmony — the  peace-offering  was  ap 
preciated  as  it  deserved — his  party  obligations  were 
ever  sacredly  regarded — but  there  were  considera 
tions  that  rose  far  above  them  all.  He  had  shown  in  his 
senatorial  career  that,  "  if  he  loved  Cresar  less,  he 
Joved  Rome  more" — that  when  his  country  required 
his  vote,  in  opposition  to  the  friends  with  whom  he 
acted,  he  did  not  hesitate.  It  remained  for  him  to 


150  TREATY    OF    MR.    TYLER. 

prove,  how  much  dearer  was  the  preservation  of  his 
own  independence  and  self-respect,  than  the  honor  that 
seemed  a  mockery,  when  it  was  purchased  by  the 
sacrifice  of  a  friend  for  whom  he  entertained  the  affec 
tion  of  a  brother ;  whose  banner  he  had  borne  aloft  in 
sunshine  and  in  storm,  in  prosperity  and  adversity  ; 
and  to  whom  he  had  adhered,  when  others  were  false 
and  faithless — never  doubting,  never  yielding,  true  and 
steadfast  to  the  last. 

The  treaty  concluded  by  Mr.  Tyler,  was  the  leading 
topic  of  discussion  in  the  Senate  for  several  weeks.  Its 
ratification  was  opposed  by  Mr.  Wright  and  Mr.  Ben- 
ton.  The  main  objections  urged  by  them  were ; — the 
want  of  a  proper  regard  for  the  claims,  and  the  honor 
and  character  of  Mexico,  in  the  manner  in  which  the 
negotiation  had  been  conducted,  without  making  any 
attempt  to  procure  her  consent — the  uncertainty  in  re 
lation  to  the  boundary  line  of  Texas,  which  was  claimed 
by  her  to  extend  beyond  the  original  limits  of  the  prov 
ince,  and  tacitly  recognized  in  the  treaty — and  the  as 
sumption  by  Mr.  Calhoun,  in  his  official  correspond 
ence  as  secretary  of  state,  that  the  acquisition  of  the 
territory  was  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  insti 
tution  of  slavery.  The  question  of  the  liability  for  the 
payment  of  the  debt  of  Texas,  was  also  raised ;  but  it 
was  thought  that  her  public  lands  would  be  amply  suf 
ficient  to  discharge  it.  This  objection  was  renewed 
after  the  treaty  was  disposed  of,  and  shown  to  be  of 
more  weight. 

Neither  before  nor  during  the  pendency  of  the  nego 
tiations  for  the  annexation,  was  there  any  effort  to 
secure  an  amicable  arrangement  of  the  claims  of 
Mexico.  Whether  founded  in  truth,  or  otherwise — 
they  were  known  to  exist.  They  had  been  made 


BOUNDARIES    OF    TEXAS.  151 

openly  and  publicly ;  but  it  was  deemed  advisable  by 
the  administration  not  to  notice  them,  while  the  project 
itself  was  being  discussed  between  the  representatives 
of  Texas  and  the  United  States.  Seven  days  after  the 
treaty  was  signed,  and  after  the  Mexican  minister  had 
withdrawn  from  Washington,  instructions  were  sent 
to  the  United  States  Charge  in  Mexico,  directing  him 
to  communicate  the  fact  to  the  Mexican  government ; 
and,  at  the  same  time,  to  assure  it,  that  no  "disrespect 
or  indifference  to  the  honor  or  dignity  of  Mexico/'  was 
designed,  and  that  the  measure  was  adopted  under  cir 
cumstances  of  great  emergency. 

By  an  act  of  the  Texan  Congress,  approved  on  the 
19th  of  December,  1836,  the  boundaries  of  the  republic 
were  defined  as  follows  :  "  Beginning  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Rio  Grande,  thence  up  the  principal  stream  of  said 
river  to  its  source ;  thence  along  the  boundary  line,  as 
defined  in  the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and, 
Spain,  to  the  beginning."  This  line,  established  by 
Texas,  not  only  included  the  original  province  which 
extended  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  from 
its  mouth  to  the  mountainous  barriers  of  the  Passo,  and 
thence  northerly  to  the  Red  River,  but  it  embraced 
one-half  of  the  province  of  New  Mexico,  and  large 
portions  of  the  provinces  of  Chihuahua,  Coahuila,  and 
Tamaulipas.  The  treaty  communicated  to  the  Senate, 
by  Mr.  Tyler,  proposed,  on  the  part  of  the  republic  of 
Texas,  to  cede  "  to  the  United  States  all  of  its  territo 
ries,  to  be  held  by  them  in  full  property  and  sovereignty" 
— thus  adopting  in  almost  unequivocal  terms,  the  claims 
of  the  Texan  Congress. 

The  principal  argument,  and  the  most  important 
reason,  urged  by  the  administration  of  Mr.  Tyler  for 
the  immediate  annexation,  as  appears  from  the  cor- 


152  NEGOTIATION    OF    TREATY. 

respondence  between  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  the  Texan 
commissioners  and  the  British  minister,  was  the  neces 
sity  of  protecting  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  South, 
the  security  and  perpetuity  of  which  were  endangered 
by  a  design,  said  to  be  in  contemplation,  having  for  its 
object  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  Texas.  In  his  letter 
to  the  United  States  Charge  in  Mexico,  to  which  ref 
erence  has  been  made,  he  stated  explicitly,  that  "  the 
step  was  forced  on  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  in  self-defence,  in  consequence  of  the  policy 
adopted  by  Great  Britain  in  reference  to  the  abolition 
of  slavery  in  Texas.  It  was  impossible,"  he  added, 
"for  the  United  States  to  witness,  with  indifference, 
the  efforts  of  Great  Britain  to  abolish  slavery  there. 
They  could  not  but  see  that  she  had  the  means  in  her 
power,  in  the  actual  condition  of  Texas,  to  accomplish 
the  objects  of  her  policy,  unless  prevented  by  the  most 
'  efficient  measures  ;  and  that,  if  accomplished,  it  would 
lead  to  a  state  of  things  dangerous  in  the  extreme  to 
the  adjacent  states,  and  the  Union  itself." 

Mr.  Wright  believed  that  justice  to  Mexico  required 
that  overtures  should  have  been  made  to  her  for  the 
settlement  of  all  difficulties  and  questions  in  dispute, 
boundaries  included,  growing  out  of  the  separation  of 
Texas  from  the  Mexican  Confederacy,  and  the  subse 
quent  war,  prior  to  entertaining  the  proposition  for  the 
annexation ;  that  the  boundary  line  established  by  the 
Texan  Congress,  was  not  the  true  line,  and  should  not 
have  been  either  directlyor  indirectly  acknowledged  ; 
and  that  the  perpetuity  and  security  of  slavery  ought 
not  to  constitute,  and  did  not  constitute,  a  sufficient 
reason  for  the  annexation,  but  that  there  were  other 
arguments  in  favor  of  the  acquisition,  provided  it 
could  be  obtained  without  injustice.  As  for  the  inter- 


SPEECH    AT    WATERTOWN.  153 

ference  of  Great  Britain,  he  deemed  that  feature  of  the 
argument  set  at  rest,  by  the  express  disclaimer  of  her 
minister ;  and  if  any  portion  of  her  citizens,  as  individ 
uals,  were  concerned  in  an  effort  to  abolish  slavery  in 
Texas,  it  was  nothing  more  than  they  were  constantly 
attempting  to  do  in  the  southern  states  already  belong 
ing  to  the  Union.  These  general  views  were  repeated 
by  him  on  several  occasions,  in  addressing  the  meetings 
of  his  fellow-citizens  in  New  York,  during  the  summer 
of  1844.  In  his  speech  at  Watertown,  he  said  : — 

"  There  is  another  subject  on  which  I  feel  bound  to 
speak  a  word — a  question  which  sprung  up  during  the 
last  session  of  Congress.  I  allude  to  the  proposition  to 
annex  Texas  to  the  territory  of  this  republic.  I  was 
called  on  officially  to  act  on  that  great  national  propo 
sition.  It  is  not  my  purpose  to  discuss  the  matter 
before  you,  because  one  who  is  to  follow  me,  and  who 
has  paid  more  attention  to  the  subject  than  I  have,  will 
do  it  ample  justice.  But  to  you  am  I  bound  to  account 
for  my  official  action  on  that  great  question.  I  felt  it 
my  duty  to  vote  as  a  senator,  and  did  vote,  against  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty  for  the  annexation.  It  has 
been  supposed  by  some,  that  I  gave  that  vote  from  an 
unyielding  opinion  that  annexation  should  never  take 
place.  That  is  not  so.  I  have  made  up  no  such  opin 
ion.  Fcr  the  treaty  I  could  not  vote,  and  one  of  the 
reasons  was,  that  I  believed  then,  as  now,  if  we  pro 
posed  to  take  that  country  into  our  confederacy,  at  the 
time  and  under  the  then  existing  relations  between 
Mexico  and  Texas,  it  was  our  duty  as  one  of  the  civil 
ized  nations  of  the  earth,  to  go  frankly,  honestly,  and 
openly  to  Mexico,  and  avow  our  wishes  and  designs — 
to  offer  to  negotiate  with  her  in  reference  to  any  claim 
she  might  have,  and  to  make  to  her  character,  honor, 

7* 


154  SPEECH    CONTINUED. 

and  interest,  all  proper  and  honorable  tenders.  I  be 
lieve  the  honor,  the  faith,  and  standing  of  this  Union, 
imperiously  demanded  this  course.  Again,  I  believed 
that  the  treaty,  from  the  boundaries  that  must  be  im 
plied  from  it,  if  Mexico  would  not  treat  with  us,  em 
braced  a  country  to  which  Texas  had  no  claim — over 
which  she  had  never  asserted  jurisdiction,  and  which 
she  had  no  right  to  cede.  On  this  point  I  should  give 
you  a  brief  explanation. 

"  The  treaty  ceded  Texas  by  name,  without  any 
effort  to  describe  a  boundary.  The  Congress  of  Texas 
had  passed  an  act  declaring  by  metes  and  bounds  what 
was  Texas  within  their  power  and  jurisdiction.  It  ap 
peared  to  me  then,  if  Mexico  should  tell  us,  '  we  don't 
know  you — we  have  no  treaty  to  make  with  you ;' — 
and  we  were  left  to  take  possession  of  it  by  force,  we 
must  take  the  country  as  Texas  had  ceded  it  to  us — 
and  in  doing  that,  or  forfeiting  our  own  honor,  we  must 
do  injustice  to  Mexico,  and  take  a  large  portion  of 
New-Mexico,  the  people  of  which  have  never  been 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  Texas.  This,  to  me,  was  an 
insupportable  barrier.  I  could  not  place  the  country 
in  that  position.  Again,  the  record  sent  with  the  treaty 
— the  correspondence  between  our  negotiators,  and  the 
Texan  commissioners,  and  the  British  minister — was 
anything  but  acceptable  to  me.  That  correspondence 
did  not  present  the  true  reason  why  that  country  should 
be  annexed  to  the  Union,  if  it  should  be  annexed.  It 
was,  as  all  recollect,  put  on  the  assumed  ground  that  it 
was  necessary  to  strengthen,  defend  and  perpetuate  the 
institution  of  slavery  in  the  country.  On  this  subject 
I  speak  with  entire  frankness.  To  say  that  I  am  not  a 
friend  to  the  institution  of  slavery  as  an  individual,  would 
be  to  offend  you  ;  for  no  man  living  here  in  our  society, 


REJECTION    OF    THE    TREATY.  155 

caii  in  his  heart  cherish  an  institution  of  that  sort  as  a 
matter  of  principle.  It  is  a  libel  on  man  to  suppose  so." 

The  final  vote  in  the  Senate  on  the  ratification  of 
the  treaty,  was  taken  on  the  8th  of  June ;  sixteen 
senators  voted  in  favor  of  the  ratification,  and  thirty- 
five  against  it — Mr.  Wright,  as  stated  in  the  foregoing 
extract  from  his  speech  at  Watertown,  voting  with  the 
latter.  Before  dismissing  the  subject,  it  cannot  be  out 
of  place  to  refer  to  an  inquiry  often  made,  as  to  what 
would  have  been  Mr.  Wright's  course,  had  he  re 
mained  in  the  Senate,  upon  the  joint  resolutions  for  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  adopted  in  Congress  on  the  1st 
of  March,  1845.  It  is  not  difficult  to  answer  this 
question.  The  only  thing  to  be  determined  is — whether 
his  objections  were  removed.  If  so,  his  vote  would 
have  been  given  for  the  resolutions. 

The  resolutions  adopted  by  Congress  embraced  two 
propositions— the  one  positive,  and  the  other  alternative. 
It  needs  no  argument  to  show,  that  Mr.  Wright  would 
have  voted  for  the  latter ;  because  it  provided  for  the  very 
thing  he  desired  ;  a  fair  and  full  negotiation — with  Texas 
alone,  it  is  true — but,  in  such  negotiation,  all  vexed  ques 
tions  might  have  been  disposed  of  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  parties  concerned.  Yet  this  may  be  regarded  imma 
terial,  since  the  positive  proposition  was  the  one  under 
which  Texas  was  in  fact  annexed.  The  election  of  Mr. 
Polk  by  the  people  of  the  Union,  as  the  avowed  friend  of 
immediate  annexation,  removed,  in  a  great  degree,  the 
objection,  that  Mexico  had  not  been  consulted,  inas 
much  as  the  evil,  if  one,  was  beyond  the  reach  of  rem 
edy — the  administration  could  not  retrace  its  course 
upon  that  point  without  compromising  the  national 
honor — and  it  was  fairly  to  be  presumed  that  a  majority 
of  the  electors  desired  the  annexation  as  speedily  as 


156  JOINT    RESOLUTIONS. 

possible.  Besides,  a  concession  was  made  in  behalf 
of  the  claims  of  Mexico,  in  that  part  of  the  first  resolu 
tion  having  reference  to  the  boundaries  of  Texas ; 
to  which,  mainly,  "  the  claims  of  Mexico,"  as  the  term 
was  used  in  connection  with  this  question,  had  refer 
ence.  The  separate  and  sovereign  character  of  Texas 
was  recognized  by  the  acknowledgment  of  her  inde 
pendence.  The  rights  of  Mexico  in  the  matter,  so  far 
as  the  United  States  was  concerned,  were  those  con 
nected  with  the  division  line,  and  not  the  original  sep 
aration.  The  first  clause  of  the  joint  resolutions  gave 
the  consent  of  Congress  to  the  annexation  of  "  the 
territory  properly  included  within,  and  rightfully  belong 
ing  to,  the  Republic  of  Texas;"  and  in  the  second 
section  it  was  provided,  that  "  all  questions  of  boundary 
that  might  arise  with  other  Governments,"  should  be 
"  subject  to  adjustment"  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States.  These  two  features  disposed  of  the 
boundary  objection ;  they  did  not  recognize  the  en 
actment  of  the  Texan  Congress,  but  admitted,  in  ex 
press  terms,  that  there  were  questions  in  relation  to 
the  boundary  that  remained  yet  to  be  adjusted.  The 
objection  in  regard  to  slavery  was  no  longer  of  force, 
as  an  entirely  new  proposition  had  been  adopted ;  and 
although  the  friends  of  that  institution  might  not  have 
changed  their  views,  others  were  left  at  liberty  to  sup 
port  the  measure  upon  different  grounds.  Moreover, 
a  provision  was  inserted  applying  the  principle  of  the 
Missouri  compromise  to  the  territory  about  to  be 
annexed.  A  question  has  recently  been  raised,  as  to 
whether  the  compromise  was  not  violated  by  the  ratifi 
cation  of  the  Texan  constitution  ;  but  this  has  no 
necessary  connection  with  the  vote  on  the  resolutions, 
and  need  not  be  considered  here.  Mr.  Wright  did  not 


LEAVES    WASHINGTON.  157 

oppose  the  admission  of  states  into  the  Union,  in  which 
slavery  existed,  on  the  ground  of  its  existence  ;  but  he 
was  in  favor  of  firmly  adhering  to  the  Missouri  com 
promise  line.  The  existence  of  slavery  in  Texas  did 
not  constitute,  in  his  opinion,  a  valid  objection  to  the 
annexation ;  but  he  never  approved  of  the  acquisition 
of  territory,  for  the  purpose  of  extending  that  institu 
tion.  The  objection  concerning  the  liability  for  the 
payment  of  the  debts  of  Texas  was  settled,  by  the  pos 
itive  declaration  in  the  resolutions  that  "  in  no  event" 
were  they  "  to  become  a  charge  upon  the  Government 
of  the  United  States."  If,  therefore,  these  views  are 
correct,  Mr.  Wright  would  most  certainly  have  voted, 
as  did  his  friend  and  successor,  Mr.  Dix,  for  the  joint 
resolutions. 

A  strong  effort  was  made  in  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  previous  to  the  adjournment  in  the  summer  of 
1844,  to  pass  a  bill  reducing  and  modifying  the  tariff 
law  of  1842.  But  the  opinions  of  members  were  found 
to  be  so  conflicting  and  so  various,  that  nothing  defi 
nite  was  accomplished.  The  last  day  of  the  session 
came,  and,  with  it,  Mr.  Wright's  career  as  a  senator 
was  closed.  Had  he, — had  his  associates  foreseen,  as 
they  took  him  by  the  hand  at  parting,  what  was  so 
soon  to  transpire,  sadder  thoughts  would  have  been 
cherished  than  those  which  accompanied  them  from 
the  capitol.  Though  he  and  they  knew  it  not,  he  left 
the  seat  of  government  never  to  return.  The  separa 
tion  was  final — forever. 

On  his  way  home  from  Washington,  and  after  his 
return,  Mr.  Wright  addressed  his  fellow-citizens  in  dif 
ferent  sections  of  the  state,  upon  what  he  regarded  as 
the  great  questions  involved  in  the  approaching  presi 
dential  election.  Although  he  had  refused  to  suffer  his 


158  DISSENSIONS    IN    NEW    YORK. 

name  to  be  put  upon  the  ticket,  he  gave  the  candidates 
nominated,  a  frank,  manly,  and  honorable  support.  The 
influence  and  exertions  of  the  intimate  friends  of  Mr. 
Van  Buren  were  requisite  to  the  success  of  the  demo 
cratic  party.  The  least  appearance  of  lukewarmness, 
or  hesitation  on  their  part,  and  the  state  of  New  York 
would  give  her  electoral  vote  for  Mr.  Clay.  They 
could  not  remain  indifferent.  They  desired  to  see  the 
Independent  Treasury  re-established,  the  tariff  law 
modified,  the  title  to  Oregon  maintained,  and  the  dis 
tribution  of  the  land  fund  prevented ;  and  they  were 
willing  that  Texas  should  be  annexed,  if  the  people  de 
sired  it,  upon  fair  and  proper  terms,  and  in  a  careful 
and  judicious  manner.  Mr.  Van  Buren  himself  wrote 
a  letter  to  his  friends  in  the  city  of  New  York,  exhort 
ing  them  "  to  merge  all  minor  considerations,"  and  sus 
tain  the  nominations.  The  letter  was  published  in  all 
the  democratic  papers  of  the  state,  and  produced  a 
powerful  impression  upon  the  minds  of  the  electors. 
Mr.  Wright  arid  Mr.  Butler  also  tendered  their  services 
in  addressing  the  people  whenever  and  wherever  they 
were  required.  But  the  issue  of  the  election  was  still 
doubtful.  Dissensions  existed  in  the  democratic  ranks, 
growing  out  of  questions  of  state  policy,  and  the  man 
agement  of  the  state  finances.  The  party  was  divided 
into  two  factions,  each  bitter  and  unsparing  in  its 
denunciations  of  the  other.  Personal  animosities,  pri 
vate  piques  and  prejudices,  served  to  give  a  more 
marked  and  decided  character  to  the  division.  At  the 
caucus  held  by  the  democratic  members  of  the  Legis- 
ature,  in  the  spring  of  1844,  for  the  first  time  since  the 
e-organization  of  the  party  in  support  of  General  Jack- 
'  on  and  Mr.  Van  Buren,  a  strong  effort  was  made  to 
wevent  the  passage  of  resolutions  approving  of  the 


THEIR    ORIGIN.  159 

course  of  the  state  administration.  This  had  always 
been  customary  when  they  were  in  power,  as  was  then 
the  case ;  but  a  number  of  the  persons  present  abso 
lutely  refused  to  vote  for  the  resolutions,  and  directed 
their  names  not  to  be  attached  to  the  proceedings. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature,  the  demo 
cratic  newspapers  in  the  state  took  up  the  quarrel  which 
had  commenced  at  Albany.  The  conduct  of  the  dis 
senting  members  of  the  caucus  was  vehemently  con 
demned  by  one  portion,  and  warmly  approved  by 
another.  William  C.  Bouck  and  Daniel  S.  Dickinson, 
the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor,  were  considered 
as  heading  one  faction,  and  Colonel  Young,  the  secre 
tary  of  state,  and  Azariah  C.  Flagg,  the  comptroller, 
represented  the  other.  The  latter  was  in  favor  of  sus 
taining  and  continuing  the  financial  policy  advocated 
and  supported  by  Governor  Throop  and  Mr.  Wright, 
and  the  former  preferred  more  liberal  appropriations, 
and  were  less  cautious  in  regard  to  increasing  the  state 
debt.  This  division  line  had  long  existed  in  the  party. 
It  was  perhaps  derived  originally  from  the  opposition 
of  the  Buck  tails  to  the  numerous  projects  for  the  con 
struction  of  roads  and  canals  brought  forward  by  the 
Clintonians.  After  the  union  of  the  Bucktail  and  Clin- 
tonian  Jackson  men  in  1827,  the  feelings  which  had 
been  entertained  seemed  temporarily  to  be  forgotten,  and 
when  they  were  revived,  many  of  the  leading  politicians 
assumed  different  positions  in  relation  to  the  question 
than  they  had  before  occupied.  Some  of  the  Bucktails 
approved  of  a  liberal  use  of  the  public  credit,  while  a 
portion  of  the  Clintonians  became  decided  advocates 
of  economy  and  prudence  in  the  management  and  dis 
position  of  the  resources  and  revenues  of  the  state. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  retired  from  the  office  of  governor 


160  STATE    LEGISLATION. 

in  time  to  avoid,  in  a  great  measure,  the  injurious  effect 
upon  his  own  prospects  which  the  agitation  of  this  sub 
ject  must  have  produced.  The  legislation  of  the  state, 
for  several  years  subsequent  to  his  resignation,  has  been 
previously  noticed.*  The  opposition  of  Governor 
Throop  to  the  construction  of  the  lateral  canals  occa 
sioned  so  much  ill-feeling,  that  he  was  compelled  to 
decline  a  re-nomination.  Governor  Marcy,  though 
yielding  to  the  urgent  entreaties  of  the  friends  of  the 
Chenango  canal,  adhered  generally  to  the  policy  of  the 
previous  administration.  The  veto  of  the  bill  to  re- 
charter  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  the  removal 
of  the  deposits,  occasioned  numerous  applications  to  the 
Legislature  of  New  York  for  the  incorporation  of  state 
institutions.  This  new  interest  united  with  the  friends 
of  the  lateral  canals,  and  those  who  advocated  the  im 
mediate  enlargement  of  the  Erie  canal,  in  carrying  the 
measures  they  desired.  The  gradual  enlargement  was 
approved  by  all  parties,  but  a  majority  of  the  Legisla 
ture,  in  1835,  passed  a  bill  conferring  almost  unlimited 
power  upon  the  canal  board.  At  this  session  a  great 
number  of  banks  were  chartered.  In  his  annual  mes 
sage  to  the  Legislature  in  1836,  Governor  Marcy 
pointed  out  the  evils  to  which  this  rage  for  speculation 
and  new  enterprises  would  lead,  and  earnestly  pro 
tested  "  against  pledging  the  credit  of  the  state  for 
further  improvements,  until  ample  means  had  been 
provided  for  the  prompt  payment  of  the  interest."  But 
scores  of  applications  for  bank-charters  were  presented, 
a  large  portion  of  which  were  granted;  heavy  loans 
were  made  to  railroad  companies  ;  and  acts  were  passed 
authorizing  the  construction  of  the  Black  River  and 
Genesee  Valley  canals.  The  governor  resisted  the 

*  Chapter  III. 


BANK    CHARTERS.  161 

current  for  the  time,  but  finally  gave  way  so  far  as  to 
let  the  Legislature  take  its  course  without  his  interfer 
ence.  The  commercial  disasters  of  1837  put  an  end  to 
legislation  of  this  character.  A  strong  faction  was 
formed  adverse  to  bank-charters.  Mr.  Van  Buren  and 
Mr.  Wright  were  known  to  be  in  favor  of  adopting 
stringent  measures  where  these  institutions  failed  to 
fulfil  their  obligations.  The  specie  circular,  and  the 
independent  treasury  plan,  were  not  satisfactory  to  the 
chartered  banks,  and  their  influence  to  a  great  extent 
became  hostile  to  the  national  administration.  Gover 
nor  Marcy  endeavored  to  pursue  a  course  which  would 
meet  with  the  approbation  of  all.  The  banking  interest 
did  not  unite  in  any  opposition  to  his  administration, 
nor  was  his  course  in  regard  to  internal  improvements 
calculated  to  make  either  faction  unfriendly  towards 
him.  He  signified  his  approbation  of  the  independent 
treasury,  though  at  first,  like  many  others,  not  inclined 
to  favor  it.  But  the  ultraists  on  both  sides  disapproved 
of  his  moderation,  and  he  was  defeated  in  1838.  The 
whigs  came  into  power,  and  continued  with  more 
freedom  the  lavish  expenditures  begun  under  the  former 
administration,  in  accordance  with  the  policy  they 
avowed. 

Those  who  thought  with  Mr.  Wright,  had  warned 
their  party  friends  to  be  more  cautious  in  prosecuting 
the  public  works,  and  increasing  the  state  debt,  and 
witnessed  with  regret  the  incorporation  of  such  a  large 
number  of  banks.  A  sound,  judicious  system  of  bank 
ing,  he  and  they  always  desired  to  see  established ;  but 
the  legislation  of  1835  and  1836  did  not  appear  to  them 
very  well  calculated  to  promote  that  object.  In  1840, 
iis  name  was  suggested  in  connection  with  the  nomi 
nation  for  governor ;  but  he  was  aware  that  the  inter- 


,162  STOP    AND    TAX    LAW. 

ests  which  had  opposed  his  election  to  the  Senate, 
would  not  be  entirely  content  to  see  his  name  upon 
the  ticket ;  and,  although  they  might  give  him  their 
support,  the  success  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  would  be  placed 
in  jeopardy.  Upon  national  questions,  the  party  was 
well  united  at  this  time,  except  that  those  who  disap 
proved  of  the  independent  treasury  were  not  friendly 
to  the  administration  at  Washington ;  and  he  did  not 
desire  to  introduce  new  causes  for  ill-feeling  and  divis 
ion.  He  therefore  declined  being  a  candidate  for  the 
nomination,  and  Mr.  Bouck  was  selected  by  the  con 
vention.  The  whig  ticket  succeeded,  however,  and 
the  financial  policy  continued  nearly  the  same  as  be 
fore.  In  1841,  the  election  resulted  favorably  to  the 
democratic  party.  Most  of  their  candidates  and  jour 
nals  had  advocated  greater  care  and  caution  in  man 
aging  the  finances  of  the  state,  the  suspension  of  the 
public  works,  and  the  adoption  of  immediate  measures 
tor  the  payment  of  the  rapidly  increasing  debt.  The 
Legislature  assembled  in  January,  1842,  and  elected 
Colonel  Young  secretary  of  state,  and  restored  Mr. 
Flagg  to  the  office  of  comptroller,  from  which  he  had 
been  removed  by  the  whigs.  The  other  members  of 
the  canal  board,  appointed  at  the  same  time,  with  one 
or  two  exceptions,  entertained  similar  views  with  those 
gentlemen.  On  the  recommendation  of  Mr.  Flagg,  a 
law  was  passed,  entitled  "an  act  to  provide  for  paying 
the  debt  and  preserving  the  credit  of  the  state."  By 
this  act,  a  tax  was  authorized  to  be  raised  of  one  mill 
on  every  dollar  of  the  valuation  of  real  and  personal 
property ;  the  revenues  of  the  state  were  pledged  for, 
the  payment  of  the  debt,  variously  estimated  at  from 
twenty  to  thirty  millions  of  dollars  ;  and  all  further  ex 
penditures  on  the  public  works  were  suspended,  except 


THE  PEOPLE'S  RESOLUTION.  163 

where  the  completion  of  any  particular  contract  would 
be  an  act  of  economy.  The  vote  on  this  bill  was  a 
strict  party  one;  the  democratic  members  uniting  in 
the  passage  of  the  bill.  This  act  was  termed  the  "  stop 
and  tax  law  of  1842,"  referred  to  by  Mr.  Wright  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  when  he  spoke  of  "  the 
noble  example  of  New  York,"  and  commended  it  to 
the  advocates  of  the  loan  bill. 

But  apprehensions  were  entertained  by  a  portion  of 
those  who  were  opposed  to  the  increase  of  the  state 
debt,  that  moderate  counsels  might  not  always  prevail 
in  the  Legislature.  In  1841,  an  amendment  of  the 
constitution  had  been  urged,  forbidding  the  creation  of 
any  debt  exceeding  a  certain  specified  sum  for  contin 
gencies,  without  first  submitting  the  question  to  the 
electors  of  the  state.  The  resolution  providing  for  the 
amendment  was  called  "  The  People's  Resolution."  It 
was  discussed  in  the  Legislature,  but  did  not  receive 
its  approval.  In  1842,  it  was  again  introduced,  but  the 
whig  members,  and  the  friends  of  a  more  liberal  policy 
in  regard  to  works  of  improvement,  opposed  its  adop 
tion,  and  insisted  that  the  law  passed  at  that  session 
was  sufficiently  rigid  in  its  provisions.  At  the  fall 
election,  Mr.  Bouck  was  chosen  governor,  and  Mr. 
Dickinson  lieutenant-governor ;  the  convention  by 
which  they  were  nominated  having  passed  a  resolution 
in  favor  of  a  strict  adherence  to  the  requirements  of 
the  law  of  1842.  In  1843,  "the  people's  resolution" 
was  connected  with  another  amendment,  making  the 
pledges  and  guarantees  of  the  law  of  1842  also,  a  part 
of  the  state  constitution.  The  same  influences  that 
had  defeated  the  amendment  offered  at  the  preceding 
session  of  the  Legislature,  were  again  successful.  Pre 
vious  to  the  fall  election,  these  amendments  were  ex- 


164  THE    FINANCIAL    UUESTION. 

tensively  discussed  before  the  people  and  in  the  public 
newspapers ;  and  at  the  session  of  the  Legislature  in 
]  844,  they  were  approved  by  a  majority  of  the  mem 
bers,  in  order  to  be  presented  to  the  succeeding  Legis 
lature,  when,  if  they  received  a  vote  of  two-thirds,  they 
were  to  be  submitted  to  the  people  for  their  final  ratifi 
cation.  The  friends  of  the  governor  and  lieutenant- 
governor  did  not  originally  approve  of  the  adoption  of 
the  amendments ;  but  a  portion  of  them  voted  to  pre 
sent  them  to  the  next  Legislature.  The  principles 
sought  to  be  ingrafted  upon  the  constitution  by  these 
amendments,  were  those  which  formed  the  main  points 
of  difference  between  the  two  factions  in  the  demo 
cratic  party.  They  had  assumed  various  forms  and 
modifications  during  the  successive  stages  of  legisla 
tion  ;  but  the  great  question  involved  in  them  remained 
the  same.  There  were  also  minor  shades  of  opinion, 
which  caused  a  great  many  persons  to  be  regarded 
either  as  neutral  or  moderate  in  their  views.  The  im 
mense  interests  connected  with  the  public  works,  gave 
those  who  favored  their  prosecution  considerable  power 
and  influence,  and  this  naturally  occasioned  a  more 
determined  feeling  to  spring  up  on  the  other  side. 
Personal  considerations,  appointments  to  office,  and 
other  questions  of  subordinate  importance,  were  con 
nected  with  the  dispute  in  regard  to  the  financial 
policy  which  should  be  observed ;  but  when  the  real 
ground  and  origin  of  the  controversy  and  division  was 
sought  after,  it  was  found  to  consist  in  the  question : 
Whether  or  not  the  debt  of  the  state  should  be  increased 
at  any  time,  without  providing  the  means  for  its  pay 
ment,  and  relying  merely  upon  anticipated  revenues  to 
discharge  it. 

While  these  agitating  subjects  were  discussed  in  the 


PROPOSED    FOR    GOVERNOR.  165 

New  York  Legislature,  and  in  the  newspapers  and 
conventions  of  the  party,  upon  national  subjects  the 
factions  remained  united.  The  feeling  at  one  time  ex 
isting  against  Mr.  Wright  had  neariy  subsided.  His 
course  on  the  Texas  question  occasioned  some  remark, 
but  it  was  mostly  confined  to  those  who  were  enjoying 
the  patronage  of  Mr.  Tyler's  administration,  and  not 
even  they  wholly  disapproved  of  his  vote.  All  had  the 
most  perfect  and  entire  confidence  in  the  purity  of  his 
motives,  and  this  universal  feeling  in  his  favor  was 
manifested  in  the  unanimity  with  which  he  was  re- 
elected  in  1843.  This  popularity,  however,  which  he 
had  acquired  by  his  course  in  the  Senate,  and  by  re 
maining  almost  entirely  separated  from  state  politics, 
furnished  the  most  powerful  argument  to  remove  him 
from  the  position  he  had  adorned  by  his  high  character 
and  conceded  talents,  and  connect  his  name  with  the 
dissensions  and  differences  of  the  democratic  party  at 
home.  Soon  after  his  return  from  Washington,  his 
name  was  mentioned  as  that  of  a  suitable  candidate 
for  governor,  and  one  upon  whom  both  factions  would 
cheerfully  unite.  The  suggestion  originated  with  those 
who  were  opposed  to  the  re-nomination  of  Governor 
Bouck ;  but  it  was  afterwards  adopted,  not  only  by 
them,  but  also  by  those  who  were  considered  moderate 
or  indifferent  in  their  views  as  to  state  questions. 
From  the  first  it  did  not  receive  his  approbation.  He 
foresaw  that  however  much  he  might  disapprove  of  the 
personal  animosities  which  had  been  engendered,  they 
would  be  certain  to  affect  him,  provided  he  adhered  to 
the  opinions  he  had  ever  maintained  in  regard  to  the 
financial  policy  of  the  state ;  and  these  were  too  firmly 
fixed  to  be  either  compromised  or  waived,  under  any 
circumstances.  The  line  between  the  factions  was 


166  OBJECTIONS    TO    BECOME    A    CANDIDATE, 

drawn ;  he  could  not  satisfy  both  without  a  sacrifice 
of  principle ;  and  he  entreated  his  friends  to  spare  him 
from  mingling  in  the  contention  and  strife  which  had 
distracted  and  divided  them.  But  the  feeling  in  favoi 
of  his  nomination  extended  farther  and  wider.  He 
saw  that  something  must  be  done  to  prevent  it,  and  he 
addressed  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  Albany,  the  substance 
of  which  was  made  public  through  the  columns  of  a 
leading  paper  in  that  city,  stating  expressly  that  he  was 
'lot  a  candidate  for  governor,  and  that  he  should  not, 
knowingly,  make  himself  the  means  of  difficulties,  or 
divisions,  in  the  democratic  party  of  the  state,  to  which 
ne  was  so  deeply  indebted,  at  any  time,  upon  any  ques 
tion,  or  for  any  object ;  and  certainly  not  at  a  time  like 
the  present,  when  a  vital  national  question  demanded 
perfect  harmony,  and  the  united  and  patriotic  exertions 
of  the  whole  party." 

This  announcement  did  not  check  the  expressions 
of  public  sentiment  demanding  his  nomination.  Every 
clay  more  positive  demonstrations  were  made.  The 
great  majority  of  the  party  seemed  to  desire  it,  and  the 
opinion  was  generally  entertained,  that  the  national 
ticket  would  be  defeated  unless  he  came  forward  as  a 
candidate.  Still  he  hesitated.  He  had  ambition  ;  but 
it  was  of  a  high  and  lofty  character.  The  Senate  of 
the  nation  was  his  appropriate  sphere,  and  he  did  desire 
to  maintain,  and,  if  possible,  increase  the  reputation  he 
had  acquired  as  a  member  of  that  body.  But  he  would 
not  peremptorily  decline  the  gubernatorial  nomination  ; 
for,  had  he  done  so,  Mr.  Polk  would  have  been  defeated, 
and  the  consequences  of  that  defeat  attributed  to  him. 
He  was  also  unwilling  to  disregard  the  wishes  of  those 
who  had  placed  him  in  the  Senate,  and  whose  right  to 
recall  him  he  had  alwavs  acknowledged.  He  then 


DEMOCRATIC  STATE  CONVENTION.         16? 

determined  to  leave  the  matter  to  the  democratic  party 
of  the  state.  If  their  delegates  in  the  convention 
brought  forward  his  name;  if  all  concurred  in  the  se 
lection  ;  and  the  resolutions  were  in  accordance  with 
his  opinions  upon  the  financial  policy  of  the  state ;  he 
would  not  decline  the  nomination. 

The  convention  met  on  the  4th  of  September.  Upon 
the  informal  ballot,  three-fourths  of  its  members  voted 
for  Mr.  Wright.  Without  taking  another  vote,  on 
motion  of  one  of  the  leading  friends  of  Governor  Bouck, 
who  had  been  supported  in  opposition,  he  was  nomi 
nated  by  acclamation.  The  members  of  the  conven 
tion,  and  the  citizens  in  attendance,  were  enthusiastic 
in  their  approval.  The  address  adopted  took  firm  and 
decided  ground  in  support  of  the  principles  of  the  con 
stitutional  amendments  approved  by  the  Legislature  at 
its  session  during  the  previous  winter  ;  and  among  the 
resolutions  which  received  the  unanimous  concurrence 
of  the  members  of  the  convention,  was  one,  containing 
the  following  expression  of  their  sentiments  :  "  We 
proclaim  our  uncompromising  adherence  to  the  debt- 
paying  policy  of  1842.  It  is  the  policy  of  integrity, 
patriotism,  and  public  faith.  It  is  the  policy  which  is 
to  redeem  the  state  from  her  heavy  debt  and  her  finan 
cial  embarrassments,  to  give  her  hereafter  the  control 
of  her  now  crippled  resources,  and  to  enable  her  to 
fulfil  her  high  and  glorious  destiny.  We  commend, 
therefore,  to  the  favorable  consideration  of  the  people, 
and  of  those  whom  they  shall  elect  to  office,  the  consti 
tutional  amendments  adopted  at  the  last  session  of  the 
Legislature  and  now  in  course  of  publication  throughout 
the  state.  By  them  the  pledges  and  guarantees  of  the 
act  entitled  '  an  act  to  provide  for  paying  the  debts  and 
preserving  the  credit  of  the  state '  passed  March  20, 


168  LETTER    OF    ACCEPTANCE. 

1842,  are  confirmed  ;  and  a  salutary  restriction  upon 
the  power  of  the  Legislature  to  involve  the  state  in  ex 
cessive  debts  or  liabilities  is  imposed." 

The  feelings  which  prompted  Mr.  Wright  in  accept 
ing  the  gubernatorial  nomination,  may  be  gathered  from 
his  letter  addressed  to  the  committee  appointed  on  the 
part  of  the  convention  to  notify  him  of  the  selection 
they  had  made.  "  My  strong  personal  reluctance,"  he 
says  in  the  letter,  "  against  being  made  a  candidate  for 
this  office,  and  my  settled  conviction  that  I  had  no 
right  to  become  a  competitor  for  the  nomination,  were 
made  public  long  before  the  meeting  of  the  convention, 
and  were  doubtless  known  to  all  the  members  of  that 
body.  My  nomination,  under  these  circumstances,  is 
a  decision  by  the  convention,  that  my  personal  wishes 
in  relation  to  the  office  should  yield  to  my  obligations 
to  the  democratic  party  of  the  state,  whose  representa 
tives  the  members  of  the  convention  were  ;  and  the 
unanimity  of  the  expression  leaves  me  no  alternative 
but  to  yield  to  the  call  made  upon  me.  Much  of  my 
personal  reluctance  upon  this  subject  has  arisen  from  a 
just  apprehension,  deeply  entertained,  that,  if  elected 
to  the  office  of  governor,  I  should  find  myself  inade 
quate  to  the  discharge  of  its  responsible  duties  in  a 
manner  acceptable  to  those  friends  who  should  give  me 
their  support  for  it,  or  creditable  to  myself  and  the  state. 
Still,  the  obligation  upon  me  to  yield  every  personal 
,  preference,  and  even  personal  distrust,  to  the  unani 
mous  wish  and  judgment  of  that  great  and  patriotic 
party,  which  has  so  liberally  bestowed  its  honors  and 
its  confidence  upon  me,  is  too  plain  to  allow  of  hesita 
tion  ;  and  if  it  shall  be  the  pleasure  of  the  people  of 
the  state  to  confirm  this  nomination  by  an  election,  my 
earnest  efforts  shall  be  devoted  to  the  faithful  discharge, 


LETTER    ON    THE    UNFINISHED    CANALS.  169 

according  to  my  best  ability  and  judgment,  of  the  high 
duties  which  will  thus  be  devolved  upon  me/' 

On  the  8th  of  September,  a  gentleman  residing  upon 
the  line  of  the  Black  River  canal,  wrote  to  Mr.  Wright, 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  declaration  of  his  views 
and  feelings  in  relation  to  the  unfinished  canals  and 
improvements  of  the  state.  He  had  nothing  to  conceal 
from  those  for  whose  suffrages  he  was  a  candidate  ; 
and  he  immediately  replied,  in  a  letter  containing  the 
most  positive  assurances  that  he  should  adhere  strictly 
to  the  principles  of  the  law  of  1842,  and  giving  his  free 
consent  to  its  publication.  In  the  letter  he  says: — 

"The  state  convention  which  has  placed  me  in 
nomination  for  the  office  of  governor,  has,  in  the  ad 
dress  and  resolutions  adopted  by  it,  discussed  very  fully 
the  points  upon  which  your  inquiries  rest,  and  very 
distinctly  declared  the  course  of  policy  which  it  in 
tends  shall  govern  the  action  of  the  candidates  it  has 
placed  before  the  electors  of  the  state,  and  recom 
mended  for  their  support.  In  accepting  the  nomination 
tendered  to  me  by  the  convention,  according  to  my 
understanding  of  the  good  faith  of  the  case,  I  substan 
tially  adopt  the  great  principles,  and  measures,  and 
course  of  policy,  which  that  body  has  assured  the  com 
mon  constituency  will  be  advanced  and  secured  by  the 
election  of  the  candidates  it  has  placed  in  nomination ; 
and  could  I  not  conscientiously  do  that,  it  would  have 
been  my  duty,  as  I  think,  to  decline  the  nomination ; 
and  if  not  that,  certainly  in  my  letter  of  acceptance, 
to  have  pointed  out  to  the  electors  wherein,  upon  ques 
tions  so  important  and  so  directly  interesting  to  them, 
my  course  would  differ  from  that  marked  out  and  rec 
ommended  by  the  nominating  convention  ;  less  than 
this  would  not  enable  the  elector  to  act  understandingly 

8  - 


170  LETTER    CONTINUED. 

in  giving  his  vote,  the  very  object  for  which  conven 
tions  intrusted  with  the  naming  of  candidates,  adopt 
and  publish  addresses  and  resolutions. 

"  Since  the  perusal  of  your  letter,  I  have  re-read 
carefully  these  portions  of  the  address  and  resolutions 
of  the  state  convention,  and  so  far  from  finding  the 
obligation  resting  upon  me  of  adopting  the  principles 
and  policy  there  recommended,  a  reluctant  or  irksome 
one,  I  cheerfully  subscribe  to  both,  as  in  my  judgment 
wise  and  sound,  and  most  beneficial  to  the  whole  state, 
and  all  its  citizens,  and  all  its  great  interests  taken  as  a 
whole. 

"  If  you  will  permit  me,  therefore,  to  refer  you  to 
these  documents,  you  will  have  my  answer  to  your  in 
quiries,  and  a  declaration  of  the  policy  in  respect  to 
them,  which,  if  elected,  I  shall  feel  bound  to  recom 
mend,  as  distinctly  given  as  I  could  give  them  by  rep 
etition. 

"  I  do  not  find  anything  in  the  ground  here  occupied, 
and  the  policy  here  avowed  and  advocated,  to  justify 
the  charge  which  you  say  is  made  against  me,  of  op 
position  to  the  completion  of  the  canals  of  the  state,  as 
far  and  as  fast  as  that  can  be  done  without  a  violation 
of  the  public  faith,  pledged  in  the  great  financial  act 
of  1842,  and  without  an  enlargement  of  the  present 
state  debt ;  and  if  I  am  charged  with  opposition  to  fur 
ther  taxation  upon  the  whole  property  and  people  of 
the  state,  to  meet  the  interest  upon  a  new  debt  to  be 
contracted  to  go  on  writh  these  works,  the  charge  is 
just  in  so  far  as  that  I  cannot  with  the  opinions  I  have 
hitherto  entertained,  and  which  yet  remain,  recommend 
additional  taxation  or  increased  public  indebtedness  for 
these  objects,  any  farther  than  the  people  of  the  state, 


LETTER    CONTINUED.  171 

upon  a  specific  reference  to  them,  shall  give  their  as 
sent  to  the  increased  burdens  upon  themselves. 

"  No  apology,  certainly,  was  required  from  you  for 
addressing  to  me  the  inquiries  contained  in  your  letter. 
Nor  have  I  any  right,  any  more  than  I  have  a  disposi 
tion,  to  place  an  injunction  upon  my  answer  to  them. 
I  occupy  the  position  which  has  called  out  your  letter, 
as  I  presume  you  are  aware,  under  the  strongest  personal 
reluctance,  but  neither  you  nor  any  other  citizen  of  the 
state  who  has  a  tax  to  pay,  or  a  vote  to  give,  is  any  the 
less  entitled  on  that  account  to  the  full  and  frank  ex 
pression  of  my  opinions  upon  all  questions  of  public 
interest ;  and  your  inquiries  relate  to  questions  pecul 
iarly  of  this  character. 

"  It  is  a  matter  of  just  congratulation  that  the  canal 
revenues  are  so  strongly  improving ;  and  whenevei 
the  current  revenues  of  the  state  shall  furnish  a  surplus, 
which  can  be  applied  towards  the  completion  of  the  un 
finished  canals,  consistently  writh  the  pledges  made  of 
these  revenues  by  the  law  of  1842,  I  do  not  suppose 
there  will  be  two  opinions  in  the  Legislature  upon  the 
question  of  re-commencing  and  completing  these 
works 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

1814. — Views  of  Mr.  Wright  on  the  Financial  Policy  of  the  State  well 
understood — Opposition  to  Increasing  State  Debt — Firmness  in  main 
taining  his  Opinions — Senatorial  Conventions — Question  of  calling  a 
Convention  to  Revise  the  Constitution — Constitutional  Amendments 
— November  Election — Mr.  Wright  chosen  Governor — Resignation  as 
Senator  and  Appointment  of  his  Successor — Anti-Rent  Disturbances 
— Efforts  to  Suppress — Mr.  Wright  enters  on  the  Duties  of  his  Office 
— Meeting  of  the  Legislature— Speaker — Governor's  Message — Rec 
ommendations — Election  of  Senators — State  Officers — President  Polk's 
Cabinet — Discontent — Mr.  Wright  Declines  the  Office  of  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury — Defeat  of  the  Constitutional  Amendments — Con 
vention  Bill — Dissatisfaction — The  Canal  Bill — Veto — Adjournment 
— Insurrection  in  Delaware  County — Executive  Proclamation — Ad 
vice  to  Landlords  and  Tenants — Trial  of  Persons  Arrested — Commu 
tation  of  Punishment — Fall  Election — The  People  in  Favor  of  a  Con 
vention — Legislature  of  1846 — Message — State  Printer — War  with 
Mexico — Caucus  of  Democratic  Members  of  the  Legislature — Con 
tinued  Dissensions — Appointments  of  the  Governor — Tariff  Act  of 
1846 — Constitutional  Convention — Its  Proceedings — Financial  Article 
adopted — Democratic  State  Convention — Re-nomination  of  Governor 
Wright.— 1846. 

THE  object  of  ascertaining  the  views  of  Mr.  Wright 
in  regard  to  the  completion  of  the  unfinished  canals,  as 
avowed  in  the  letter  to  which  his  reply,  given  in  the 
previous  chapter,  was  made,  was  to  decide  upon  the 
feasibility  of  an  attempt  to  procure  the  passage  of  a  law 
for  their  prosecution,  because  it  was  thought  that  any 
effort  would  be  hopeless,  in  opposition  to  his  executive 
recommendations  ;  and  his  correspondent  intimated  an 
intention,  on  his  part,  to  accept  a  nomination  for  the 


HIS    VIEWS    WELL    KNOWN.  173 

Assembly,  if  the  prospects  were  satisfactory.  It  was 
also  stated,  that  unfavorable  impressions  existed  in  cer 
tain  localities,  more  particularly  interested  in  finishing 
the  works,  which  it  was  desirable  to  remove  if  they 
were  unfounded.  The  contents  of  Mr.  Wright's  letter 
were  not  made  public  previous  to  the  election,  and  the 
individual  to  whom  it  was  addressed  did  not  become  a 
candidate  for  the  Legislature,  though  his  high  character 
and  standing,  and  conceded  qualifications  for  the  office, 
would  have  secured  him  the  nomination,  had  even  a 
wish  to  that  effect  been  expressed.  The  position  of  Mr. 
Wright,  however,  with  respect  to  the  question,  was 
well  known,  and  the  fact  mentioned  by  his  correspond 
ent,  of  the  existence  of  unfriendly  feelings,  clearly 
shows  that  this  was  the  case.  The  substance  of  the 
letter,  too,  it  is  but  fair  to  presume,  was  communicated 
to  the  prominent  members  of  the  party  who  resided 
along  the  line  of  the  Black  River  canal,  and  were  in 
favor  of  its  completion.  It  is  creditable  to  them  that 
its  publication  was  not  deemed  advisable,  if  the  fear  of 
his  defeat  prompted  the  withholding  it.  But  this  fact 
is  very  strong  evidence  that  his  opinions  did  not  concur 
with  their  own. 

Had  it  been  thought  that  Mr.  Wright  in  any  wise 
favored  the  completion  of  the  unfinished  works,  until 
there  was  a  surplus  applicable  to  that  object,  over  and 
above  the  amount  necessary  to  discharge  the  liabilities 
of  the  state  coming  due,  whether  of  principal  or  in 
terest,  no  small  effort  would  have  been  made  to  set  him 
right  before  the  public.  His  course  when  filling  the 
office  of  comptroller  was  well  known ;  the  same  prin 
ciples  which  then  formed  the  issue  between  himself  and 
the  friends  of  the  original  construction  of  the  lateral 
canals  now  existed  in  equal  force ;  though  modest  and 


174  ORIGINAL    CANAL    DEBT. 

unpretending,  he  was  known  to  be  firm  in  the  advocacy 
and  maintenance  of  his  opinions ;  and  it  had  never 
been  even  hinted  that  his  sentiments  were  changed. 
He  had  always  steadily  resisted  the  creation  of  a  debt, 
without  providing  means  for  its  payment,  in  some  other 
mode  than  from  anticipated  or  imaginary  revenues. 
He  was  willing  to  apply  an  existing  surplus,  not  required 
for  the  payment  of  any  liability  of  the  state,  wherever 
it  was  thought  desirable  ;  but  further  than  that  he  could 
not,  and  did  not  go.  He  remembered  the  argument 
which  had  constantly  been  used  by  those  who  differed 
with  him  in  opinion ;  that  the  works  when  finished 
would  supply  a  revenue  sufficient  to  cancel  every  obli 
gation.  But  experience  had  shown  him,  that  the  time 
for  their  completion  never  arrived;  that  one  object 
seemed  to  create  a  desire  for  another ;  that  the  produc 
tive  works  of  the  state  were  made  to  support  the  un 
productive  ;  that  new  debts  were  contracted,  upon  the 
faith  of  calculations  and  estimates  based  in  futurity  ; 
that  this  course  was  pursued,  until  the  public  credit  was 
impaired,  the  state  stocks  depreciated  in  the  market, 
loans  denied  by  the  capitalist  upon  the  declared  ground 
that  the  revenues  were  insufficient,  and  it  became  neces 
sary  to  stop  the  expenditures  on  the  unfinished  works, 
and  impose  a  tax  upon  the  people,  to  meet  the  current 
expenses  of  the  government,  and  pay  the  interest  on  the 
state  debt.  At  the  time  the  original  canal  debt  was 
created,  the  most  valuable  revenues  of  the  state — those, 
too,  that  were  actual  and  real — were  set  apart  for  its 
payment.  This  policy  was  continued  until  new  works 
were  authorized,  which  could  furnish  no  revenue, 
and  debts  were  contracted,  relying  upon  a  future 
income  to  discharge  them.  The  result  was,  the  disas 
trous  prostration  of  the  state  credit.  The  law  of  1842 


FIRMNESS    OF    HIS    OPINIONS.  175 

was  enacted  to  remedy  this  evil ;  and  a  departure  from 
either  its  letter  or  spirit  could  not  secure  the  approba 
tion  of  Mr.  Wright.  It  is  hardly  credible  that  a  single 
elector  in  the  state  of  New  York,  in  1844,  who  cared 
sufficient  about  the  subject  to  make  an  inquiry,  remained 
in  ignorance  of  this  fact. 

It  is  not  designed  by  these  remarks  to  impugn  the 
motives  of  those  who  afterwards  disapproved  of  Mr. 
Wright's  course  upon  this  question.  There  was  a  dif 
ference  of  opinion  between  them — let  it  be  added,  that 
it  was  honestly  entertained  on  both  sides — but  justice 
to  him  requires  that  it  should  not  be  said,  he  received 
their  support  for  the  office  of  governor  in  pursuance  of 
any  understanding,  either  express  or  implied,  that  he 
would  deviate  in  the  least  particular  from  the  line  of 
policy  which  he  had  ever  advocated ;  or  that  there  was 
any  substantial  ground  for  misapprehension  with  regard 
to  his  sentiments.  The  principle  that  separated  them 
was  an  important  one — to  him,  of  paramount  impor 
tance — and  no  consideration,  not  even  the  success  of 
the  party  or  of  himself,  would  have  induced  him  to 
yield  or  sacrifice  it.  There  could  have  been  no  mis 
take  upon  this  point,  for  his  public  acts  and  conduct 
formed  part  of  the  history  of  the  state ;  and  it  was 
honorable  in  those  who  disagreed  with  him,  that  they 
offered  him  their  support,  when  the  opposing  candidate 
entertained  opinions  more  nearly  coinciding  with  their 
own  upon  matters  of  state  policy.  They  might  have 
hoped — and  it  could  have  been  nothing  but  a  hope — 
that  he  would  be  disposed  to  surrender  a  little,  a  very 
little,  of  his  opposition  to  the  measures  in  which  they 
took  so  deep  an  interest ;  but  the  blame  was  theirs,  not 
his,  of  forgetting  that  there  were  some  things  he  never 
compromised. 


176  PROJECT    OF    A    CONVENTION. 

The  members  of  the  convention  at  which  Mr.  Wright 
was  nominated  indorsed  his  views  to  the  fullest  extent. 
Had  they  not  done  so,  his  name  would  never  have  been 
placed  upon  the  ticket  with  his  consent.  He  was  pre 
pared  promptly  to  decline  the  nomination,  and  com 
municated  his  intention  to  his  friends,  unless  it  was 
tendered  under  such  circumstances.  The  question  of 
sustaining  or  disavowing  the  policy  of  1842  was  pre 
sented  more  distinctly  than  ever  at  this  election.  The 
project  of  calling  a  convention  to  revise  the  constitution 
had  been  agitated,  for  a  long  time,  in  some  portions  of 
the  state,  by  those  who  had  given  up  every  expectation 
of  accomplishing  anything  through  the  Legislature. 
Six  of  the  eight  democratic  senatorial  conventions  pre 
sented,  in  their  resolutions,  the  alternative  of  the 
passage  of  the  constitutional  amendments,  or  the  .call 
of  a  convention.  In  accepting  the  nomination,  Mr. 
Wright  became  the  representative  of  the  principle  im- 
bodied  in  those  amendments,  which  the  great  majority 
of  the  party  approved.  As  such  he  was,  or  should 
have  been,  supported — as  such  he  was  elected.  If  any, 
influenced  by  a  regard  for  his  high  character  and  talents, 
though  differing  from  him  in  sentiment,  gave  him  their 
suffrages,  it  was  a  voluntary  act  so  far  as  they  were 
concerned — not  done  in  ignorance,  but  understandingly 
and  knowingly  ;  and  it  ought  not  to  have  been  supposed 
that  he  would  ever  lose  sight  of  the  principles  which 
had  constantly  guided  and  controlled  him. 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Wright  infused  new  courage 
and  animation  into  the  ranks  of  the  democratic  party. 
Where  all  had  been  despondency  and  gloom,  every 
thing  was  now  bright  and  cheering.  His  name  was, 
in  truth,  a  tower  of  strength,  and  its  influence  carried 
both  the  state  and  the  national  tickets.  For  several 


ELECTED    GOVERNOR.  177 

weeks  before  the  election  the  opposition  were  willing 
to  concede  that  his  success  was  certain,  and  directed 
all  their  exertions  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Clay.  The  number 
of  votes  polled  was  immense — amounting  to  nearly  five 
hundred  thousand.  Mr.  Wright  was  elected  by  above 
ten  thousand  majority  over  Millard  Fillmore,  the  whig 
candidate,  and  one  of  their  most  popular  and  talented 
men.  The  democratic  electoral  ticket  was  chosen  by 
a  majority  of  five  thousand  votes.  The  difference 
between  the  vote  for  governor  and  that  for  electors 
has  been  sometimes  referred  to,  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  a  charge  of  unfairness  against  the  friends 
of  Mr.  Wright ;  but  nothing  could  be  more  unfounded 
or  unjust.  Had  he  or  they  uttered  a  single  word  or 
whisper,  during  the  canvass,  unfavorable  to  the  success 
of  the  electoral  ticket,  it  would  have  been  defeated  by 
an  overwhelming  vote.  If  anything,  he  felt  a  deeper 
interest  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Polk  than  in  his  own 
success,  inasmuch  as  all  the  great  national  questions 
which  had  engrossed  his  attention  for  so  many  years 
were  involved  in  the  contest.  There  were  a  number 
of  distinguished  men  throughout  the  Union,  who  de 
voted  their  time  and  talents,  in  sustaining  the  demo 
cratic  candidate ;  but  not  one  among  them  all  con 
tributed  more  to  the  result  which  followed  the  combined 
efforts  of  the  party,  than  Silas  Wright.  The  true  cause 
of  his  increased  vote  was  the  general  confidence  in  the 
soundness  of  his  views  with  regard  to  the  management 
of  the  financial  concerns  of  the  state.  In  the  city  of 
New  York,  the  great  centre  of  all  the  commercial  and 
moneyed  interests,  he  received  nearly  fifteen  hundred 
votes  more  than  the  electoral  ticket ;  and  yet  the  feel 
ing  in  favor  of  the  immediate  annexation  of  Texas  was 
stronger  there  than  in  any  other  quarter  of  the  state. 

8* 


178  RESIGNATION    AS    SENATOR. 

He  did  not  poll  a  full  vote  in  those  sections  interested 
in  the  completion  of  the  unfinished  canals ;  but  else 
where  he  was  sustained  by  the  whole  party  strength, 
and  received  the  vote  of  many  a  tax-payer  opposed  to 
him  on  the  national  issue. 

Shortly  after  the  November  election,  Mr.  Wright 
repaired  to  the  capital  of  the  state.  Having  learned 
that  it  was  the  intention  of  Governor  Bouck  to  supply 
temporarily  the  vacancy  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  occasioned  by  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Tallrnadge, 
who  had  been  appointed  governor  of  the  territory  of 
Wisconsin  by  President  Tyler,  he  immediately  tendered 
his  own  resignation.  On  the  30th  of  November, 
Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  the  lieutenant-governor,  was 
selected  as  the  successor  of  Mr.  Tallmadge ;  and  on 
the  same  day  the  vacancy  occasioned  by  the  resigna 
tion  of  Mr.  Wright  was  filled,  by  the  appointment  of 
Henry  A. -Foster,  at  that  time  a  member  of  the  state 
Senate.  These  appointments  were  only  to  continue 
until  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  but  they  were 
exceedingly  unwelcome  to  that  section  of  the  party 
who  had  opposed  the  re-nomination  of  Governor  Bouck, 
and  were  calculated  to  increase  rather  than  allay  the 
ill-feeling  which  a  more  moderate  policy  might  have 
entirely  subdued.  Both  gentlemen  were  known  as 
decided  in  their  opposition  to  the  financial  views  of 
Mr.  Wright.  Mr.  Foster  was  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  at  the  time  the  independent  treas 
ury  plan  was  first  proposed,  and  voted  with  the  oppo 
nents  of  that  measure  on  account  of  his  hostility  to  the 
specie  clause.  At  first  he  was  classed  with  the  conser 
vatives,  but  in  1840  he  supported  Mr.  Van  Buren. 
The  appointment  of  a  successor  not  recognized  as  the 
firm  friend  of  a  measure  which  it  was  expected  would 


ANTI-RENT    DISTURBANCES.  179 

be  soon  re-established,  and  with  which  Mr.  Wright 
was  so  thoroughly  identified,  could  not  have  been 
agreeable  to  his  feelings.  It  was  regarded  by  that  por 
tion  of  the  party  whose  sentiments  corresponded  more 
nearly  with  his  own,  and  by  those  friends  who  looked 
forward  to  the  day  when  he  would  occupy  a  more 
prominent  position  before  the  nation,  as  a  movement 
designed  to  create  an  adverse  influence  at  Washington, 
Whatever  impression  might  have  been  made  on  his 
mind,  he  uttered  no  complaint.  He  might  have  thought 
that  his  own  wishes  should  have  been  in  some  degree 
consulted,  considering  the  evidence  just  afforded  of  his 
popularity  among  the  democratic  electors  of  the  state, 
but  the  thought  did  not  find  utterance.  Conscious  of 
the  integrity  of  his  own  purposes,  he  was  still  deter 
mined  to  be  the  representative  of  the  party,  and  to 
regard  all  with  equal  favor,  unless  he  was  required  to 
make  a  sacrifice  of  principle,  and  then  he  would  do 
what  he  conceived  to  be  right. 

During  the  summer  and  fall  of  1844,  disturbances 
were  constantly  taking  place  upon  the  leasehold  estates 
in  the  third  senatorial  district.  These  difficulties  were 
neither  new  nor  of  rare  occurrence.  The  first  grants 
of  land,  within  the  limits  of  the  present  state  of  New 
York,  were  made  by  the  States  General  of  Holland. 
In  1629  the  Charter  of  liberties  and  exemptions  was 
granted,  by  which  large  tracts  were  secured  to  the 
patroons  who  made  actual  settlements  within  a  limited 
time.  Special  privileges  and  immunities  were  con 
ferred  upon  the  proprietors,  and  the  design  was  to 
introduce  the  manorial  and  baronial  system  which  pre 
vailed  throughout  the  greater  part  of  Europe.  When 
the  colony  was  transferred  to  the  English  they  pur 
sued  the  same  policy.  The  French  likewise,  in  their 


180  MANORIAL    SYSTEM. 

possessions  at  the  north,  adopted  a  similar  plan  of  con 
veying  seignorial  rights.  These  lands  were  let  by  the 
proprietors  upon  perpetual  leases,  wdth  certain  reser 
vations  customary  under  the  old  feudal  tenures.  Rents 
were  payable  in  wheat  and  other  products  of  the  soil, 
and  in  poultry,  or  in  personal  services,  which  were 
particularly  specified  in  the  leases.  All  mines  and 
minerals,  mill-privileges,  the  right  of  way,  and  other 
important  advantages,  were  reserved  to  the  landlords ; 
and  the  tenant  could  not  alienate  the  farm  he  occupied 
without  paying  a  heavy  fine.  These  restrictions 
operated  severely  in  many  cases,  and  gave  rise  to  fre 
quent  difficulties.  In  1757  an  outbreak  occurred  on 
the  Livingston  manor.  The  sheriff  and  his  posse  were 
resisted,  and  several  persons  killed  and  wounded  in  the 
affray.  Similar  acts  of  violence  were  committed  on 
the  Rensselaer  manor  in  1766,  and  it  was  necessary 
to  order  out  a  large  military  force  to  enable  the  sheriff 
to  execute  the  laws.  In  the  same  year  the  county  of 
Dutchess  was  the  scene  of  a  disturbance,  which  was 
quelled  by  a  body  of  regular  soldiers  from  New  York  ; 
the*  leader  in  the  insurrection  was  executed  for  treason, 
and  a  number  of  his  followers  summarily  punished. 

The  aristocratic  features  of  this  mode  of  leasing 
lands  were  not  regarded  with  much  favor  by  the  whigs 
of  the  Revolution,  and  in  1787  an  act  was  passed  by 
the  Legislature  entirely  abolishing  the  feudal  system. 
A  leasehold  system  was  then  devised  which  seemed  to 
meet  with  general  approbation,  for  the  reason  perhaps, 
that  it  was  something  of  an  improvement  upon  that 
which  had  previously  been  in  existence.  Lands  were 
conveyed  in  fee  simple,  but  subject  to  covenants  run 
ning  with  the  same,  by  which  the  tenants  bound  them 
selves  to  make  payments  in  produce,  and  perform  per- 


QUARTER    SALES.  181 

sonal  services,  03  before.  In  some  cases  it  was  stipu 
lated  that  a  certain  quantity  of  wheat,  or  a  pair  of 
fowls,  should  be  delivered  at  the  manor-house  on  a  par 
ticular  day,  and  in  others  that  one  or  more  days  service 
with  a  horse  and  carriage  should  be  performed,  or  a 
load  of  wood  drawn  to  the  landlord.  Reservations  of 
mines  and  other  privileges  were  made  by  the  landlords  ; 
and  instead  of  the  fine  for  alienation,  the  tenant  entered 
into  a  covenant  that  one-quarter,  one-fifth,  or  other 
specified  portion  of  the  consideration  money  of  every 
transfer  or  sale,  should  be  paid  to  the  landlord.  The 
conditions  of  these  grants  were  observed  for  some  years, 
without  exciting  much  complaint ;  but  wherever  at 
tempts  were  made  to  collect  the  quarter  sale  reserva 
tions,  especially  upon  lands  which  had  been  improved 
in  value  by  the  labor  of  the  tenants,  resistance  was 
offered,  either  in  the  shape  of  verbal  protestations,  or 
by  obstructing  the  execution  of  legal  process  in  favor 
of  the  landlords.  The  disaffection  gradually  extended, 
and  it  was  ultimately  insisted  on  behalf  of  the  tenants, 
that  nearly  all  the  covenants  in  the  leases  were  oppres 
sive  in  their  operation  and  odious  in  their  character, 
and  that  the  manorial  tenures  which  they  served  to 
uphold  and  perpetuate,  were  totally  inconsistent  with 
democratic  institutions.  The  subject  was  frequently 
discussed  in  the  Legislature,  as  petitions  were  presented 
at  almost  every  session,  praying  for  the  passage  of  a 
law  relieving  the  tenants  from  the  burdens  under  which 
they  complained  ;  and  in  1812  a  commission  appointed 
by  that  body,  consisting  of  Judges  Spencer,  Wood  worth, 
and  Van  Ness,  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  state,  made 
a  report,  in  which  they  expressed  their  opinion  that  the 
quarter  sale  reservations  were  void.  No  definite  action 
was  had  in  the  Legislature  for  the  purpose  of  putting 


182  ANTI-RENT    ASSOCIATIONS. 

an  end  to  the  manorial  system.  It  was  generally  con 
ceded,  that  it  belonged  exclusively  to  the  courts  to 
determine  as  to  the  validity  of  the  quarter  sale  reserva 
tions  ;  and  that  it  would  be  violating  the  constitution 
of  the  United  States,  to  pass  any  law  impairing  the 
obligations  voluntarily  assumed  by  the  tenants. 

Disturbances  occasionally  took  place  on  the  lease 
hold  estates.  Threats  were  made,  and  violence  was 
offered  to  officers  attempting  to  execute  process  in  the 
disaffected  districts.  But  these  outbreaks  were  soon 
quelled,  and  as  there  did  not  appear  to  be  any  organized 
effort  to  resist  the  laws,  the  individuals  concerned  in 
them  were  usually  treated  with  leniency.  One  of  the 
largest  manors  in  the  state  was  that  of  Rensselaerwyck, 
lying  on  both  sides  of  the  Hudson  River,  in  the  coun 
ties  of  Albany  and  Rensselaer.  In  1839,  upon  the 
death  of  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer,  the  patroon  of  the 
manor,  it  was  found  that  large  arrearages  of  rent  were 
due,  and  his  heirs  attempted  to  enforce  their  collection. 
This  was  resisted  by  the  tenants ;  they  established 
armed  patrols,  and  assumed  various  disguises,  to  enable 
them  to  maintain  their  opposition  to  the  legal  authori 
ties.  Eventually,  it  became  necessary  to  call  out  a 
military  force.,  with  the  aid  of  which  a  number  of 
arrests  were  made,  and  peace  and  quiet  partially  re 
stored.  At  the  session  of  the  Legislature  in  1840, 
commissioners  were  appointed  to  mediate  a  settlement 
between  the  landlords  and  tenants ;  but  they  were  un 
able  to  accomplish  any  amicable  arrangement,  and 
therefore  nothing  was  done  to  remove  the  causes  of 
the  disaffection.  Anti-Rent  associations  were  then 
formed  in  all  the  counties  in  which  the  leasehold  estates 
were  situated,  viz:  Albany,  Rensselaer,  Schoharie, 
Delaware,  Columbia,  Greene,  Sullivan,  Ulster,  Otsego, 


DISGUISES.  183 

Montgomery  and  Schenectady ;  and  a  combined  effort 
was  made  to  induce  the  Legislature  of  the  state  to 
grant  them  the  desired  relief.  But  the  character  of 
their  claims  was  such,  that  they  were  not  favorably 
considered,  and  but  few  members  were  willing  to  advo 
cate  the  enactment  of  laws  designed  to  abolish  well- 
settled  legal  principles,  and  in  effect  absolutely  to  annul 
the  covenants  of  the  tenants,  and  deprive  the  landlords 
both  of  the  rents  and  the  lands  upon  which  they  were 
payable. 

Soon  after  the  Anti-Rent  associations  were  estab 
lished,  they  organized  small  bands  of  men,  who  were 
armed  with  deadly  weapons,  and  disguised  as  Indians. 
The  persons  composing  these  parties  were  required  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness,  at  all  times,  to  resist,  by 
force,  the  officers  of  the  law,  in  every  attempt  to  serve 
process  in  favor  of  the  landlords.  Their  expenses  were 
defrayed  by  assessments  upon  the  occupants  of  leased 
lands,  the  payment  of  which  was  rigidly  enforced.  The 
inevitable  tendency  of  this  systematized  plan  of  resist 
ance  was,  to  produce  serious  and  aggravated  violations 
of  law  and  order.  The  principal  roads  leading  through 
the  infected  districts  were  obstructed  ;  and  one  outrage 
was  committed  after  another,  until  it  was  dangerous 
for  any  one  not  known  as  an  Anti-Renter  to  be  found 
in  the  vicinity.  Peaceable  and  inoffensive  citizens  were 
assaulted  on  the  highway  in  open  day,  and  forced  to 
join  in  the  cry  of  "  down  with  the  rent,"  or  be  subjected 
to  the  grossest  personal  indignities.  The  example  of 
the  Anti-Renters  was  followed  in  other  sections  of  the 
state.  The  ordinary  obligations  of  tenants  under  leases 
executed  in  pursuance  of  the  Revised  Statutes,  were 
pronounced  oppressive ;  and  violent  opposition  was 
offered  if  the  landlord  availed  himself  of  the  means 


184  INFLUENCE    AT   ELECTIONS. 

provided  by  law  to  secure  his  rights.  In  some  instances 
the  occupants  of  lands  held  under  contract,  or  mort 
gaged  for  the  purchase  money,  refused  to  make  pay 
ments,  and  when  legal  proceedings  were  resorted  to, 
endeavored  to  maintain  themselves  on  the  premises  by 
force. 

In  the  meantime,  the  influence  of  the  Anti-Renters 
was  exerted  at  the  elections.  Candidates  put  in  nomi 
nation  for  the  Legislature  were  selected  with  the  design 
of  securing  their  votes,  and  those  who  were  suspected 
of  being  unfavorable  to  their  views  were  sure  to  en 
counter  their  opposition.  At  length  they  held  regular 
conventions  and  nominated  their  own  candidates,  either 
adopting  those  of  one  or  other  of  the  two  principal 
parties,  or  making  a  selection  from  both  tickets ;  and 
sometimes  they  made  nominations  entirely  distinct  and 
separate.  In  1844  a  number  of  candidates  were  sup 
ported  upon  the  faith  of  positive  or  implied  pledges, 
which  were  deemed  satisfactory  to  them,  and  in  one 
or  two  instances  the  candidates  nominated  by  the 
Anti-Rent  conventions  were  elected.  The  great  body 
of  the  tenants  were  probably  content  to  seek  a  redress 
of  their  grievances  through  the  interposition  of  the 
Legisla-ture,  and  disapproved  of  the  acts  of  violence 
which  were  committed  ;  but  ;  n  many  cases  the  bands 
of  Indians  were  composed  of  lawless  characters,  and  as 
the  object  of  their  organization  was  forcible  resistance 
to  the  laws,  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  they  would 
hesitate  in  the  use  of  means  to  render  it  successful. 
On  the  llth  of  December,  1844,  the  sheriff  of  the 
county  of  Columbia  was  met  by  a  body  of  men  disguised 
and  armed,  numbering  not  far  from  three  hundred,  who 
seized  his  official  papers  and  committed  them  to  the 
flames,  at  the  same  time  declaring  that  any  attempt  to 


DIFFICULTIES    IN    COLUMBIA.  185 

distrain  for  rent,  or  serve  legal  process,  would  be  re 
sisted  by  force,  whatever  might  be  the  consequences. 
On  the  18th  of  the  same  month,  a  young  man  present 
at  a  meeting  of  the  Anti-Renters,  also  in  Columbia 
county,  but  not  taking  part  in  their  proceedings,  was 
shot  dead.  The  firing  of  the  weapon  was  said  by  them 
to  be  accidental ;  but  it  was  the  natural  consequence 
of  permitting  the  Indians  to  carry  dangerous  weapons; 
and  they  rendered  no  aid  to  the  officers  in  discovering 
the  perpetrator  of  the  offence.  When  an  attempt  was 
made  to  arrest  those  known  to  have  been  concerned, 
either  as  accessories  or  principals,  in  these  outrages, 
the  most  violent  opposition  was  offered.  Several  of 
the  ringleaders  were  apprehended,  however,  and  com 
mitted  to  the  jail  of  the  county,  in  the  city  of  Hudson. 
The  Indians  then  threatened  to  rescue  their  comrades 
by  forcible  means.  The  citizens  were  immediately  en 
rolled  and  armed,  for  the  purpose  of  sustaining  the  author 
ities,  and  application  made  to  the  state  Executive  for 
assistance.  Governor  Bouck  at  once  held  a  consulta 
tion  with  the  state  officers,  at  which  Mr.  Wright,  the 
governor  elect,  was  present,  and  measures  were  taken 
to  suppress  the  disturbances.  A  large  military  force 
was  ordered  out,  and  the  outbreak  finally  quelled. 
About  the  same  time,  a  murder  was  committed  in  the 
county  of  Rensselaer,  in  an  altercation  growing  out  of 
the  Anti-Rent  difficulties. 

These  alarming  violations  of  law  and  order  occa 
sioned  considerable  excitement  throughout  the  state. 
The  public  anxiously  looked  to  the  Legislature  which 
was  soon  to  assemble  at  Albany,  for  the  adoption  of 
such  measures  as  would  restore  tranquillity,  and  pre 
vent  the  recurrence  of  similar  disturbances.  The  ap 
pearance  of  Governor  Wright's  message  was  also 


186  GOVERNOR'S  MESSAGE. 

awaited  with  intense  interest.  It  was  not  doubted 
that  the  dignity  and  supremacy  of  the  laws  would  be 
maintained,  so  far  as  it  depended  upon  himself;  still, 
every  one  desired  to  know  what  were  his  views  upon 
the  subject.  There  were  other  important  questions 
too,  which  it  was  expected  would  be  brought  forward 
during  the  session,  and  an  expression  of  opinion  from 
him  was  entitled  to  no  little  weight. 

On  the  1st  day  of  January,  1845,  Mr.  Wright  took 
the  oath  of  office  and  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his 
duties  as  governor.  The  Legislature  assembled  on  the 
7th  of  the  month.  At  the  caucus  held  by  the  demo 
cratic  members  of  the  Assembly,  on  the  evening  previ 
ous  to  the  session,  some  feeling  was  manifested  by  both 
factions ;  the  contest  for  the  various  offices  was  warm 
and  spirited,  and  resulted  in  the  nomination,  by  a  small 
majority,  of  a  candidate  for  speaker,  known  to  be 
friendly  to  the  immediate  completion  of  the  unfinished 
canals,  \vho  was  elected  on  the  following  day  in  the 
House.  An  attempt  was  made  to  induce  the  governor 
to  take  part  in  the  canvass  for  the  legislative  offices ; 
but  he  determined  not  to  interfere  in  the  dissensions  of 
the  party,  or  do  anything  to  prevent  the  restoration  of 
that  harmony  which  was  so  necessary  in  order  to  pre 
serve  their  ascendency  in  the  state.  It  was  his  wish 
to  pursue  a  calm  and  temperate,  but  firm  and  inde 
pendent  course.  He  was  unwilling  to  exert  the  influ 
ence  of  his  official  position  to  favor  any  class  ;  though 
he  always  reserved  the  right,  as  an  individual,  to  speak 
frankly  with  any  one  who  sought  to  know  his  opinions. 

The  message  was  an  able,  but  lengthy  document. 
There  were  reasons  for  its  being  so  voluminous,  which 
would  not  ordinarily  have  existed.  Most  of  it  was  pre 
pared  before  the  disturbances  took  place  in  the  Anti- 


STATE    FINANCES.  187 

Rent  district,  and  these  were  of  too  great  moment  to 
be  dismissed  with  a  brief  notice.  Besides,  he  was  so 
reluctant  to  give  cause  for  offence,  that  he  did  not  de 
sire  to  leave  an  opportunity  to  have  it  said,  that  he  had 
any  particular  organ  among  the  democratic  members 
of  either  branch  of  the  Legislature ;  and  his  views, 
therefore,  were  presented  at  length,  upon  all  questions 
which  he  thought  could  possibly  arise.  If  he  was  asked 
to  approve  of 'measures,  in  opposition  to  the  sentiments 
contained  in  his  message,  no  one  would  have  the  right 
to  complain  because  he  withheld  his  sanction. 

The  condition  of  the  finances  was  presented  in  a 
clear  and  forcible  manner,  and  the  opinions  of  the  ex 
ecutive  freely  and  unreservedly  expressed.  He  stated, 
that  after  complying  with  the  conditions  of  the  law  of 
1842,  and  applying  the  amount  pledged  to  the  sinking 
fund,  there  would  still  remain  a  surplus  of  the  canal 
revenues  for  the  previous  fiscal  year,  of  upwards  of 
one  hundred  and  ninety-seven  thousand  dollars.  By 
the  terms  of  a  law  passed  in  1844,  this  surplus  was  re 
quired  to  supply  the  deficiency  in  the  contributions 
of  former  years  to  the  sinking  fund ;  but  this  fact  the 
governor  omitted  to  mention  in  his  message,  although 
he  declared,  in  express  terms,  his  opposition  to  its  di 
version  to  any  other  object  except  the  payment  of  the 
existing  debt.  He  said : — 

"  The  canal  fund,  however,  as  well  as  the  general 
fund,  are  burdened  with  a  heavy  debt,  and  it  remains 
to  be  seen,  whether  tfie  obligations  of  this  debt,  must 
not  as  effectually  control  the  discretion  of  the  Legisla 
ture,  in  the  application  of  this  surplus  money,  as  any 
pledge  which  the  law  of  1842  could  have  imposed  upon 
it.  The  interest  of  this  debt,  it  is  true,  is  carefully  pro 
vided  for,  by  that  law.  Thus,  without  any  provision 


188  THE    SURPLUS. 

for  the  extinction  of  the  principal,  may  be  satisfactory 
to  some,  but  such  is  not  my  view  of  the  rule  which 
binds  the  faith  and  honor  of  the  state.  I  know  of  no 
obligation  to  meet  the  accruing  interest,  which  does 
not  demand,  with  equal  force,  the  payment  of  the  prin 
cipal  as  it  falls  due  ;  and  so  far  as  the  means  are  pos 
sessed,  the  failure  to  apply  them,  to  the  one  case, 
appears  to  me  to  be  as  much  a  breach  of  the  faith 
pledged  by  the  contract,  as  in  the  other.  Suppose  the 
creditor  consent  to  the  postponement  of  the  payment 
of  his  principal  money.  Between  individuals  acting 
for  themselves  as  principals,  such  consent  would  au 
thorize  the  diversion  of  the  funds ;  but  if  the  agent  or 
the  debtor  were  dealing  with  the  creditor  in  person, 
would  such  consent  justify  the  agent,  without  the  sanc 
tion  of  his  principal,  in  the  diversion  of  the  funds  placed 
in  his  hands  to  pay  the  debt  ?  And  is  not  this  our 
case  ?  Are  we  not  the  mere  agents  of  the  people  in 
this  matter  ?  They  have  permitted  debts  to  be  con 
tracted  upon  their  credit,  and  at  their  risk,  to  construct 
the  present  state  canals.  The  moneys  in  our  hands  are 
the  proceeds  of  the  investments  thus  made,  and  came 
from  the  very  source  upon  which  they  relied  to  pay 
these  debts,  and  save  them  from  oppressive  taxation. 
Have  we  the  right,  as  faithful  agents,  without  the  con 
sent  of  our  principals,  even  though  their  creditors  should 
consent,  to  divert  their  funds  to  other  objects,  and  con 
tinue  the  debt  upon  them  ?  I  strongly  incline  to  the 
opinion  that  we  have  not." 

But  in  order  that  there  might  be  no  pretext  for  ap 
propriating  this  surplus  to  other  purposes,  the  governor 
proceeded  to  state,  that  of  the  whole  amount  of  canal 
stocks  redeemable  in  the  months  of  July  and  January 
than  one  million  of  dollars  WPS  v<»t  to 


PAYMENT    OF    THE    DEBT.  189 

be  provided  for.  He  then  added  : — "  If  this  be  a  cor 
rect  representation  of  the  means  and  liabilities  of  the 
canal  fund  for  the  current  year,  there  would  seem  to 
be  an  end  to  discussion  as  to  the  appropriation  of  these 
means  to  any  other  object  than  to  the  payment  of  the 
debt,  unless  the  payment  is  to  be'  postponed.  I  have 
already  expressed  my  views  in  relation  to  such  a  di 
version  :  and  I  am  constrained  to  believe  that,  whether 
considered  as  a  question  of  principle,  or  one  of  econ 
omy,  the  policy  would  be  equally  unsound." 

The  general  views  of  the  executive  upon  the  whole 
financial  policy  of  the  state,  were  set  forth  with  ex 
traordinary  ability.  While  congratulating  the  Leg 
islature  upon  the  favorable  prospects  for  the  future, 
he  cautioned  them  against  a  departure  from  that  safe 
and  sound  rule,  the  observance  of  which  had  elevated 
the  credit  of  the  state  and  improved  the  condition  of 
her  treasury,  and  promised  so  much  of  prosperity  in  its 
continuance. 

"  Our  canal  revenues,"  he  said,  "  are  very  large,  and 
nothing  but  the  enormous  debt  charged  upon  them, 
keeps  the  fund  so  poor  as  to  require  the  aid  of  direct 
taxation  to  meet  its  liabilities.  Separate  from  the  old 
debt,  more  than  one  million  annually  of  these  revenues 
are  consumed  in  the  payment  of  interest  alone.  This 
must  be  a  constant  drain  upon  the  fund,  and  nothing 
but  the  payment  of  the  debt  can  arrest  the  corroding 
malady.  Postponement  can  promise  no  relief,  and  may 
bring  accumulated  dangers. 

"  A  departure  from  the  sound  rule  of  using  our  means 
rather  than  our  credit,  has  brought  this  debt  upon  our 
favorite  and  favored  fund.  The  only  necessarily  dan 
gerous  stage  in  our  canal  policy  was  passed,  when  the 
Erie  and  Champlain  canals  were  completed  and  be- 


190  ORIGINAL    POLICY. 

came  productive ;  and  a  sound  and  wise  financial 
policy,  a  faithful  administration,  and  most  fortunately 
located  canals,  carried  us  through  that  stage  with 
safety.  Up  to  that  period,  borrowing  was  necessarily 
the  principal  resource,  and  some  of  the  richest  reve 
nues  of  the  state  were  set  apart  to  meet  the  payments 
of  interest,  while  the  constitution  of  the  state  was  made 
to  pledge  the  investments,  together  with  these  revenues, 
for  the  return  of  the  principal.  And  even  under  all 
these  safeguards,  loans  were  made  with  moderation, 
and  the  works  were  prosecuted  in  a  measured  pace. 
After  they  were  completed,  payment  of  the  debt  be 
came  the  object  of  solicitude,  and  means  were  accu 
mulated  and  the  stocks  purchased  and  cancelled,  in 
advance  of  their  falling  due,  when  they  could  be  ob 
tained  on  reasonable  terms. 

"In  the  meantime,  other  canals  were  constructed, 
but  the  expenditures  were  kept  within  the  limits  of  the 
canal  revenues,  without  losing  sight  of  ample  provision 
for  the  payment  of  the  existing  debts.  As  an  evidence 
of  this,  before  the  policy  was  changed,  the  payments 
made  and  the  moneys  accumulated  applicable  to  those 
payments,  had  left  less  than  five  millions  of  the  canal 
debt  unprovided  for.  The  surplus  revenues  of  the 
canals  were  accomplishing  much  annually  towards  the 
construction  of  new  canals,  and  the  enlargement  and 
improvement  of  the  old,  and  still  yielding  their  annual 
contributions  to  a  sinking  fund,  intended  to  remove  the 
small  remaining  debt,  as  the  principal  should  fall  due. 

"  In  this  state  of  things,  a  change  of  policy  came  over 
us,  which  was  based  upon  a  new  financial  rule  of  ac 
tion.  The  existing  revenues  were  looked  upon  merely 
as  a  fund  to  meet  the  interest  upon  further  loans ;  it 
.  being  assumed  as  safe  to  depend  upon  anticipated  im- 


CHANGE    IN    THE    SYSTEM.  191 

provements  of  those  revenues  for  the  payment  of  the 
principal  of  the  debts.  Indeed,  it  is  believed  the  prin 
ciple  was  carried  even  farther,  and  that  anticipated 
revenues  were  depended  upon,  to  meet  accumulations 
of  interest,  beyond  the  power  of  the  existing  revenues, 
as  well  as  to  cover  the  payments  of  principal. 

"  The  reflection  does  not  seem  to  have  occurred  to 
the  authors  of  this  new  financial  policy,  that  any  dis 
appointment  in  their  anticipations  of  improved  reve 
nues,  must  give  their  system  a  shock  it  could  not 
survive,  by  imposing  a  tax  upon  the  people,  or  dis 
appointment  and  loss  upon  the  public  creditors,  either 
of  which  alternatives  could  not  fail  to  arrest  the  further 
accumulation  of  debt  upon  such  a  basis.  It  would  seem 
also  to  have  been  overlooked,  that  the  money-lender 
could  draw  as  accurate  a  distinction  as  themselves  be 
tween  their  means  and  their  anticipations ;  and  that 
when  the  means  should  have  been  exhausted,  the  an 
ticipations  wiight  not  command  the  required  capital 
even  to  test  their  soundness  or  their  fallacy. 

"  In  any  event,  loans  \vere  obtained  in  unexampled 
amounts,  until  the  limit  of  the  existing  revenues  was 
reached,  when  the  public  credit  wholly  failed  them. 
Works  of  internal  improvement  were  prosecuted  upon 
a  scale  so  extensive  as  to  bring  the  state  into  compe 
tition  with  itself,  and  the  wages  of  labor  and  the  cost 
of  subsistence  upon  one  contract  were  enhanced  by 
the  demand  for  labor  and  subsistence  upon  -  another. 
An  arrest  of  the  means  by  a  failure  of  the  credit  of  the 
state,  put  an  end  to  this  strife  and  to  the  new  public 
works  together,  and  when  a  return  to  the  old  and  safe 
policy  was  attempted,  it  was  found  that  a  large  pro 
portion  of  the  moneys  which  had  been  accumulated  to 
meet  the  old  canal  debt,  were  rendered  unavailable  by 


J92  EVIL    EFFECTS. 

having  been  loaned  to  banks  which  could  not  pay  ;  that 
the  accruing  surplus  of  the  canal  revenues,  beyond  the 
current  annual  expenses,  was  covered  by  claims  for 
interest ;  that  the  general  fund  must  sink  under  the 
accumulated  and  accumulating  demands  upon  it,  for 
interest  upon  public  stocks  loaned  to  railroad  companies 
which  had  failed,  or  were  in  a  failing  condition ;  that 
temporary  loans  had  been  made  to  the  amount  of  more 
than  a  million  and  a  half,  which  were  impending  over 
the  treasury,  without  the  means  of  payment ;  and  that 
contractors  and  laborers  upon  the  public  works  were 
without  pay,  or  with  the  unmarketable  stocks  of  the 
state  in  the  place  of  the  money  to  which  their  contracts 
entitled  them. 

"  The  issue  was  therefore  present  and  unavoidable. 
The  people  must  be  taxed,  or  the  public  creditors  must 
suffer  loss,  and  the  public  stocks  be  dishonored.  A  re 
sort  to  the  credit  of  the  state  was  made  unavoidable  to 
meet  these  urgent  and  instant  demands,  the  accruing 
interest  upon  the  enlarged  debt,  and  to  put  the  canals 
in  repair  for  the  approaching  season  of  navigation. 
Public  distrust  had  taken  the  place  of  public  confi 
dence,  and  a  substitution  of  the  paying  for  the  borrow 
ing  policy  was  made  indispensable,  before  a  resort  to 
credit  could  command  a  response  in  capital. 

"  This  was  done  by  the  act  of  1842.  The  effect  of 
this  measure  was  almost  electric,  and  was  felt  not 
merely  throughout  the  state,  but  throughout  the  Union. 
Under  its  solemn  assurances  money  was  obtained  upon 
loan  to  relieve  the  pressing  necessities  of  the  public 
treasury,  and  to  preserve  the  public  faith  and  honor, 
by  a  prompt  payment,  at  the  specie  value,  of  the  instal 
ments  of  interest  upon  the  public  securities.  From 
this  time  the  credit  of  the  state  rose  rapidly,  and  soon 


UNFINISHED    WORKS.  193 

attained  the  par  of  money  ;  and  by  the  scrupulous  ad 
herence  to  the  policy  and  the  pledges  of  that  law  which 
has  characterized  our  subsequent  legislation,  it  has  now 
reached  its  accustomed  honorable  elevation." 

In  regard  to  the  completion  of  the  enlargement,  and 
the  prosecution  of  the  work  on  the  unfinished  canals, 
there  was  no  attempt  in  the  message  at  evasion  or  cir 
cumlocution.  A  manly  directness  in  the  expression  of 
his  opinions  ever  characterized  the  author,  and  this 
trait  in  his  character  was  most  forcibly  exemplified  in 
everything  he  said  having  reference  to  the  finances  of 
the  state.  In  his  letter  written  previous  to  the  election, 
he  held  out  no  hope  that  he  could  be  induced  to  favor 
increased  expenditures,  until  the  most  ample  means 
were  provided  for  the  payment  of  the  debt ;  and  in  his 
message  the  same  sentiments  were  urged  upon  the  con 
sideration  of  the  Legislature,  as  of  the  highest  impor 
tance.  Not  only  was  this  the  case ;  but  as  if  apprehen 
sive  that  some  measure  might  be  proposed  which  he 
could  not  approve,  he  avowed  his  opposition  in  advance, 
in  order  that  there  might  be  no  mistake  or  misappre 
hension  upon  the  subject.  "  I  am  well  aware,"  he  said, 
"  that  objects  of  expenditure,  of  great  and  extended 
public  interest,  will  be  pressed  upon  your  attention,  and 
will  press  themselves  upon  the  minds  and  feelings  of 
those  whose  immediate  constituencies  have  a  more 
direct  interest  in  their  resumption  and  completion. 
The  Erie  canal  enlargement,  the  Genesee  Valley  canal, 
and  the  Black  River  canal,  are  prominent  among  these 
objects,  and  deeply  enlist  the  feelings  and  interests  of 
large  and  worthy  portions  of  our  fellow-cittzens.  It 
would  certainly  be  a  more  grateful  task  to  recommend 
a  compliance  with  these  earnest  wishes,  than  to  feel 
impelled  by  a  sense  of  public  duty,  to  point  out  the 

9 


194  CONSTITUTIONAL    AMENDMENTS. 

necessity  of  their  present  disappointment.  Yet  we 
must  not  forget,  when  acting  upon  these  great  questions, 
that  the  interests  of  the  citizens  of  the  whole  state  are 
committed  to  our  charge,  and  that  a  measure  which 
would  be  wrong  towards  them  as  a  mass,  cannot  be 
right,  because  portions  of  the  mass  would  be  benefited 
by  it.  And  it  would  certainly  be  wrong  to  our  citizens 
as  a  whole,  again  to  depress,  or  even  to  hazard,  the 
credit  of  the  state,  by  a  diversion  of  any  portion  of  the 
canal  revenues  required  to  pay  the  existing  debt,  and 
preserve  the  public  faith.  It  would  be  wrong  to  them 
to  disregard  the  letter  or  spirit  of  the  pledges  of  the 
law  of  1842,  and  thus  incur  the  risk  of  a  necessity  for 
increased  or  longer-continued  taxation." 

The  governor  expressed  his  cordial  approbation  of 
the  constitutional  amendments  adopted  at  the  session 
of  the  Legislature  in  1844,  and  earnestly  recommended 
their  incorporation  into  the  constitution.  He  was  very 
anxious  to  obviate  the  necessity  of  calling  a  convention, 
which  he  plainly  intimated  would  be  the  only  alterna 
tive  if  the  amendments  failed  to  receive  the  required 
vote  of  two-thirds.  One  section  of  the  democratic 
party  was  decided  in  its  opposition ;  but  the  other  sec 
tion  insisted  that  a  convention  should  be  held,  if  the 
amendments  were  not  adopted  ;  and  nearly  all  the 
whigs  openly  avowed  themselves  in  favor  of  the  project. 
He  believed  that  if  the  amendments  were  sustained,  a 
reasonable  hope  would  be  afforded  that  other  desired 
reforms  might  be  successfully  urged  in  the  manner  pro 
vided  by  the  constitution  of  1821,  and  thus  one  cause 
of  dissension  would  be  removed,  and  a  great  expense 
avoided,  while  new  safeguards  would  be  provided  for 
the  protection  of  the  people.  On  this  point  he  said : 
"  Our  present  constitution  has  remained  the  funda- 


CONVENTION.  195 

mental  law  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century,  several 
amendments  having  been  in  that  time  adopted,  in  con 
formity  with  the  provision  of  that  instrument  for  its 
own  amendment.  Hitherto  that  provision  has  satisfied 
the  public  mind,  and  led  to  the  amendments  demanded 
by  the  popular  feeling  and  judgment.  I  consider  it  ex 
tremely  desirable  that  this  should  continue  to  be  found 
practically  true,  and  that  such  a  degree  of  harmony 
should  at  all  times  prevail  between  the  popular  will  and 
the  legislative  action,  in  reference  to  further  proposed 
amendments,  as  shall  supersede  demands  for  consti 
tutional  change  in  any  other  form.  It  is  a  matter  of 
public  notoriety,  that  a  portion  of  our  citizens  have,  for 
some  time  thought,  and  still  think,  that  a  call  for  a  con 
vention  to  revise  our  constitution,  has  already  become 
expedient.  I  have  been  induced  to  believe  that  the 
desire  for  amendments  upon  the  very  points  embraced 
in  those  now  under  discussion,  and  perhaps  upon  one 
or  two  others  in  reference  to  which  propositions  are 
also  now  before  you,  has  excited  this  feeling  and  given 
it  its  present  strength.  I  know  that  a  further  limitation 
of  the  power  of  the  Executive  over  appointments  to 
office,  is  also  a  subject  upon  which  many  desire  an 
amendment  of  the  constitution.  Speaking  personally, 
I  hope  I  may  be  believed,  when  I  say  that  any  curtail 
ment  in  that  branch  of  the  executive  powers  and 
duties,  while  I  am  to  be  honored  with  the  exercise  of 
these  high  functions,  would  be  most  grateful  to  me ; 
and  I  am  prepared  further  to  say,  that  I  believe  many 
of  the  officers  now  appointed  upon  the  nomination  of 
the  governor  and  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  might  be 
directly  elected  by  the  people,  or  otherwise  appointed, 
with  equal  safety  to  the  public,  and  more  in  accordance 
with  the  popular  feeling.  If  the  time  shall  come,  how- 
6 


196  ANTI-RENT    DISTURBANCES. 

ever,  when  the  requisite  assent  of  the  Legislature  shall 
fail  to  be  obtained,  to  authorize  a  submission  to  the 
people  of  such  propositions  for  amendments,  as  a  clear 
majority  of  the  freemen  of  the  state  shall  demand  and 
believe  to  be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  their 
rights,  discontents  will  be  experienced,  and  other  forms 
of  amendment  will  be  proposed,  and  perhaps  success 
fully  urged.  Under  this  conviction,  I  feel  it  to  be  an 
imperative  duty,  respectfully  but  earnestly  to  request 
you  to  give  to  these,  and  all  other  proposed  amend 
ments  which  may  come  before  you,  such  calm,  un 
prejudiced  and  thorough  consideration,  as  shall  be  cal 
culated  to  satisfy  our  common  constituents  with  the 
conclusions  to  which  you  shall  come." 

The  various  public  charities  and  literary  institutions 
of  the  state  were  all  referred  to  in  the  message  in  ap 
proving  terms,  and  the  importance  of  fostering  and 
encouraging  the  agricultural  interests  in  the  state,  by 
extending  the  annual  appropriations  which  were  about 
to  expire,  was  urged  upon  the  favorable  consideration 
of  the  Legislature.  The  existence  of  the  Anti-Rent 
disturbances,  and  the  certain  tendencies  of  such  infrac 
tions  of  the  law  and  violations  of  good  order,  as  had 
recently  been  witnessed,  were  depicted  in  plain  but 
emphatic  language.  He  warned  those  concerned  in  the 
perpetration  of  such  outrages,  that  they  could  not  hope 
to  escape  detection ;  that  they  would  be  certain  in  the 
end  to  meet  with  condign  punishment ;  and  that  all  the 
means  and  the  power  placed  at  h's  disposal,  or  in  his 
hands,  would  be  employed  in  enforcing  the  laws  and 
preserving  the  public  tranquillity.  He  added,  that  he 
felt  precluded  from  discussing  the  grievances  of  the 
tenants,  or  inquiring  how  far  legislative  relief  might  be 
extended  to  them,  so  long  as  their  violent  and  unlawful 


HIS    RECOMMENDATIONS.  197 

proceedings  were  continued  ;  "  for,"  said  he,  "  while  the 
question  between  the  proprietors  and  the  tenants  was 
whether  the  leasehold  tenures  should  be  perpetuated,  or 
the  rents  should  be  commuted  upon  fair  and  reasonable 
terms,  and  fee  simple  titles  should  be  given  upon  the 
payment  of  a  capital  in  money,  which  invested  at  a 
stipulated  rate  would  reproduce  the  rents  to  the  land 
lord,  the  controversy  was  one  in  which  the  feelings  and 
sympathies  of  our  people  were  deeply  enlisted,  and 
strongly  inclining  in  favor  of  the  tenants.  Then  the 
question  was,  not  whether  rights  of  property  were  to 
be  trampled  upon,  the  obligations  of  contracts  violently 
resisted,  the  laws  of  the  state  set  at  defiance,  the  peace 
of  society  disturbed,  and  human  life  sacrificed ;  but  in 
what  way  contracts,  onerous  in  their  exactions,  and 
tenures  in  their  nature  and  character  uncongenial  with 
the  habits  and  opinions  of  our  people,  could  be  peace 
ably,  and  justly,  and  constitutionally  modified  to  meet 
the  changed  circumstances  of  the  times  ;  and  then  I 
might  have  invited  your  careful  attention  to  the  con 
siderations  growing  out  of  these  issues." 

The  governor  also  recommended  the  passage  of  laws 
to  prevent  persons  from  appearing  disguised  and  armed, 
and  conferring  additional  power  arid  authority  upon 
the  executive,  to  secure  the  prompt  suppression  of  dis 
turbances.  During  the  session,  a  law  was  enacted, 
declaring  it  a  misdemeanor  to  appear  disguised  and 
armed  ;  also  one  authorizing  the  governor,  upon  the 
application  of  the  local  authorities  of  any  county,  to 
issue  his  proclamation  declaring  such  county  in  a  state 
of  insurrection,  and  making  it  felony  to  resist  the  ser 
vice  of  process  from  and  after  that  time,  and  until  the 
proclamation  was  revoked.  In  the  month  of  January, 
an  Anti-Rent  state  convention  was  held  at  Berne  in 


198  PETITION    OP    THE    ANTI-RENTERS. 

the  county  of  Albany,  at  which  a  petition  to  be  pre 
sented  to  the  Legislature  was  adopted,  praying  for  the 
following  measures  of  relief : — 

"  For  the  passage  of  an  act  repealing  all  laws  grant 
ing  special  privileges  to  landlords  in  the  collection  of 
their  rents,  so  that  they  shall  only  be  permitted  to  use 
and  enjoy  the  common  right  of  other  creditors,  in  the 
collection  of  their  dues,  and  none  other. 

"  For  the  passage  of  an  act  authorizing  tenants,  when 
prosecuted  for  rents,  to  set  up  as  a  defence  against  such 
prosecution,  the  want  of  a  good  and  sufficient  title  to 
the  premises  in  the  landlord  or  prosecutor  ;  and  that 
such  defence  be  a  bar  to  any  recovery  against  such 
tenant  until  the  title  of  the  landlord  be  fully  established ; 
to  apply  in  those  cases  where  lands  have  been  leased 
for  a  long  series  of  years  or  in  perpetuity. 

"  For  the  passage  of  a  law  authorizing  and  directing 
the  assessors  of  the  several  towns  in  this  state  to  esti 
mate  and  consider  the  amount  of  rents  charged  on 
leasehold  premises,  leased  for  a  term  of  fifteen  years 
and  upwards,  situated  in  their  respective  towns,  as  the 
interest  of  a  principal,  which  principal  shall  be  assessed 
to  the  owners  of  such  premises,  and  the  taxes  thereon 
be  paid  in  the  towns  within  which  such  lands  are 
situated,  for  their  benefit,  and  in  case  of  default  of  pay 
ment  of  such  taxes,  that  such  leasehold  premises  be 
returned  in  like  manner  as  non-resident  lands,  and  the 
interest  of  the  landlord  sold  therefor." 

None  of  these  acts  were  passed  by  the  Legislature 
of  1845  ;  a  majority  of  the  members  concurring  with 
Governor  Wright  in  the  opinion,  that  it  was  unwise 
and  inexpedient  to  consider  the  complaints  of  the  ten 
ants,  while  they  were  arrayed  in  hostility  to  the  civil 
authorities  of  the  state. 


ELECTION    OF    SENATORS.  199 

In  a  few  days  after  the  commencement  of  the  session, 
a  resolution  passed  both  branches  of  the  Legislature, 
providing  for  the  election  of  senators  in  Congress.  In 
addition  to  the  incumbents  appointed  by  Governor 
Bouck,  there  were  a  number  of  other  candidates  pro 
posed  by  their  friends.  Both  sections  of  the  party 
exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost  to  procure  the  elec 
tion  of  persons  who  favored  their  particular  views. 
Governor  Wright  was  urgently  pressed  to  interfere  in 
the  matter ;  yet  he  declined  taking  a  part  in  behalf  of 
any  one  of  the  different  individuals  whose  names  were 
mentioned.  With  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Foster  he 
had  not  been  pleased,  and  he  frankly  stated  his  reasons, 
both  to  the  friends  and  opponents  of  that  gentleman, 
and  his  desire  that  some  other  candidate  should  be 
selected.  When  his  feelings  were  made  known,  it 
occasioned  some  unkind  remarks  among  the  more  vio 
lent  members  of  one  section  of  the  party ;  but  they 
ought  not,  and  perhaps  did  not,  expect  anything  differ 
ent  from  him.  He  could  but  know  that  he  had  most 
seriously  injured  his  political  prospects,  in  a  national 
point  of  view,  by  retiring  from  the  Senate  ;  and  that  he 
should  entertain,  and  avow  his  preference,  to  be  suc 
ceeded  by  some  one  not  suspected  of  being  unfriendly 
towards  himself,  was  most  natural.  He  may  have 
wronged  Mr.  Foster  by  his  suspicions  ;  but  if  so,  there 
are  many  others  who  have  fallen  into  the  same  eyor. 
The  course  of  the  governor  was  very  mild  and  moder 
ate,  and  the  more  ardent  partisans  belonging  to  the 
faction  opposed  to  the  nomination  of  the  incumbents, 
censured  him  almost  as  freely  as  those  upon  the  other 
side.  The  caucus  nominated  John  A.  Dix  as  the  suc 
cessor  of  Mr.  Wright,  and  Mr.  Dickinson  was  con 
tinued  in  the  office  to  which  he  had  been  appointed, 


200  STATE    OFFICERS. 

and  also  nominated  for  the  full  term  of  six  years.  After 
the  nominations  were  made,  overtures  were  held  out 
by  a  number  of  the  leading  whig  members  of  the 
Legislature,  for  a  combination  with  those  democrats 
who  had  voted  against  Mr.  Dickinson  in  the  caucus, 
to  elect  some  person  in  his  stead  who  would  be  more 
acceptable  to  the  latter.  The  interference  of  the  per 
sonal  friends  of  the  governor,  who  were  understood  as 
expressing  his  sentiments,  prevented  any  such  design 
from  being  accomplished,  and  the  candidates  of  the 
caucus  were  fairly  and  honorably  supported  by  all  the 
members  of  the  party. 

The  excitement  growing  out  of  the  senatorial  elec 
tion  had  scarcely  subsided,  when  the  caucus  was  held 
for  the  nomination  of  state  officers.  Mr.  Flagg  re 
ceived  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  votes,  and  was 
nominated  for  re-appointment  to  the  office  of  comp 
troller.  The  views  of  Colonel  Young  in  regard  to  the 
financial  policy  of  the  state,  the  completion  of  the  un 
finished  canals,  and  the  appropriation  of  the  public 
credit  for  the  support  and  assistance  of  railroad  corpo 
rations,  and  more  particularly  the  open  and  decisive 
manner  in  which  he  had  uttered  his  sentiments,  had 
caused  more  bitterness  of  feeling  to  be  manifested  to 
wards  himself  than  to  others  who  agreed  with  him  in 
opinion.  He  was  defeated  in  the  caucus  by  one  ma- 
joBity.  Some  of  the  other  votes  were  equally  close, 
as  each  faction  was  anxious  to  secure  as  much  strength 
as  possible  in  the  canal  board.  Governor  Wright  was 
careful  not  to  connect  himself  with  the  active  system 
of  electioneering  kept  up  during  the  contest,  though  he 
certainly  regretted  that  Colonel  Young  and  others  were 
defeated,  for  attempting  to  uphold  the  same  opinions 
which  he  entertained.  Efforts  were  made  after  this 


CABINET    AT    WASHINGTON.  201 

caucus  also,  to  induce  a  portion  of  the  democratic 
members  to  disregard  the  party  nominations,  and  elect 
the  unsuccessful  candidates,  with  the  aid  and  co-opera 
tion  of  the  opposition  members.  The  governor  at  once 
interposed  his  influence,  with  the  consent  of  Colonel 
Young,  and  succeeded  in  preventing  the  violent  rup 
ture  of  the  party  organization  which  such  a  movement 
must  have  produced. 

Mr.  Polk  was  inaugurated  President  of  the  United 
States  on  the  4th  of  March  1845.  The  construction 
of  his  cabinet  had  been  a  matter  of  deep  solicitude  in  the 
state  of  New  York,  and  when  the  names  of  its  members 
were  announced,  one  section  of  the  party  as  warmly 
approved,  as  the  other  unequivocally  condemned.  From 
this  time  forward  the  influence  of  the  national  admin 
istration,  if  not  decidedly  opposed  to  Mr.  Wright,  was 
never  cordially  exerted  in  his  favor,  even  in  the  state, 
whose  electors,  upon  the  faith  of  his  indorsement,  had 
elevated  Mr.  Polk  to  the  presidency.  The  same  influ 
ences  were  brought  to  bear  against  him  which  were 
employed  to  undermine  the  popularity  of  other  distin 
guished  leaders  of  the  democratic  party  in  New  York. 
At  one  time,  George  Clinton  was  looked  upon  as  the 
most  prominent  candidate  to  succeed  Mr.  Jefferson  in 
the  presidential  chair.  Dissensions  and  divisions  were 
then  fomented  and  encouraged  in  his  own  state,  and 
he  was  thrust  aside  to  make  room  for  a  southern  man. 
Tompkins  and  the  younger  Clinton  encountered  the 
same  species  of  opposition  ;  and  it  was  again  attempted 
•by  the  southern  and  middle  states  against  Mr.  Van 
Buren.  The  influence  and  firmness  of  General  Jack 
son  alone  prevented  the  success  of  the  combination. 
Individually,  Mr.  Wright  could  not  complain,  because 
the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  tendered 

9* 


202  AMENDMENTS    DEFEATED. 

to  him.  But  it  must  have  been  well  known  at  Wash 
ington,  that  he  would  not  accept  it.  He  .had  been 
elected  governor  of  the  state  of  New  York  when,  it 
is  not  unlikely,  any  other  member  of  the  party  would 
have  failed ;  and  he  was  not  disposed  to  shrink  from 
any  responsibility  that  he  had  voluntarily  incurred- 
Previous  to  the  election,  it  was  said  by  his  opponents, 
that  if  both  he  and  Mr.  Polk  were  elected,  a  cabinet 
appointment  \vould  be  offered  to  him,  and  accepted. 
When  these  rumors  were  first  circulated,  his  friends 
contradicted  them,  and  pledged  themselves,  that  if  the 
people  of  New  York  made  choice  of  him  as  their  gov 
ernor,  he  would  discharge  the  duties  until  the  last  day 
of  his  official  term.  It  was  a  solemn  trust  which  had 
been  committed  to  his  hands,  and  he  would  neither 
surrender  it,  except  to  the  successor  whom  the  electors 
should  appoint,  nor  desert  his  post,  for  the  sake  of  being 
relieved  from  its  burdens  or  its  responsibilities.  The 
office  of  secretary  of  the  treasury  was  one  requir 
ing  a  high  grade  of  talents.  Few  men  could  have 
filled  it  as  well — none  better,  than  Mr.  Wright.  In 
declining  it,  he  was  influenced  by  honorable  and  praise 
worthy  motives — such  as  did  not  detract  from  the 
unselfishness  of  his  conduct,  but  served  to  place  that 
noble  feature  in  his  character  in  a  yet  more  attractive 
light. 

The  constitutional  amendments  lingered  along  for 
some  time  in  the  Legislature,  and  it  was  not  until  a 
bill  providing  for  a  convention  was  introduced,  that 
they  were  pressed  to  a  final  vote.  The  democrats  had 
a  majority  in  the  Assembly — a  bare  majority,  however, 
and  not  sufficient  to  carry  any  measure  requiring  a 
vote  of  two- thirds.  When  the  question  was  taken,  the 
amendments  were  not  sustained  by  the  constitutional 


BILL    FOR    A    CONVENTION.  203 

majority ;  consequently,  all  the  efforts  of  the  friends  of 
reform,  for  the  four  years  during  which  these  amend 
ments  were  urged,  had  entirely  failed  of  accomplishing 
their  object.  The  question  then  arose,  as  to  what 
should  be  done.  The  utter  hopelessness  of  amending 
the  constitution,  in  the  tedious  manner  pointed  out  in 
that  instrument,  where  there  were  a  respectable  mi 
nority  opposed  to  such  amendment,  was  clearly  demon 
strated.  A  majority  of  the  democratic  members  of  the 
Legislature  elected  in  1844,  were  in  favor  of  a  conven 
tion,  as  the  only  mode  that  could  then  be  adopted  to 
obtain  those  reforms  which  the  people  desired.  But 
that  section  of  the  party  who  had  originally  opposed 
the  amendments,  insisted  that  their  duty  was  dis 
charged  by  voting  for  their  presentation  to  the  people, 
and  they  would  go  no  farther.  The  other  side  con 
tended,  that  this  was  but  tampering  with  the  known 
wishes  of  their  constituents,  and  that  although  the  for 
mer  had  voted  for  the  amendments  when  it  was  certain 
that  they  could  not  pass,  yet  they  were  in  fact  opposed 
to  them.  This  was  denied  by  the  other  party,  and 
probably  was  not  strictly  true.  Their  individual  opin 
ions,  doubtless,  were  adverse  to  the  adoption  of  the 
amendments,  but  it  is  not  likely  that  they  would  have 
resisted  the  wishes  of  their  constituents,  which  had 
been  almost  unanimously  expressed  in  their  favor. 

The  whig  members  of  the  Legislature,  at  the  com 
mencement  of  the  session,  avowed  their  preferences  for 
a  convention.  The  Native  Americans,  who  had  chosen 
one  senator  and  seventeen  members  of  Assembly,  at 
the  election  in  1844,  were  also  disposed  to  favor  the 
project,  in  the  hope  of  imposing  additional  restrictions 
upon  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  suffrage  by  natural 
ized  citizens.  The  convention  bill  was  discussed  for 


204  OPPOSITION    TO    THE    MEASURE. 

several  weeks,  and  passed  the  Assembly  on  the  22nd 
of  April,  by  a  vote  of  eighty-three  to  thirty-three.  Of 
the  democratic  members,  thirty-two  voted  in  its  favor, 
and  thirty-one  against  it.  Among  the  latter  were  one 
or  two  members  who  were  friendly  to  the  constitutional 
amendments,  but  who  still  thought  that  they  might  be 
secured  without  resorting  to  a  convention.  All  the 
whig  members,  except  two,  voted  for  the  bill.  The 
Native  Americans  present  gave  a  unanimous  vote  in 
its  favor.  In  the  Senate,  the  passage  of  the  bill  was 
resisted  with  much  warmth,  and  the  debate  between 
the  speakers  belonging  to  the  two  sections  of  the  demo 
cratic  party,  was  conducted  with  unusual  asperity  and 
bitterness.  It  was  objected  by  the  opponents  of  the 
measure,  that  the  bill  contemplated  the  submission  of 
the  amendments  collectively  to  the  people,  for  their 
approval  or  rejection,  and  they  desired  every  proposi 
tion  to  be  separately  presented.  It  was  then  amended, 
by  leaving  it  to  the  agents  of  the  people,  the  delegates 
in  the  convention,  to  decide  the  question  of  submission ; 
but  the  opposition  to  the  passage  of  the  bill  was  still 
continued.  The  main  argument,  aside  from  the  mode 
of  submission,  with  the  opponents  of  the  bill  was,  that 
the  people  had  not  asked  for  a  convention ;  but  as  the 
bill  provided  for  ascertaining  their  wishes  upon  the 
subject  previous  to  the  election  of  delegates,  those  who 
sustained  it  did  not  regard  this  objection  as  of  much 
force.  Besides,  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  members 
of  the  Assembly  voted  for  the  bill,  and  unless  they  mis 
represented  their  constituents,  it  was  evident  that  a 
majority  of  the  electors  in  the  state  desired  its  passage. 
This  question  was  settled  at  the  November  election 
in  1845,  by  the  popular  vote,  which  was  nearly  unani 
mous  for  a  convention. 


APPROPRIATION    OF    THE    SURPLUS.  205 

After  a  long  contest,  the  convention  bill  passed  the 
Senate,  and  the  Assembly  having  concurred  in  the 
amendment,  it  was  presented  to  the  governor.  The 
friends  of  a  more  liberal  system  of  improvements  than 
had  been  countenanced  by  the  Legislature  of  the  state 
since  the  year  1842,  indulged  some  hopes  that  the  gov 
ernor  would  refuse  to  sign  the  bill.  But  he  saw  that 
the  real  cause  of  the  opposition  to  its  passage,  with  the 
great  majority  of  those  who  voted  against  it,  was  the 
fear  that  the  financial  amendments  would  be  proposed 
and  adopted  in  the  convention,  and  he  could  not  gratify 
their  wishes  without  sacrificing  the  principles  which 
he  had  advocated  ever  since  his  entrance  into  public 
life.  He  believed  that  the  people  desired  the  conven-. 
tion  ;  he  had  no  fears  that  an  "  excess  of  democracy" 
would  be  infused  into  the  constitution ;  the  bill  was 
signed,  and  the  electors  of  the  state  approved  and  rati 
fied  the  act 

Towards  the  close  of  the  session  of  1846,  a  bill  was 
passed  by  the  votes  of  the  whig  members  of  the  Legis 
lature,  and  of  those  friendly  to  the  completion  of  the 
unfinished  canals,  appropriating  the  surplus  of  one  hun 
dred  and  ninety-seven  thousand  dollars,  to  which  the 
governor  had  alluded  in  his  message,  to  the  prosecution 
of  those  works.  This  surplus,  in  fact,  did  not  exist,  as 
the  law  of  1844  required  the  deficiencies  of  formei 
years  to  be  made  up  before  there  could  be  a  surplus 
and  why  such  an  appropriation  should  have  been  made 
in  violation  of  the  law,  and  in  opposition  to  the  recom 
mendations  of  the  Executive,  can  only  be  explained 
upon  the  supposition,  that  it  was  intended  to  excite 
feelings  of  hostility  against  Governor  Wright.  If  it 
originated  in  any  other  motive,  it  is  hardly  possible 
that  there  would  have  been  so  much  feeling  upon  his 


206  VETO    OF    THE    GOVERNOR. 

returning  the  bill  with  his  objections.  He  regretted 
the  necessity  that  compelled  him  to  interpose  his  veto, 
but  not  to  have  done  so,  would  have  been  totally  in 
consistent  with  his  whole  previous  course,  and  the  doc 
trines  laid  down  in  his  message.  It  is  evident  that  a 
number  of  the  democratic  members  did  vote,  in  the 
first  place,  under  a  mistake  or  misapprehension ;  for 
upon  taking  the  question  after  the  return  of  the  bill, 
they  voted  against  it :  all  of  them  may  have  been 
equally  deceived,  but  this  is  hardly  probable,  because 
several  of  the  democratic  newspapers  published  in 
those  localities  immediately  interested  in  the  passage  of 
the  bill,  expressed  their  disapprobation  of  ths  veto. 

The  passage  of  the  convention  bill,  and  the  veto  of 
Governor  Wright,  produced  so  much  additional  ill-feel 
ing  between  the  two  sections  of  the  democratic  party, 
that  they  did  not  hold  the  customary  legislative  caucus 
previous  to  the  adjournment.  A  majority  of  them, 
however,  signed  and  published  an  address  to  their  con 
stituents,  approving  of  the  course  of  the  Executive.  He 
was  willing  to  leave  all  the  questions  upon  which  there 
had  been  a  difference  of  opinion,  to  the  decision  of  their 
common  constituents.  If  issues  had  been  made,  they 
were  not  of  his  seeking.  If  he  had  contributed  to  in 
crease  the  dissensions  in  the  party,  it  was  done  in  the 
discharge  of  what  he  conceived  to  be  his  duty.  He 
was  asked  to  withhold  his  signature  from  a  bill  \vhich 
the  people  of  the  state  demanded,  and  to  ratify  another 
which  it  was  known  he  could  not,  and  would  not  ap 
prove.  Who  does  not  honor  Silas  Wright,  for  the 
manliness  and  integrity  of  purpose  he  displayed,  in 
rising  above  the  trammels  of  party  as  the  governor  of 
the  whole  people  of  the  state,  and  in  adhering  to  his 
principles  at  the  sacrifice  of  a  temporary  popularity  ? 


MURDER    IN    DELAWARE.  207 

The  enactment  of  the  law  to  prevent  persons  from 
appearing  disguised  and  armed,  quieted  the  disturbances 
in  the  Anti-Rent  districts  for  several  weeks ;  but  in  the 
month  of  March  they  were  again  renewed  in  the  county 
of  Delaware,  and  in  several  cases  the  execution  of  pro 
cess  was  resisted,  though  having  no  connection  what 
soever  with  rent.  A  number  of  persons  were  arrested 
for  appearing  disguised  and  armed,  and  three  of  them 
were  convicted  and  sentenced  to  imprisonment  in  the 
state  prison.  The  principal  instigator  of  the  disturb 
ances  in  the  county  of  Columbia,  in  December  1844, 
was  also  tried  in  March,  but  the  jury  failed  to  agree 
He  was  afterwards  tried  a  second  time,  found  guilty, 
and  sentenced  to  the  state  prison.  Notwithstanding 
the  firmness  of  the  Executive,  and  of  the  courts  and 
juries  before  whom  the  offenders  were  brought,  the 
Indians  continued  their  outrages,  merely  removing  the 
scene  from  one  section  of  the  state  to  another.  The 
energetic  proceedings  of  the  citizens  of  Delaware, 
county,  restored  peace  and  good  order  for  the  time, 
though  disturbances  occasionally  took  place  in  the  ad 
joining  county  of  Schoharie.  In  May,  one  of  the  dep 
uties  of  the  sheriff  of  Columbia  county  was  fired  at 
several  times,  and  severely  wounded  ;  and  in  the  follow 
ing  month  the  county  of  Cattaraugus,  in  the  western 
part  of  the  state,  became  the  theatre  where  this  insur 
rectionary  spirit  was  exhibited.  But  the  crowning  act 
of  these  seditious  movements  was  committed  in  Dela 
ware  county,  on  the  7th  of  August.  The  under  sheriff, 
''while  quietly  and  inoffensively  engaged  in  the  dis 
charge  of  his  official  duty,"  in  open  daylight,  was  shot 
dead  in  the  midst  of  a  crowd  of  spectators,  some  two 
hundred  and  fifty  of  whom  were  disguised  and  armed, 
and  none  offering  to  prevent  the  commission  of  the 


208  GOVERNOR'S  PROCLAMATION. 

offence,  or  to  apprehend  its  perpetrator.  From  twelve 
to  twenty  guns  were  fired,  and  three  balls  took  effect 
in  the  body  of  the  unfortunate  officer.  This  startling 
murder  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  whole  commu 
nity,  and  every  effort  was  made  by  the  civil  authorities 
to  arrest  those  who  were  present  at  the  time  of  the  oc 
currence  in  disguise,  or  were  suspected  of  having  par 
ticipated  in  the  disturbances  which  resulted  in  this 
terrible  catastrophe.  But  the  Indians  were  so  nume 
rous,  and  so  determined  upon  offering  violent  resistance 
to  the  officers  of  the  law,  that  application  was  made  to 
Governor  Wright  to  issue  his  proclamation,  declaring 
the  county  in  a  state  of  insurrection,  and  to  order  out 
a  military  force  for  the  protection  and  security  of  the 
peaceable  citizens  of  the  county,  and  of  the  courts  be 
fore  whom  the  offenders  might  be  arraigned.  On  the 
27th  of  August,  the  governor  issued  his  proclamation, 
in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  law  passed  at 
the  previous  session  of  the  Legislature,  and  at  the  same 
time  directed  a  body  of  troops  to  be  mustered  into  the 
service  of  the  state,  and  ordered  on  duty  in  the  county 
of  Delaware.  The  proclamation  met  with  universal 
favor,  except  among  the  Anti-Renters.  Its  tone  and 
manner  were  highly  appropriate.  After  reciting  the 
facts  and  circumstances  which  had  impressed  him  with 
the  belief  that  the  proclamation  was  necessary,  he  thus 
addresses  himself  to  the  citizens  of  the  state,  and  offers 
his  advice  to  the  parties  in  the  controversy : — 

"  To  the  freemen  of  the  state  I  can  make  no  stronger 
appeal  than  is  presented  in  the  simple  narration  of  facts 
I  have  set  forth.  These  facts  show  the  regular  prog 
ress  to  its  result  in  crime  and  blood,  of  every  attempt 
to  set  aside  the  regularly  constituted  tribunals  of  civil 
society,  organized  for  the  protection  of  personal  rights 


DISGUISES    AND    OATHS.  209 

and  the  redress  of  personal  wrongs,  and  to  make  might 
the  measure  of  right  between  citizen  and  citizen.  Masks 
and  disguises  are  never  assumed  to  protect  men  in  the 
performance  of  acts  towards  their  neighbors,  which  the 
judgment  and  the  conscience  approve ;  and  no  other 
acts  will  promote  the  peace,  order,  or  prosperity  of  so 
ciety,  or  the  happiness,  or  true  interest  of  him  who  per 
forms  the  action.  Secret  oaths  are  only  administered 
to  add  to  the  protection  of  the  masks,  when  the  con 
science  proclaims  that  he  who  is  trusted  to  look  behind 
the  mask  may  be  as  dangerous  as  he  who  looks  upon 
it ;  that  the  danger  is  in  the  truth,  and  is  to  b6  appre 
hended  from  all  who  can  tell  it.  When  the  mind  be 
comes  so  deluded  as  to  rely  upon  protections  like  these, 
and  to  act  from  the  promptings  which  a  sense  of  secu 
rity  of  this  character,  if  indulged,  will  never  fail  to  en 
gender,  high  crimes  are  the  certain  fruit,  and  the  charm 
of  the  protection  vanishes  only  when  the  guilt  is  in 
curred.  The  intelligent  freemen  of  our  state  will  not 
seek  to  change  their  peaceful,  and  happy,  and  prosper 
ous  institutions,  the  fruit  of  the  toil  and  blood  of  our 
revolutionary  fathers,  for  a  government  resting  upon 
such  a  basis,  and  producing  such  fruits.  Justice  is  the 
emblem  of  their  government,  and  her  light  is  truth. 

"  To  the  tenants  who  disapprove  of  this  disguised 
and  armed  force,  and  have  refused  to  give  their  aid  or 
countenance  to  its  organization  and  action ;  and  they 
are  believed  to  constitute  a  numerous  and  influential 
body  of  men ;  the  present  presents  a  peculiarly  appro 
priate  occasion  to  mark  more  distinctly  their  separation 
from  proceedings  which  cannot  fail  to  be  fatal  to  a  good 
cause,  and  to  prejudice  good  men.  If  they  feel  that 
the  tenures  by  which  they  hold  their  farms  are  onerous ; 
not  in  accordance  with  the  genius  of  our  institutions,  or 


210  ADVICE    TO    LANDLORDS. 

the  spirit  of  our  people ;  and  that  they  ought  to  be 
changed  to  freeholds ;  let  them  see,  and  feel  also,  that 
the  natural  sympathies  of  the  great  body  of  our  free 
holders  must  be  with  them  in  these  impressions,  and 
that  the  sure  way  to  avert  these  sympathies,  is  to 
attempt  to  accomplish  a  worthy  end  by  worthy 
means.  Let  them  remember  that  their  present  tenures 
have  resulted  from  voluntary  contracts,  freely  entered 
into  between  themselves,  or  their  worthy  ancestors,  and 
the  landlords  from  whom  they  hold;  and  that  the 
readiest,  if  not  the  only  way,  to  make  the  change  they 
desire,  is  by  a  contract  equally  voluntary,  between 
themselves  and  those  same  landlords.  Let  them  be 
assured  that,  if  they  fulfil  their  contracts  hitherto,  and 
offer  terms  of  commutation  of  their  titles,  which  are 
just,  and  which  appear  to  be  so  to  fair  and  impartial 
minds,  an  enlightened  public  opinion  will  bring  about 
the  acceptance  of  such  terms  by  the  landlords. 

"  To  the  proprietors  of  these  leasehold  estates,  the 
landlords  of  these  tenants,  the  present  crisis  should  not 
be  without  its  lessons  of  wisdom.  Indefensible  as  have 
been  the  attempts  to  repudiate  their  solemn  contracts, 
and  to  wrest  from  them  by  force  the  remedies  secured 
to  them  by  the  constitution  and  the  laws  for  breaches 
of  those  contracts,  they  should  not  fail  to  see,  at  the 
foundation  of  these  lawless  proceedings,  a  rapidly 
growing  dissatisfaction  at  the  perpetuation  of  tenures, 
not  in  accordance  with  those  by  which  the  great  body 
of  the  lands  of  our  country  are  held,  and  not  consonant 
with  the  feelings  of  our  people.  And,  while  the  power 
of  the  state  must  and  will  be  exerted  to  enforce  the 
law,  protect  private  rights,  preserve  the  peace  and  order 
of  society,  give  security  to  the  life  of  the  citizen,  and 
prevent  the  prevalence  of  anarchy  and  violence,  so  far 


WARNING    TO    THE    TENANTS.  211 

as  it  rests  in  their  power,  they  should  be  ready  to  re 
move  the  causes  of  like  troubles  for  the  future,  by  a 
prompt  and  liberal  arrangement  of  arrears  of  rent, 
whenever  an  opportunity  shall  offer ;  and,  by  tendering 
generous  terms  to  the  tenants,  upon  which  they  will 
change  the  tenures  to  fee  simple  titles,  put  an  end  for 
ever  to  this  perpetual  relation  of  landlord  and  tenant — 
a  relation  already  so  fruitful  of  anything  but  peace  and 
prosperity  to  either  of  the  parties.  Even  if  it  shall 
become  necessary  to  employ  the  militar-v  power  of  the 
state  to  enforce  the  law,  as  connected  with  their  pe 
culiar  interests,  they  should  be  prepared,  upon  all  occa 
sions  and  under  all  circumstances,  to  show  to  the  public 
that  it  is  no  part  of  their  object  to  be  benefited  in  their 
pecuniary  interests,  by  the  misfortunes  or  the  faults  of 
their  ill-advised  and  misguided  tenants ;  but  that  they 
are  ready  to  consider,  generously,  the  ability  and  the 
means  for  each  tenant  to  pay,  and,  even  if  a  coerced 
sale  of  his  property  must  be  the  only  rule  of  settlement, 
that  they  are  prepared  to  become  liberal  purchasers  at 
such  sales.  « 

"  To  the  disguised  men  themselves,  and  to  those  less 
worthy  than  they,  who  press  them  forward  into  the 
danger  from  which  they  themselves  shrink,  I  have  only 
to  say  that  wrong  acts  never  serve  even  a  good  cause ; 
that  persistence  in  crime  cannot  mitigate  the  heavy 
weight  upon  the  mind  and  conscience  of  the  first  crime ; 
and  that  no  disguises  are  perfect  enough  to  protect  the 
heart  from  the  eye  of  Him  who  sees  its  thoughts  and 
intents. 

<c  For  the  sake  of  the  character  of  our  state,  and  of 
our  people,  as  well  as  for  the  peace,  and  prosperity,  and 
harmony  of  our  society,  I  earnestly  hope  that  the  day 
may  not  be  distant,  when  I  may  be  called  upon  to  dis- 


212  ANTI-RENT    TRIALS. 

charge  another  and  a  far  more  pleasant  duty,  under  a 
provision  of  the  same  law  under  which  I  now  act,  by 
revoking  this  proclamation. 

"  Yet  the  law  must  be  enforced.  Our  institutions 
must  be  preserved.  Anarchy  and  violence  must  be 
prevented.  The  lives  of  our  citizens  must  be  protected, 
and  murder  must  be  punished.  And  when  that  portion 
of  our  citizens  who,  now  transported  by  passion  and 
led  away  by  singular  delusions,  are  ready  to  strike 
down  the  law  and  its  ministers,  shall  become  convinced 
that  a  different  course  is  alike  the  part  of  wisdom  and 
of  duty,  and  shall  again  submit  themselves  to  the  laws 
of  the  state,  then,  and  not  before,  can  I  expect  to  be 
permitted  to  perform  that  more  pleasing  duty." 

The  prompt  and  energetic  measures  of  the  local  and 
state  authorities  to  enforce  the  laws,  and  provide  for 
the  due  administration  of  justice,  were  attended  \vith 
the  most  satisfactory  results.  The  insurrection  was 
quelled,  order  restored,  and  the  courts  and  officers  left 
free  to  exercise  their  functions,  without  hindrance  or 
obstruction.  The  most  searching  examination  was 
made  into  the  circumstances  attending. the  lamentable 
issue  of  these  disturbances ;  and  a  great  number  of 
persons  concerned,  either  as  accessories  or  principals, 
in  the  commission  of  the  offence,  were  arraigned  for 
trial.  Several  of  them  plead  guilty,  and  were  leniently 
dealt  with.  Others  were  tried  and  sentenced  to  the 
state  prison,  and  two  of  them  were  condemned  to  be 
hung.  From  the  testimony  taken  on  the  trials  of  the 
persons  convicted  of  murder,  it  appeared  that  neither 
actually  committed  the  crime,  or  fired  his  weapon, 
though  present  armed  and  in  disguise.  Upon  the  unani 
mous  recommendation  of  the  jurors  by  whom  the  two 
men  were  found  guilty,  Governor  Wright  commuted 


PROCLAMATION    REVOKED.  213 

their  punishment  from  that  of  death,  to  imprisonment 
in  the  state  prison  during  their  natural  lives.  Among 
the  arguments  offered  on  the  application  for  a  commu 
tation  of  punishment,  it  was  said  that  these  offences 
were  of  a  political  character,  and  therefore  should  be 
treated  with  more  clemency.  In  his  letter  to  the 
sheriff  announcing  his  decision,  the  governor  protested 
against  entertaining  such  a  doctrine,  unless  it  was  de 
sired  to  add  the  crime  of  treason  to  the  other  offences 
which  had  been  committed.  "  I  have  been  urged,"  he 
said,  "  to  find  a  ground  for  commuting  these  sentences, 
in  the  consideration  that  the  offences  are  political,  and 
therefore  entitled  to  a  different,  and  more  lenient  treat 
ment,  than  ordinary  offences  of  similar  grades.  To  my 
mind  this  consideration  presents  no  meliorated  aspect 
of  this  murder.  If  I  could,  in  my  classification,  call 
this  insurrection,  commenced  and  prosecuted  to  resist 
the  collection  of  admitted  debts,  a  rebellion,  or  attempt 
at  revolution  of  the  state  government,  I  should  find,  I 
fear,  much  more  room  to  add  the  crime  of  treason  to 
the  catalogue  already  made  up,  than  to  discover  a 
ground  for  indulgence  in  its  political  character." 

Early  in  December,  it  was  certified  to  the  governor 
by  the  principal  civil  authorities  of  the  county  of  Dela 
ware,  that,  in  their  belief,  the  insurrection  was  effec 
tually  quelled;  and  on  the  18th  of  the  month  he  issued 
a  second  proclamation,  revoking  the  previous  one,  to 
take  effect  from  and  after  the  22nd.  The  firm  and  de 
cided  stand  taken  by  the  Executive  throughout  all  these 
difficulties,  called  forth  expressions  of  approbation  from 
all  parties,  both  in  and  out  of  the  state.  During  the 
remainder  of  his  administration,  there  were  occasional 
acts  of  violence  committed,  but  no  disturbances  of  seri 
ous  magnitude. 


214  ANNUAL    MESSAGE. 

At  the  annual  election  in  1845,  the  people  approved 
the  calling  of  a  convention,  by  a  most  decisive  vote. 
Of  the  members  of  the  Legislature  chosen  at  this  time, 
a  majority  over  all  parties  were  in  favor  of  the  con 
vention,  and  of  the  doctrines  laid  down  in  the  veto  of 
the  governor.  The  next  legislative  session  commenced 
on  the  6th  of  January,  1846.  The  message  contained 
a  repetition  of  the  sentiments  in  regard  to  the  finances 
of  the  state,  which  were  so  ably  presented  at  the  session 
of  1845,  and  congratulated  the  members  of  the  Legis 
lature  upon  the  fact,  that  much  of  the  business  ordi 
narily  coming  before  them  would  be  referred  to  the 
convention  that  was  soon  to  assemble.  He  stated  that 
the  violent  proceedings  of  the  tenants  on  the  leasehold 
estates  appeared  to  have  terminated,  and  that,  in  his 
opinion,  it  was  now  proper  to  afford  a  redress  of  their 
grievances,  if  within  the  constitutional  power  of  the 
Legislature ;  he  therefore  recommended  the  prospec 
tive  abolition  of  distress  for  rent,  and  the  taxation  of 
the  reserved  rents  of  landlords.  Both  suggestions 
were  approved  by  the  Legislature,  and  bills  passed  du 
ring  the  session.  The  message  also  contained  a  rec 
ommendation  in  favor  of  limiting  the  time  for  which 
leases  of  farming  lands  should  be  given,  to  a  short  pe 
riod.  The  Legislature  did  not  pass  a  law  for  that  pur 
pose,  but  an  article  to  that  effect  was  inserted  by  the 
convention  in  the  revised  constitution,  and  the  reser 
vation  of  quarter  sales  and  fines  for  alienation  was 
prohibited.  The  remaining  proposition  of  the  Anti- 
Renters,  to  allow  them  to  dispute  the  titles  of  their 
landlords,  wrhich,  according  to  well-settled  principles 
of  law,  were  acknowledged  by  taking  leases  and  attoi 
ning  to  them,  was  not  favorably  regarded  by  the  Leg 
islature  or  the  convention. 


APPORTIONMENT    BILL.  215 

In  1845  a  census  of  the  state  had  been  taken ;  and 
the  duty  of  making  a  re-apportionment  devolved  upon 
the  Legislature  of  1846.  The  governor  advised  that  a 
law  should  be  passed  at  an  early  day,  in  order  that  the 
members  of  the  convention  to  be  chosen  in  April, 
might  be  elected  under  the  new  apportionment.  On 
examining  the  statistics  of  the  census,  it  was  found, 
that  by  re-districting  the  state,  the  whigs  and  the  friends 
of  an  immediate  prosecution  of  the  public  works,  would 
probably  lose  some  of  the  delegates  which  they  could 
elect  under  the  existing  law.  They  then  united  their 
strength,  to  defeat  the  passage  of  a  bill  applicable  to 
the  convention.  It  was  sustained  by  a  majority,  how 
ever,  and  became  a  law  in  time  for  the  election. 

The  message  of  President  Polk  was  likewise  referred 
to  by  Governor  Wright.  He  expressed  his  sincere 
gratification  at  the  prospect  of  the  re-establishment  of 
the  independent  treasury,  under  more  propitious  cir 
cumstances  than  those  which  attended  the  enactment  of 
the  law  in  1840,  and  avowed  his  cordial  approbation 
of  the  views  of  the  President  in  regard  to  the  modifica 
tion  of  the  tariff  law  of  1842. 

There  were  but  few  democratic  members  of  the 
Legislature  in  1846  opposed  to  the  financial  doctrines 
of  the  governor,  but  sufficient  to  thwart  the  wishes  of 
the  majority  in  some  instances.  The  question  of  se 
lecting  a  new  state  printer  was  to  be  decided  at  this 
session.  A  majority  of  the  democratic  members  were 
opposed  to  the  incumbent ;  and  a  bill  was  introduced 
abolishing  the  office,  in  order  to  defeat  the  election  of 
the  candidate  nominated  in  the  caucus  of  the  dem 
ocratic  members.  The  whigs  supported  the  bill,  and 
it  passed  both  houses.  The  measure  was  unquestion 
ably  a  proper  one,  though  the  circumstances  under 


216  WAR    WITH    MEXICO. 

which  it  was  adopted  might  have  been  somewhat  doubt 
ful.  Governor  Wright  was  no  factionist,  and  he  cheer 
fully  affixed  his  signature  to  the  bill.  He  did  not  ask 
whether  friends  or  foes  voted  for  a  law  that  was  con 
stitutionally  passed,  and  that  the  public  welfare  required, 
but  approved  what  he  thought  was  just  and  proper  for 
the  reason  that  it  was  so. 

A  short  time  previous  to  the  adjournment  of  the 
Legislature  in  1846,  the  intelligence  of  the  commence 
ment  of  hostilities  between  Mexico  and  the  United 
States  reached  Albany.  Resolutions  in  favor  of  sus 
taining  the  National  Government  were  passed  with 
great  unanimity.  A  requisition  was  soon  after  made 
upon  the  state  of  New  York,  for  troops  to  aid  in  pros 
ecuting  the  war.  Governor  Wright  promptly  issued 
a  proclamation,  both  eloquent  in  its  language,  and 
patriotic  in  its  sentiments,  calling  for  volunteers  to  en 
rol  themselves  without  delay  ;  and  while  he  remained 
in  office,  he  afforded  every  facility  in  his  power  to  the 
authorities  of  the  Union  in  obtaining  the  men  and 
means  which  they  required. 

The  dissensions  in  the  democratic  party  continued 
to  exist  during  the  session  of  1846 ;  but  as  one  faction 
was  largely  in  the  majority,  they  did  not  appear  of  so 
much  moment.  Violent  personal  altercations  took 
place  in  both  Houses,  that  served  to  continue  the  im- 
bittered  feelings  which  had  sprung  up,  and  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  legislative  caucus  held  prior  to  the  ad 
journment  were  not  unanimously  approved.  .A. few 
of  the  members  signed  another  address  to  their  con 
stituents,  differing  from  that  adopted  by  the  majority, 
in  its  opposition  to  the  course  pursued  by  Governoi 
Wright  in  regard  to  the  completion  of  the  public 
works.  Other  questions  were  naturally  connected  with 


NEW    TARIFF    LAW.  217 

the  main  cause  of  division  in  the  democratic  party,  and 
in  the  then  state  of  feeling,  the  appointments  to  office 
attracted  greater  attention  than  they  otherwise  would 
have  done.  The  governor  was  not  ungrateful  to  those 
friends  who  had  aided  him  in  sustaining  the  principles 
upon  which  he  placed  so  much  value ;  neither  was  the 
executive  patronage  bestowed  upon  them  to  the  entire 
exclusion  of  others.  Where  county  conventions  of 
the  party  were  held,  he  acted  in  accordance  with  their 
recommendations  ;  and  in  other  cases,  he  endeavored 
to  have  the  local  appointments  conform  to  the  wishes 
of  the  majority.  To  satisfy  all  the  applicants  was  an 
impossibility  ;  and  if  he  failed  in  any  case  to  under 
stand  the  public  sentiment  aright,  the  error  was  unin 
tentional.  A  very  great  number  of  officers  appointed 
by  Governor  Bouck  were  re-nominated  by  him ;  and 
this,  indeed,  was  his  invariable  rule,  except  where  the 
majority  of  the  democratic  party  in  .the  particular 
locality  appeared  to  be  opposed. 

At  the  session  of  Congress  which  ended  in  the  sum 
mer  of  1846,  a  new  tariff  act  was  passed,  materially 
changing  the  provisions  of  the,  law  of  1842.  It  was 
not  entirely  conformable  to  the  wishes  of  Mr.  Wright, 
but  the  actual  effect  and  operation  of  the  law  differed 
but  slightly  from  that  which  he  would  have  favored. 
The  principle  of  protection  in  the  restricted  sense 
which  he  advocated  was  not  abandoned,  and  the  mo 
nopoly  features  of  former  enactments  were  removed. 

The  constitutional  convention  assembled  in  June. 
A  majority  of  the  members  were  democrats  ;  but  party 
questions  were  not  allowed,  except  very  rarely,  to  in 
terfere  with  the  deliberations  of  that  body.  Its  pro 
ceedings  were  harmonious,  and  the  constitution,  as 
amended,  adopted  by  a  very  large  vote.  The  conven- 

10 


218  CONSTITUTIONAL    CONVENTION. 

tion  decided  that  it  was  inexpedient  to  separate  the 
various  articles,  but  submitted  it  as  a  whole.  One  of 
the  most  gratifying  results  of  the  convention,  to  Mr. 
Wright,  was  the  incorporation  into  the  constitution  of 
those  financial  doctrines  for  which  he  had  been  contend 
ing  ever  since  he  first  took  his  seat  in  the  New  York 
Senate.  All  the  essential  principles  of  the  act  of  1842, 
and  of  "  the  people's  resolution,"  were  made  a  part  of 
the  fundamental  law  of  the  state.  The  Legislature 
was  forbidden  to  create  a  debt  exceeding,  at  any  time, 
one  million  of  dollars  in  amount,  and  prohibited  from 
loaning  the  public  credit  to  individual  associations  or 
corporations.  The  payment  of  the  state  debt  was 
secured  out  of  the  revenues  annually  accruing,  and  the 
unfinished  works  placed  in  their  appropriate  position 
of  dependence  upon  the  surplus  remaining  after  supply 
ing  the  means  of  discharging  the  liabilities  already  in 
curred.  The  constitution  also  provided  that  no  special 
act  of  incorporation  should  be  passed  ;  thus  preventing 
for  the  future  such  legislation  as  was  witnessed  in  1835 
and  1836. 

During  the  summer  of  1846,  the  two  sections  of  the 
democratic  party  co-operated  together  more  harmoni 
ously  than  they  had  done,  and  it  was  thought  that  the 
divisions  would  soon  be  healed.  This  might  have  been 
the  case,  if  personal  considerations,  and  private  disap 
pointments,  had  not  continued  to  operate  upon  the  minds 
of  prominent  members  of  both  factions.  The  influence 
of  the  national  administration,  too,  was  exerted  to  se 
cure  the  election  of  members  of  Congress  in  the  state 
of  New  York,  who  were  in  favor  of  supporting  its 
measures  in  relation  to  the  war  with  Mexico,  irrespec 
tive  of  the  slavery  question  connected  with  the  subject. 
That  section  of  the  party  with  whose  views  Mr.  Wright 


RENOMINATED  FOR  GOVERNOR.          219 

sympathized,  though  he  never  approved  the  violent  and 
indiscreet  denunciations  of  the  heated  partisans  among 
them,  any  more  than  he  participated  in  the  bitter  and 
vindictive  manner  of  the  opposing  faction,  had  declared 
their  hostility  to  any  extension  of  the  slave  territory; 
and  therefore,  the  course  pursued  by  the  officers  of  the 
National  Government,  and  those  enjoying  its  patronage, 
produced  new  differences,  and  new  collisions,  which 
prevented  the  restoration  of  good  feeling  or  harmony. 
The  democratic  state  convention  was  held  in  October. 
Governor  Wright  had  been  urged  to  decline  a  re-nomi 
nation  ;  but  this  would  only  have  resulted  in  further 
divisions,  and  he  did  not  attempt  to  influence  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  convention,  either  one  way  or  the  other. 
If  the  delegates  desired  him  again  to  become  a  candi 
date,  he  was  disposed  to  act  in  accordance  with  their 
wishes.  H'e  had  not  sought  the  office,  but  it  rested 
with  his  party  friends  to  say  whether  he  should  remain 
in  it,  since  his  original  acceptance  had  been  given  in 
pursuance  of  their  emphatic  request.  Those  democratic 
journals  in  the  state  friendly  to  the  unfinished  canals, 
and  disposed  to  advance  the  projects  of  the  national 
administration,  advised  the  selection  of  a  new  man  as 
a  candidate  for  governor.  This  movement  met  with 
very  little  favor,  and  but  few  scattering  votes  were 
given  in  the  convention.  Mr.  Wright  received  one 
hundred  and  twelve  votes  out  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty-eight,  on  the  informal  ballot.  His  nomination 
was  then  made  unanimous,  except  that  a  single  dele 
gate  voted  against  the  motion. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

1846. — Opposition  to  the  New  Constitution — Anti-Renters — Integrity 
and  Independence  of  Governor  Wright — The  November  Election — 
The  Constitution  Adopted — Causes  of  Mr.  Wright's  Defeat— His 
Opinions— Adverse  Influences  at  Washington — The  National  Adminis 
tration — The  Wilmot  Proviso — New  York  Resolutions — The  Missouri 
Compromise — Acquisition  of  New  Territory  and  Extension  of  Slavery 
—Position  of  Mr.  Wright— Retires  to  Private  Life— Contented  Dis 
position — His  Name  suggested  for  the  Presidency — Letter — River  and 
Harbor  Bill— Veto  of  the  President— The  Chicago  Convention— Let 
ter  of  Mr.  Wright— Popularity  in  the  Northern  States — Political  Pros 
pects — Mode  of  Life — Devotes  his  Time  to  his  Farm — Agricultural 
Address — General  Health — Sudden  Illness— His  Death— Letter  of 
his  Physician — Effect  on  the  Public  Mind — Testimonials  of  Respect 
— Meeting  at  Ogdensburgh — Tribute  of  Mr.  Clay — The  Merchants  in 
New  York— The  Pilots— Proceedings  of  the  State  Legislature— Re 
marks  of  Mr.  Spencer — The  State  Fair — Feeling  throughout  the 
Union — Personal  Appearance  and  Habits — Character  as  a  Citizen 
and  a  Friend — Style  of  Oratory — Mental  Qualities — Career  as  a 
Statesman— His  Memory.— 1847. 

THE  decision  of  the  state  convention  upon  the  finan 
cial  questions,  out  of  which  had  arisen  the  dissensions 
in  the  democratic  party,  was  not  entirely  satisfactory 
to  the  friends  of  the  public  works  that  remained  unfin 
ished.  The  mode  pointed  out  in  the  constitution  for 
appropriating  a  portion  of  the  surplus  revenues  to  their 
completion  appeared  slow  and  tedious.  Those  persons, 
in  particular,  whose  pecuniary  interests  were  directly 
affected  by  the  suspension  of  operations,  did  not  con 
ceal  their  objections  to  the  article  which  had  been 
adopted,  and  their  intention  to  vote  against  the  ratifica- 


OBJECTIONS    TO    THE    CONSTITUTION.  221 

tion.  They  were  not  pleased  with  the  small  sum  which, 
in  the  most  favorable  condition  of  the  finances,  would 
probably  be  set  apart  for  the  prosecution  of  the  works, 
nor  with  the  prohibition  against  creating  a  new  debt 
for  other  objects  of  the  same  character.  It  was  sug 
gested  soon  after  the  convention  adjourned,  that  an 
amendment  might  be  proposed  to  render  these  restric 
tions  less  severe,  in  case  a  majority  of  the  people  ap 
proved  the  constitution.  This  announcement  con 
tented  the  greater  number  of  those  who  desired  to  see 
the  canals  speedily  finished  ;  but  the  contractors,  and 
others  bearing  a  similar  relation  to  the  works,  were 
unwilling  to  vote  in  its  favor,  even  with  this  prospect 
before  them.  Experience  had  shown,  that  a  minority, 
though  few  in  numbers,  might  prevent  the  adoption  of 
an  amendment ;  and  notwithstanding  the  constitution 
was  modified  in  that  respect,  they  saw  that  it  would 
still  occupy  two  or  three  years  to  perfect  an  alteration, 
where  there  was  any  decided  opposition  manifested. 

The  changes  in  the  judiciary  system  made  by  the 
amended  constitution,  were  also  unpopular  in  some 
sections  of  the  state.  The  election  of  judges,  and  of 
so  many  other  officers  who  had  formerly  been  selected 
by  the  appointing  power,  by  the  people  themselves, 
through  the  ballot  boxes,  was  likewise  a  new  feature 
that  did  not  meet  the  approbation  of  many  who  felt  at 
tached  to  the  old  manner  of  appointment,  and  were  not 
disposed  to  regard  such  innovations  with  much  favor. 
These  objections,  however,  were  principally  confined  to 
the  eastern  part  of  the  state ;  but  in  the  middle  and 
western  counties  the  main  difficulty  was  the  financial 
article. 

During  the  session  of  the  Legislature  in  1846,  efforts 
were  made  to  induce  the  governor  to  pardon  the  indi- 


222  HIS    OFFICIAL    INTEGRITY. 

viduals  concerned  in  the  disturbances  in  the  counties 
of  Columbia  and  Delaware,  who  had  been  sentenced 
to  the  state  prison;  but  he  declined  any  further  inter 
ference,  at  that  time,  on  their  behalf,  alleging  as  his 
reason  for  the  refusal,  that  a  proper  regard  for  the  dig 
nity  of  the  law,  the  character  of  the  state,  and  the 
security  of  its  citizens,  seemed  to  him  to  require  that 
they  should  be  kept  in  confinement,  at  least  until  a 
more  healthy  tone  of  sentiment  prevailed  in  the  districts 
where  the  difficulties  had  existed.  These  applications 
were  renewed  by  the  friends  of  the  prisoners,  at  vari 
ous  intervals,  in  the  course  of  the  summer,  and  just 
before  the  fall  election  they  were  pressed  with  unusual 
warmth.  A  large  number  of  the  Anti- Renters  origi 
nally  belonged  to  the  democratic  party,  and  they  were 
very  anxious  that  Governor  Wright  should  place  him 
self  in  such  a  position  as  to  obtain  the  votes  of  themselves 
and  of  all  who  thought  with  them.  Although  his  official 
acts  had  appeared  harsh  and  severe,  they  were  forced 
to  admire  the  unbending  integrity  and  stern  indepen 
dence  which  he  had  displayed.  His  recommendations 
to  the  Legislature,  and  the  prompt  action  that  followed 
them,  had  softened,  to  a  great  extent,  the  angry  feelings 
which  had  occasioned  the  outbreak,  and  they  were  by 
no  means  inclined  to  oppose  his  re-election.  But  the 
release  of  the  prisoners  was  the  object  at  which  they 
aimed,  and  that  would  and  must  be  the  consideration 
for  their  votes.  When  they  found  that  he  would  not 
yield  to  their  petitions,  they  attempted  to  draw  from 
him  a  promise,  or  a  pledge,  that  at  some  future  time 
their  request  would  be  granted.  His  answer  was  wor 
thy  of  the  man — worthy  of  the  governor.  He  would 
give  no  promises,  no  pledges,  save  that  his  duty  should 
be  discharged  to  the  best  of  his  ability.  Though  unlike 


NOVEMBER    ELECTION.  223 

the  proud  and  haughty  Roman,  who  could  not  sympa 
thize  with  the  people,  and  would  have  betrayed  them  to 
their  foes — though  unlike  Coriolanus  in  all  besides,  yet, 
with  him,  he  despised  the  vile  means  which  dema 
gogues  employed  to  win  the  public  favor.  If  he  re 
mained  in  office,  none  should  complain  that  the  execu 
tive  clemency  was  withheld  when  it  might  be  properly 
bestowed ;  but  he  would  not  sully  his  reputation  with 
a  blot  that  no  honor  or  dignity  could  ever  have  effaced. 

When  the  Anti-Rent  convention  was  held,  the  selec 
tion  of  Governor  Wright,  as  their  candidate  for  gover 
nor,  was  urged  by  many  of  his  over-zealous  friends ; 
but  the  majority  required  something  more  tangible 
than  mere  expectations ;  they  knew  his  character,  and 
they  were  fearful  that  they  might  look  to  him  in  vain. 
The  whig  delegates  were  more  positive  in  their  pledges 
for  the  nominee  of  the  whig  convention,  and  the  Anti- 
Renters  decided  to  support  him  at  the  election,  together 
with  the  candidate  for  lieutenant-governor  nominated 
by  the  democratic  party. 

At  the  November  election  in  1846,  there  were  about 
four  hundred  thousand  votes  cast  for  the  office  of  gov 
ernor.  In  addition  to  the  nominations  of  the  two  great 
parties,  both  the  Abolitionists  and  the  Native  Americans 
had  separate  tickets,  each  of  which  received  a  consid 
erable  number  of  votes.  The  majority  in  favor  of  the 
amended  constitution,  was  nearly  one  hundred  and 
thirty  thousand.  John  Young,  the  whig  candidate  for 
governor,  who  was  also  supported  by  the  Anti-Renters, , 
was  elected  over  Mr.  Wright,  by  upwards  of  eleven 
thousand  majority. 

It  is  as  unpleasant  a  task,  as  it  is  ungracious,  to  attempt 
to  explain  away  a  political  overthrow.  If  the  people 
will  not  vote  for  a  candidate  in  sufficient  numbers  to 


224  THE    DEMOCRATIC    VOTE. 

elect  him,  he  is  sure  to  be  defeated.  In  ordinary  cases, 
that  is  explanation  enough ;  but  there  are  reasons  of 
more  than  usual  importance,  why  the  causes  which 
prevented  the  success  of  Mr.  Wright  should  be  made 
known.  It  was  claimed  by  his  friends,  and,  perhaps, 
truly  claimed,  that  notwithstanding  his  defeat,  there 
was  not  a  more  popular  man  in  the  state.  One  thing 
is  certain :  there  was  not  another  member  of  the  party 
to  which  he  belonged,  who  could  have  obtained  any 
thing  like  the  vote  he  received ;  and  there  were  very 
few,  if  there  was  one,  who  would  not  have  been  openly 
opposed  at  the  polls,  by  great  numbers  of  those  profess 
ing  to  entertain  the  same  political  sentiments. 

Although  Mr.  Young  was  elected  by  the  Anti-Rent 
vote,  and  would  have  been  defeated  if  the  democrats 
belonging  to  that  faction  had  supported  Mr.  Wright, 
the  latter  could  have  succeeded  even  against  such  odds, 
had  he  been  sustained  by  the  strength  of  his  party,  as 
usually  manifested  at  such  an  election.  The  returns 
plainly  indicate,  that  in  those  sections  of  the  state 
where  the  feeling  in  regard  to  the  completion  of  the 
unfinished  canals,  was  more  decided  in  its  character,  he 
failed  to  receive  a  cordial  or  united  support.  In  some 
counties  out  of  the  Anti-Rent  districts,  the  falling  off  in 
the  democratic  votes  was  out  of  all  proportion  with  that 
in  other  counties,  while  the  whig  candidate  received  a 
higher  number  than  was  given  to  Mr.  Fillmore  in  1844. 
A  great  many,  doubtless,  who  did  not  concur  in  the 
opinions  of  Mr.  Wright  upon  questions  of  state  policy, 
out  of  regard  for  his  high  name  and  eminent  abilities, 
unhesitatingly  gave  him  their  suffrages.  But  those 
who  were  so  much  dissatisfied  with  the  constitution,  in 
consequence  of  the  financial  article  contained  in  it,  as 
to  vote  against  its  ratification,  were  not  favorable  to 


CAUSES  OF  THE  DEFEAT.  225 

his  re-election.  Other  causes  may  have  been  alleged 
for  their  dissatisfaction  with  the  state  ticket ;  but  it  is 
quite  evident,  that  if  Mr.  Wright  had  not  signed  the 
convention  bill,  and  not  vetoed  the  appropriation  of 
the  surplus,  he  would  not  have  asked  for  their  votes  in 
vain.  They  were  willing  to  forgive  his  opposition  to 
the  construction  of  the  lateral  canals ;  his  recommen 
dation  of  a  state  tax  in  1832 ;  and  his  firm  and  un 
shrinking  course  in  maintaining  the  letter  and  the  spirit 
of  the  stop  and  tax  law.  They  might  even  have  over 
looked  his  determination  not  to  countenance  an  increase 
of  the  state  debt,  for  any  purpose  whatsoever,  except  an 
extraordinary  emergency  should  arise ;  but  his  appro 
bation  of  the  convention  bill  was  an  unpardonable 
offence.  So  long  as  the  statute  book  alone  contained 
the  record  which  they  desired  occasionally  to  modify, 
they  might  have  been  satisfied  to  see  him  remain  in  the 
office  of  governor ;  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  they 
would  have  given  him  their  votes.  But  Mr.  Wright 
had  held  the  power  in  his  hands ;  it  had  rested  with 
him  to  say  whether  there  should  be  a  convention ;  he 
had  decided  in  favor  of  it,  because  the  people  desired 
him  to  do  so ;  and  the  result  had  been  the  adoption  of 
the  financial  article.  This  feature  in  the  constitution 
was  opposed  to  their  interests,  and  how  could  they  be 
expected  to  sustain  that  man,  who,  more  than  all  others, 
had  advocated  and  defended  the  principles  therein  im- 
bodied,  and  had  been  such  a  prominent  instrument  in 
establishing  it  so  firmly  that  it  could  not  be  easily 
changed  ?  Some  might  have  done  it,  who  looked  to 
the  future  rather  than  to  the  present ;  who  admired 
him  for  his  firmness  and  independence,  and  honored 
him  for  that  he  would  not  surrender  his  convictions  of 
10* 


226  HIS    ANTICIPATIONS. 

the  right  for  the  sake  of  a  transient  popularity — but 
they  most  certainly  did  not  do  this. 

Local  difficulties  and  dissensions  also  reduced  Mr. 
Wright's  vote  to  some  extent.  The  regular  nomina 
tions  in  several  counties  were  not  regarded  by  either 
of  the  factions.  Long-cherished  animosities,  and  con 
tinued  strife  and  contention,  had  produced  their  legiti 
mate  fruits.  Ostensibly,  there  was  no  division  in  the 
party ;  but,  in  fact,  there  was  nothing  that  could  be 
called  unity  or  harmony.  The  influence  of  the  na 
tional  administration  was  not  exerted  in  behalf  of  Mr. 
Wright ;  and  this  was  another  cause  of  his  defeat. 
The  new  constitution  of  the  state  divested  him  of  all 
patronage,  and  when  the  General  Government  might 
have  essentially  aided  him,  it  was  busied  in  attempting 
to  secure  members  of  Congress  who  were  supposed  to 
be  free  from  his  control. 

But  these  considerations  may  be  said  to  have  been 
of  little  moment.  Mr.  Wright  was  defeated.  An  im 
portant  question  in  regard  to  the  finances  of  the  state, 
had  been  agitated  for  more  than  twenty  years ;  after 
this  long  struggle,  he,  and  those  who  acted  with  him, 
had  succeeded  in  incorporating  their  views  into  the 
constitution ;  it  was  natural  for  divisions  to  spring  up, 
and  that  he  should  be  one  of  the  first  to  feel  them.  It 
was  what  he  had  long  anticipated.  When  he  left  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  he  knew  the  time  for 
determining  the  question,  which  had  been  adjourned 
when  he  left  the  office  of  comptroller,  would  soon  come. 
He  was  prepared  to  meet  it.  His  principles  had  under 
gone  no  change.  They  were  firm  and  irrevocable  ;  and 
successful  too,  though  he  who  upheld  them  was  defeated, 
at  the  same  election  which  witnessed  their  ratification. 

Mr.  Wright  had  long  entertained  the  wish  to  be  re- 


REGRET    FOR    HIS    FRIENDS.  227 

lieved  from  the  cares  and  responsibilities  of  office,  and 
no  personal  consideration  caused  him  to  regret  his 
defeat.  In  a  letter  written  to  a  friend  within  a  few 
months  after  the  election,  he  referred  to  the  circum 
stances  under  which  his  immediate  connection  with 
public  affairs  had  terminated,  in  a  tone  very  far  re 
moved  from  bitterness  or  complaint.  "  You  do  me  but 
justice,"  says  the  letter,  "in  assuming  that  the  regret 
I  have  felt,  and  yet  feel,  at  my  political  defeat,  last  fall, 
is  much  more  on  account  of  my  friends — those  who 
have  been  friends  through  good  and  through  evil  report, 
and  who  have  claims  upon  me  which  I  never  could,  in 
any  situation,  have  discharged,  than  on  my  own  account. 
Indeed,  I  had  long  been  sensible  that  it  was  time  for 
me  to  retire,  and  felt  a  strong  presentiment  that,  if  I  did 
not  do  it  voluntarily,  I  should  find  myself  compelled  to 
do  it  without  my  consent,  before  much  more  time  could 
elapse.  I  was  so  perfectly  convinced,  when  I  consented 
to  be  governor,  that  the  termination  would  be  just  when 
and  as  it  has  been,  that  I  can  scarcely  say  I  have  been 
disappointed.  Still,  I  am  now  perfectly  satisfied  that  it 
was  my  duty  to  yield  upon  that  occasion,  and  that  my 
friends  did  right  to  urge  me  to  it.  Had  it  not  been 
done,  and  our  state  had  been  lost  in  1844,  the  failure 
of  our  party,  and  our  measures  and  principles  in  the 
nation,  would  have  been  imputed  to  us,  and  to  me 
prominently.  That  would  have  placed  us  in  a  worse 
position  than  we  are  now  in,  and  the  fault  would  have 
been  said  to  be,  and  would  have  been  believed  to  be, 
ours;  while  now  we  are  blameless,  and  have  only 
shared  the  fate  too  often  met  by  honest  men,  that  of  a 
defeat  in  an  attempt  to  carry  out  and  establish  honest 
principles.  Still,  there  has  been  something  very  re 
markable  in  the  passage  of  events.  The  Independent 


228  INFLUENCES    AT    WASHINGTON. 

Treasury  has  been  established  and  is  in  operation.  We 
have  succeeded  in  establishing  the  most  sound  and  safe 
financial  principles  in  our  new  constitution,  and  yet  the 
party,  which  alone  as  a  party  was  favorable  to  these 
reforms,  was  beaten  at  the  very  election  which  adopted 
them.  All  this  shows  that  our  principles  possess  a 
strength  with  our  people  which  our  men  do  not." 

In  the  same  letter,  he  refers  more  particularly  to  the 
pleasure  he  had  experienced  in  returning  to  private  life- 
"  Personally,"  says  he,  "  I  am  content  as  a  man  can 
be,  and  not  a  day  passes  that  I  do  not  find  cause  for  joy, 
that  I  am  out  of  the  way  and  clear  from  the  cares  and 
responsibilities  of  these  ever-perplexing  public  affairs. 
I  have  no  ambitions  to  gratify,  and  no  griefs  to  indulge, 
and  I  take  a  pleasure  I  cannot  express  in  feeling  free  to 
express  my  opinions  as  a  private  citizen." 

The  adverse  influences  at  Washington  which  had 
contributed  to  Mr.  Wright's  defeat,  and  his  position 
with  respect  to  the  national  administration,  were  made 
frequent  subjects  of  comment  after  the  election,  and 
during  the  winter  of  1847.  The  question  as  to  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  was  disposed  of;  but  the  war 
with  Mexico  had  introduced  a  new  topic  for  political 
discussions.  Similar  questions  had  often  been  brought 
forward,  since  the  original  formation  of  the  confederacy, 
and  had  always  given  rise  to  protracted  debates  in 
Congress.  At  the  time  of  the  commencement  of  hos- 
tilities  with  the  Mexican  republic,  it  was  supposed  that 
the  wrar  would  be  of  short  duration,  and  the  terms  upon 
which  a  peace  should  be  negotiated  began  to  be  con 
sidered.  It  was  generally  understood  that  the  large 
amount  of  claims  held  by  citizens  of  the  United  States 
against  that  Government,  and  of  those  in  prospective 
which  would  be  urged  on  the  suspension  of  difficulties, 


THE    WILMOT    PROVISO.  229 

as  an  indemnity  for  expenses,  could  not  be  satisfied 
without  yielding  up  a  portion  of  her  territory  beyond 
the  original  limits  of  Texas.  Slavery  did  not  exist  in 
the  northern  provinces  of  Mexico,  and  it  was  urged  by 
those  members  of  Congress  who  were  opposed  to  the 
extension  of  that  institution,  that  measures  should  be 
taken  to  prohibit  its  introduction  into  any  territory 
that  might  be  acquired.  Near  the  close  of  the  session 
of  Congress,  ending  in  the  summer  of  1846,  President 
Polk  requested  that  an  appropriation  of  two  (afterwards 
three)  millions  of  dollars  should  be  made,  to  be  em 
ployed  by  him  in  concluding  a  peace  with  Mexico,  if  an 
opportunity  were  presented  during  the  recess.  A  bill 
for  that  purpose  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  ;  and  while  the  subject  was  under  discus 
sion,  Mr.  Wilmot,  a  democratic  member  from  Pennsyl 
vania,  moved  that  a  clause  be  added  to  the  bill,  in  the 
following  terms : — 

"  Provided,  That  there  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor 
involuntary  servitude  in  any  territory  on  the  continent 
of  America  which  shall  hereafter  be  acquired  by,  or 
annexed  to  the  United  States,  by  virtue  of  this  appro 
priation,  or  in  any  other  manner  whatsoever,  except  for 
crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con 
victed.  Provided  always,  That  any  person  escaping 
into  that  territory,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  law 
fully  claimed  in  any  one  of  the  United  States,  such 
person  may  be  lawfully  reclaimed  and  carried  out  of 
such  territory  to  the  person  claiming  his  or  her  ser 
vice." 

The  object  of  proposing  this  amendment,  now  known 
as  "  The  Wilmot  Proviso,"  was  to  prohibit  the  intro 
duction  of  slavery  into  that  portion  of  Mexico  which 
might  be  surrendered  to  the  United  States,  so  long  as 


230  LOST    IN    THE    SENATE. 

the  territorial  character  was  preserved ;  and  when 
states  were  formed  and  admitted  into  the  Union,  the 
matter  would  come  under  their  control.  The  proviso 
was  sustained  by  a  majority  in  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives — the  members  from  New  York  unanimously 
voting  in  its  favor — but  it  was  stricken  out  in  the  Senate, 
and  the  bill  failed  to  become  a  law. 

The  views  of  Mr.  Wright  upon  this  question  were 
not  then  made  known,  though  it  was  generally  under 
stood  that  he  concurred  in  the  vote  given  by  the  mem 
bers  of  Congress  from  his  own  state.  The  President, 
and  a  majority  of  the  cabinet,  were  favorable  to  the 
slaveholding  interest ;  and  as  there  were  several  candi 
dates  for  the  succession  to  the  presidency  among  the 
latter,  they  were  not  reluctant  to  engage  in  an  attempt 
to  weaken  his  influence  and  popularity  in  New  York, 
and  in  the  Union  at  large.  It  was  said,  that  he  had 
placed  himself  in  opposition  to  the  administration,  which 
had  taken  a  stand  against  the  proviso,  and  would  coun 
tenance  no  proposition  of  that  character,  unless  it  con 
templated  the  extension  of  the  Missouri  compromise 
line  to  such  new  territory  as  might  be  acquired  from 
Mexico;  and,  in  the  winter  of  1847,  circumstances 
transpired  which,  it  was  alleged,  fully  substantiated  the 
charge  that  had  been  made.  At  the  second  session  of 
the  twenty-ninth  Congress,  Preston  King,  the  represen 
tative  from  the  congressional  district  in  which  Mr. 
Wright  resided,  and  his  warm  personal  and  political 
friend,  became  the  mover  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  as  an 
amendment  to  the  appropriation  bill,  by  which  the  sum 
asked  for  in  1846  was  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
President.  All  the  members  from  New  York,  except 
three  of  the  democrats,  some  or  all  of  whom  had  op 
posed  the  re-nomination  of  Governor  Wright,  supported 


NEW    YORK    RESOLUTIONS.  231 

Mr.  King's  proposition.  While  the  subject  was  still 
pending  in  Congress,  the  following  resolutions  of  in- 
struction  were  adopted  in  the  New  York  Legislature, 
by  the  votes  of  the  whig  members  and  of  those  who 
occupied  the  same  ground  with  Mr.  Wright  in  regard 
to  state  politics  : — 

"Resolved,  That  if  any  territory  is  hereafter  ac 
quired  by  the  United  States,  or  annexed  thereto,  the 
act  by  which  such  territory  is  acquired  or  annexed, 
whatever  such  act  may  be,  should  contain  an  unalter 
able,  fundamental  article  or  provision,  whereby  slavery 
or  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punishment  for 
crime,  shall  be  forever  excluded  from  the  territory  ac 
quired  or  annexed. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  senators  in  Congress  from  this 
state  be  instructed,  and  that  the  representatives  in  Con 
gress  from  this  state  be  requested,  to  use  their  best 
efforts  to  carry  into  effect  the  views  expressed  in  the 
foregoing  resolutions." 

Mr.  Wright  was  still  in  Albany  at  the  time  these  res 
olutions  were  before  the  Legislature,  and  did  not  con 
ceal  his  approbation  of  the  sentiments  expressed  in 
them.  From  this  fact,  and  from  the  known  friendly 
relations  existing  between  himself  and  Mr.  King,  it  was 
inferred  that  he  was  in  favor  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso. 
Before  noticing  his  position,  as  subsequently  defined 
by  himself,  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  refer  to  a  few 
historical  facts  connected,  in  the  public  mind,  with  this 
question,  though  only  indirectly  affecting  it. 

The  principle  involved  in  the  Wilmot  Proviso  was 
very  different  from  any  of  a  similar  nature  which  had 
been  previously  discussed,  in  or  out  of  Congress.  In 
1784,  Thomas  Jefferson,  as  chairman  of  a  committee, 
a  majority  of  whom  were  from  slaveholding  states  re- 


232       ORDINANCE  OF  THE  OLD  CONGRESS. 

ported  a  plan  in  the  old  Congress  of  the  Confederation, 
for  the  government  of  the  "  Western  Territory,"  now 
composing  the  states  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan, 
Iowa,  and  Wisconsin.  This  plan  embraced  the  condi 
tion — that  after  the  year  1800,,  there  should  be  neither 
slavery,'  nor  involuntary  servitude,  in  any  of  the  states 
to  be  formed  out  of  such  territory,  otherwise  than  in 
punishment  of  crimes.  The  ordinance  containing  this 
proviso  did  not  receive  a  vote  of  two-thirds,  and  there 
fore  was  not  adopted.  But  in  1787  an  ordinance  was 
passed,  in  relation  to  the  North-western  territory,  which 
contained  an  article  absolutely  prohibiting  slavery 
therein.*  Of  this  article  the  Wilmot  Proviso  is  al 
most  a  literal  transcript.  In  1789,  the  first  Congress 
under  the  federal  constitution  re-enacted  the  ordinance 
of  1787.  Mr.  Madison  was  among  its  most  prominent 
supporters,  and  Washington  approved  and  signed  it. 
This  measure  was  a  concession  on  the  part  of  the 
slaveholding  interest  The  free  states  yielded  nothing 
-because  there  was  nought  to  yield.  Under  the  laws 
then  in  existence,  the  territory  was  slaveholding  terri 
tory.  Virginia,  a  slave  state,  had  the  largest  and  the 
strongest  claim  in  it.  The  slave  states  made  a  volun 
tary  surrender  to  the  free  states,  and  agreed  that  slavery 
should  not  continue  or  be  extended  north  of  the  Ohio 
River,  in  a  portion  of  territory  belonging  to  the  Union 
previous  to  and  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  con 
stitution. 

Since  the  organization  of  the  Federal  Government, 
Louisiana  and  Florida  have  been  acquired  by  purchase, 
and  Texas,  originally  forming  a  part  of  the  former,  has 
been  restored,  after  having  once  been  ceded  to  Spain. 
Slavery  existed  in  all  these  provinces,  at  the  time  of 
*  Article  6. 


THE    MISSOURI    COMPROMISE.  233 

their  acquisition  or  annexation.  Out  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase  three  states  have  been  formed — Louisiana, 
Arkansas,  and  Missouri.  Louisiana  was  admitted  im 
mediately  after  the  purchase.  Missouri  applied  for 
admission  in  1819,  and  then  the  question  arose  which 
was  settled  by  what  has  been  called  the  Missouri  com 
promise.  Those  who  desired  to  make  Missouri  a  free 
state,  insisted  that  if  it  had  formed  part  of  the  Union  at 
the  time  the  ordinance  of  1787  was  passed,  it  would 
have  been  included  within  the  North-west  territory  ; 
and  not  only  did  they  urge  that  argument,  but  they 
demanded  that  slavery  should  be  prohibited  in  all  new 
states,  not  comprised  within  the  original  boundaries  of 
the  United  States,  "  as  a  condition  of  their  admission 
into  the  Union."  On  the  other  hand  it  was  contended, 
that  the  territory  was  slave  territory  at  the  time  of  the 
purchase,  and  that  the  only  real  point  in  dispute  had 
been  settled  by  the  admission  of  Louisiana.  The  prin 
ciple  then  maintained  by  the  members  of  Congress 
from  the  northern  states  went  far  beyond  that  of  the 
Wilmot  Proviso ;  but  public  opinion  in  that  section  of 
the  Union  was  strong  and  decided  in  its  opposition  to 
the  admission  of  Missouri,  if  slavery  was  not  prohibited. 
In  1820,  a  resolution  was  unanimously  passed  in  the 
New  York  Legislature,  of  which  Martin  Van  Buren, 
Roger  Skinner,  Samuel  Young,  and  other  distinguished 
men,  were  at  that  time  members,  instructing  their 
senators  and  representatives  to  oppose  the  admission 
of  any  state,  not  contained  in  the  original  boundaries 
of  the  confederacy,  without  making  the  prohibition  "  an 
indispensable  condition."  After  a  long  and  ardent 
contest,  the  slave  states  again  yielded  up  a  portion  of 
their  territory,  and  on  the  6th  of  March,  1820,  an  act 
was  passed  authorizing  the  admission  of  Missouri,  but 


234  THE    PRINCIPLE    INVOLVED. 

forever  prohibiting  "  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude" 
in  the  remaining  part  of  the  Louisiana  purchase  lying 
north  of  36  degrees,  30  minutes,  north  latitude. 

Florida  was  slave  territory  at  the  time  of  its  acquisi 
tion,  and  when  it  applied  for  admission,  no  attempt  was 
made  to  revive  the  question  which  had  been  disposed 
of  in  the  case  of  Louisiana.  When  the  project  for  the 
annexation  of  Texas  came  before  Congress,  there  was 
a  reason  for  extending  the  Missouri  compromise  line 
to  her  territory,  because  it  had  formed  a  part  of  the 
original  Louisiana  purchase.  No  one  then  thought  of 
extending  the  compromise  to  free  territory.  The  South 
did  not  ask  it — and  the  North  would  never  have  con 
sented. 

The  subject  of  contention  in  the  settlement  of  all 
these  questions — in  the  passage  of  the  ordinance  of 
1787 ;  the  Louisiana  and  Florida  purchases ;  the  ad 
mission  of  Missouri ;  and  the  annexation  of  Texas — 
where  any  contention  took  place,  was  either  in  regard 
to  the  acquisition  of  slave  territory,  or  to  the  division 
of  slave  territory  between  the  free  and  slave  states. 
The  Wilmot  Proviso  presented  a  question  differing  as 
widely  from  any  before  agitated  as  one  pole  is  separated 
from  the  other.  It  had  reference  solely  to  the  acquisi 
tion  of  free  territory,  and  to  the  extension  of  slavery 
where  it  was  unknown  ;  and  it  is  for  this  reason,  that 
no  compromise  in  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitu 
tion,  no  compromise  which  has  since  been  made,  has  any 
legitimate  connection  with  it.  When  the  Proviso  was 
first  introduced,  it  was  urged  that  the  soil  and  climate 
of  New  Mexico  and  California,  portions  of  whose  ter 
ritory,  if  any,  were  to  be  acquired,  were  not  congenial 
to  the  existence  of  slavery,  and  therefore  the  prohibi 
tion  was  unnecessary,  and  calculated  but  to  provoke 


EXTENSION    OF    SLAVERY.  235 

bad  feeling  and  produce  divisions  and  dissensions.  But 
this  same  argument  was  worn  threadbare  at  the  time 
of  the  Louisiana  purchase.  It  was  then  said,  that 
slavery  would  never  extend  to  the  northern  portions 
of  that  territory ;  that  there  were  a  few  slaves  in  the 
settlements  along  the  Mississippi,  but  it  was  idle  to 
think  of  employing  them  in  the  interior ;  and  that  it 
would  be  very  unwise  to  legislate  at  all  upon  the  sub 
ject.  What  was  the  result  ? — Besides  Louisiana  proper, 
and  Texas,  since  restored,  two  slave  states,  Arkansas 
and  Missouri,  were  formed;  slavery  extended  as  far 
north  as  the  41st  degree  of  latitude,  and  was  checked 
only  by  the  prohibition  in  the  act  of  1820.  The  friends 
of  the  Wilmot  Proviso  thought  there  \vas  no  time  like 
the  present  to  decide  so  important  a  question;  and  that 
the  evil  they  apprehended  should  be  guarded  against 
at  the  time  of  the  acquisition  of  any  new  territory.  In 
their  view,  the  principle  was  of  too  much  value  to  be 
trifled  with — it  was  not  whether  slavery  should  be  pro 
tected  where  it  had  an  existence,  as  was  done  by  the 
federal  constitution — not  whether  slave  territory  should 
be  annexed  to  the  Union — not  whether  an  equitable 
division  should  be  made  of  such  territory  between  the 
free  and  the  slave  states — but  whether  the  American 
Government  should  become  the  propagandist  of  slavery, 
and  seek  to  implant  it  upon  free  soil. 

It  was  in  this  light  Mr.  Wright  regarded  it;  and 
hence  it  was,  that  he  would  have  felt  bound  to  oppose 
the  administration  of  Mr.  Polk,  or  any  other  adminis 
tration,  if  it  sought  to  acquire  territory  for  the  extension 
of  slavery.  His  sentiments  were  freely  expressed  to 
his  friends,  though  he  endeavored  to  avoid  makin^ 
them  topics  of  discussion  in  the  public  prints.  On  the 
15th  of  April  1847,  he  wrote  to  a  gentleman  in  the 


236  LETTER    OP    MR.    WRIGHT. 

city  of  New  York,*  in  reply  to  a  letter  making  in 
quiries  as  to  his  opinions,  in  order  to  correct  what  were 
supposed  to  be  misrepresentations  of  them,  and  stated, 
in  definite  terms,  his  position  with  respect  to  the  prin 
ciple  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  He  said  : — 

"  If  the  question  had  been  propounded  to  me,  at  any 
period  of  my  public  life — '  Shall  the  arms  of  the  Union 
be  employed  to  conquer,  or  the  money  of  the  Union  be 
used  to  purchase  territory,  now  constitutionally  free, 
for  the  purpose  of  planting  slavery  upon  it' — I  should 
have  answered,  No  !  And  this  answer  to  this  question 
is  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  as  I  understand  it.  I  am  sur 
prised  that  any  one  should  suppose  me  capable  of  en 
tertaining  any  other  opinion,  or  giving  any  other  an 
swer,  as  to  such  a  proposition." 

The  letter  of  Mr.  Wright  in  which  this  passage 
occurs,  was  not  intended  at  the  time  for  publication  ; 
but  the  same  letter  contained  a  request,  that  it  should 
be  distinctly  announced  in  the  columns  of  a  democratic 
paper  in  New  York,  "  that  he  was  opposed  in  principle 
to  the  conquest,  or  purchase  of  territory,  now  free,  for 
the  purpose  of  incorporating  slavery  upon  it ;  that  he 
thought  it  an  appropriate  time  to  declare  that  principle, 
when  an  appropriation  was  asked  to  purchase  the  terri 
tory  ;  and  that  such  a  declaration,  made  at  such  a  time, 
was  not  in  opposition  to  the  administration,  unless  it 
was  avowed  that  the  administration  wished  to  acquire 
the  territory  for  the  extension  of  slavery,  in  which  case 
he  would  think  the  administration  wrong  and  the  dec 
laration  right." 

Mr.  Wright  did  regret  that  Mr.  King  became  the 
mover  of  the  Proviso,  because  it  was  supposed  to 
have  been  done  after  a  consultation  with  him,  though 
*  Hon.  J.  H.  Titus. 


COMPROMISES    OF    THE    CONSTITUTION.  23? 

in  fact  he  was  entirely  ignorant  of  that  gentleman's 
intentions ;  but  at  no  time  did  he  disapprove  of  his 
course,  or  entertain  any  other  sentiment  except  that 
of  cordial  concurrence  in  the  principle  of  the  Wilmot 
Proviso.  The  preservation  of  the  federal  constitution 
was  as  dear — the  rights  for  which  his  fathers  contended, 
by  the  side  of  their  southern  brethren,  at  Saratoga  and 
Monmouth,  at  Camden  and  Yorktown,  were  as  sacred 
to  him — as  if  he  himself  had  perilled  his  life  in  their 
defence.  On  all  public  occasions,  whether  in  the  Sen 
ate  or  before  the  people,  the  influence  of  his  example 
and  advice  was  in  favor  of  the  sacred  compromises 
of  1787.  At  Watertown,  with  reference  to  this  same 
question  of  slavery,  he  said :  "  Yet  the  institution 
exists  among  us.  It  existed  in  our  state  when  the 
federal  constitution  was  formed.  The  convention  of 
'87 — the  wisest  body  of  men,  unquestionably,  that  ever 
has  assembled  for  civil  purposes  within  the  history  of 
the  world — made  the  compromises  which  enabled  them 
to  form  the  Union.  Without  it  the  Union  never  would 
have  existed.  What  were  they  ? — To  leave  the  exist 
ence,  the  measure  and  management  of  slavery,  exclu 
sively  to  each  state  for  itself.  We,  most  wisely  and 
gradually  abolished  it  with  us. — Other  states,  whether 
from  choice  or  compulsion  it  does  not  become  me  to 
say,  have  not  advanced  so  rapidly.  But  there  is  not 
one  provision  in  that  sacred  instrument,  which  I  would 
less  willingly  disturb.  It  is  to  me  as  sacred  as  any  of 
the  others — and  whilst  I  live,  so  far  as  my  voice  and 
action  is  concerned,  the  guardianship  and  disposition 
of  it  shall  be  left  to  those  among  whom  it  exists,  with 
out  interference  from  me." 

From  this  declaration  Mr.  Wright  never  departed. 
He  was  always  ready  to  do  everything  in  his  power  to 


238  RETIREMENT    TO    PRIVATE    LIFE. 

secure  that  protection  to  the  slaveholding  interest  which 
was  guaranteed  by  the  constitution  ;  but  he  did  not 
approve  of  acquiring  new  territory  to  extend  the  insti 
tution  where  it  had  no  existence.  He  wras  willing,  at 
any  time,  to  appropriate  the  means  belonging  to  the 
General  Government,  for  the  purpose  of  sustaining  the 
national  honor  and  dignity  and  character ;  but  he  did 
not  desire  that  the  blood  of  the  American  soldier  should 
fertilize  a  foreign  soil,  that  it  might  be  cultivated  by 
the  slave.  He  was  willing,  in  a  just  and  righteous 
cause,  that  the  Stars  and  Stripes  should  be  planted  on 
the  highest  peak  of  the  Cordilleras,  if  they  could  wave 
in  the  sunlight  and  the  breeze,  unsullied  and  spotless, 
as  the  signal  of  freedom,  but  never  to  be  borne  there  as 
the  herald  of  oppression. 

Mr.  Wright's  term  of  office  as  governor  of  the  state 
of  New  York,  expired  on  the  last  day  of  December 
1846,  and  in  the  month  of  February  following  he  re 
turned  to  his  residence  at  Canton.  His  retirement  to 
private  life  was  to  him,  personally,  a  source  of  great 
gratification.  In  one  of  his  letters  written  in  April,  he 
said  that  he  could  "  scarcely  yet  realize  the  sensation," 
and  that  he  had  not  known  before  "  what  a  relief  it 
would  be  to  find  himself  again  a  free  man."  There 
are  few  men  who,  in  his  situation,  would  have  been  so 
easily  contented  to  lay  aside  their  official  honors,  and, 
like  Cincinnatus,  return  again  to  the  noblest  of  all  pro 
fessions — that  of  the  tillers  of  the  soil.  To  his  happy 
and  cheerful  disposition  it  was  no  sacrifice — but  a  pure 
and  welcome  joy.  Indeed,  his  only  regret  was,  that  he 
was  compelled  to  remain  at  home,  and  prevented  from 
visiting  his  friends  as  he  wished  to  do,  for  fear  lest  he 
might  be  charged  with  seeking  some  other  and  higher 
honor.  "  If  I  were  to  attempt  to  tell  you,"  he  said,  in 


CHEERFUL    AND    CONTENTED    DISPOSITION.  239 

a  letter  written  to  a  friend  in  Maine,  excusing  himself 
and  Mrs.  Wright  from  paying  an  anticipated  visit, 
"  how  happy  we  make  ourselves  at  our  retired  home, 
I  fear  you  would  scarcely  be  able  to  credit  me.  I  even 
yet  realize  every  day,  and  every  hour,  the  relief  from 
public  cares  and  perplexities  and  responsibilities ;  and 
if  any  thought  about  temporal  affairs  could  make  me 
more  uneasy  than  another,  it  would  be  the  serious 
thought  that  I  was  again  to  take  upon  myself,  in  any 
capacity,  that  ever  pressing  load.  I  am  not,  however, 
troubled  with  any  such  thought,  and  am  only  occasion 
ally  a  little  vexed  that  I  am  constantly  suspected  of 
cherishing  further  vain  and  unreasonable  ambitions. 

"  I  cannot  make  my  visit  to  you  this  year.  I  have 
become  a  farmer  in  earnest,  though  upon  a  very  hum 
ble  scale,  and  I  find  little  leisure  for  recreation.  I 
labor  steadily,  and  enjoy  my  food  and  sleep  as  no  poli 
tician  can.  My  land  is  new  and  hard  to  work,  so  that 
I  have  not  the  pleasure  of  show  and  appearance,  but 
a  call  for  the  more  work.  Even  if  my  business  would 
permit,  I  should  not  dare  to  travel  this  year,  as  I  should 
be  suspected  of  doing  it  for  sinister  purposes,  \vhich 
would  destroy  to  me  all  the  pleasures  of  journeying, 
and  cause  me  to  be  received  and  treated  as  a  moving 
beggar,  not  for  bread,  which  might  be  excused,  but  for 
favors  I  do  not  ask.  After  this  year  I  shall  be  relieved 
from  this  embarrassment ;  and  then  I  hope  the  time 
may  come  when  I  can  visit  your  state,  and  yourself 
and  family,  and  have  the  pleasure  of  fishing  with  you 
for  cod,  without  the  suspicion  of  being  a  fisher  of 
men." 

The  playful  tone  of  this  letter  indicates  anything 
but  the  existence  of  disappointed  ambition.  The  heart 
of  the  writer  was  free  as  the  air  he  breathed.  A  load 


240          LETTER  ON  THE  PRESIDENCY. 

of  care  and  responsibility  had  been  removed  from  his 
shoulders.  For  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century — all  the 
best  part  of  his  life — he  had  been  in  the  service  of  the 
state  or  of  the  nation.  He  had  barely  commenced  the 
practice  of  his  profession  when  he  was  elected  to  the 
state  Senate,  and  from  that  time,  until  within  a  few 
months  previous,  he  had  continued  in  office.  He  was 
frequently  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  presi 
dency  in  the  summer  of  1847,  and  a  number  of  demo 
cratic  papers  in  the  northern  states  inserted  his  name 
in  their  columns,  as  their  candidate  for  the  nomination. 
It  has  been  said,  that  that  high  office  should  "  neither 
be  sought,  nor  refused."  Mr.  Wright  did  not  seek  it, 
though  he  might  not  have  refused  had  it  been  tendered 
to  him.  There  was  no  false  delicacy  in  his  reluctance 
to  be  considered  as  an  aspirant  for  the  office.  He  saw 
that  if  he  was  nominated,  his  opinions  on  the  Wilmot 
Proviso  would  become  the  subject  of  comment,  and 
the  presidential  contest  might  assume  a  sectional  rather 
than  a  party  character.  He  was  desirous  that  this 
should  be  avoided,  and  expressed  his  feelings  with  en 
tire  frankness.  In  a  letter  dated  in  July,  he  said : — 

"  I  wish  you  to  believe  me,  when  I  tell  you  that  1 
write  upon  this  subject,  (the  presidency,)  wholly  free 
from  personal  embarrassment.  I  never  have  been  vain 
enough  to  aspire  to  this  high  office,  and  if  I  had  desired 
it  ever  so  strongly,  I  am  not  so  blind  as  not  to  see  that 
the  present  period  presents  no  opportunity  for  a  candi 
date  such  as  I  should  be.  I  tell  you  the  truth,  however, 
when  I  say,  elevated  as  it  is,  and  is  justly  considered, 
I  do  not  wish  the  office. 

"My  acquaintance  with  it  has  long  since  satisfied 
me,  that  no  man  should  aspire  to  it  who  has  not  a 
stronger  hold  upon  the  feeling  of  the  country  than  I 


CHICAGO    CONVENTION.  241 

have ;  and  that  if  obtained,  it  will  give  to  such  a  man 
neither  pleasure  nor  honor.  I  am  not  a  candidate  for 
the  office,  and  have  no  feeling  about  who  shall  be  can 
didates,  beyond  my  deep  feeling  for  the  country  and 
its  institutions,  and  for  the  democratic  party  and  its 
principles,  upon  the  success  of  which  I  think  the  coun 
try  and  our  institutions  must  rely  for  prosperity  and 
success." 

During  the  session  of  Congress  ending  in  August 
1846,  the  river  and  harbor  bill,  making  appropriations 
exceeding  thirteen  hundred  thousand  dollars  in  amount, 
passed  both  Houses,  but  was  vetoed  by  the  President, 
upon  the  ground  that  a  number  of  the  works  specified 
were  not  proper  objects  of  expenditure  on  the  part  of 
the  General  Government,  and  also,  that  the  money  was 
needed  to  carry  on  the  war  with  Mexico.  The  veto 
excited  astonishment,  and  was  quite  unpopular  in  the 
northern  states,  and  particularly  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
western  lakes  and  rivers,  upon  which  a  considerable 
share  of  the  appropriation  was  proposed  to  have  been 
expended.  The  subject  was  of  vast  importance  to  the 
inhabitants  of  that  section  of  the  Union,  and  it  was 
suggested  that  a  convention  of  the  friends  of  the  im 
provements  should  be  held,  to  deliberate  upon  the 
proper  measures  to  be  taken  to  obtain  the  desired  as 
sistance  from  the  national  authorities.  The  conven 
tion  met  at  Chicago,  on  the  5th  of  July,  1847.  The 
attendance  was  large  from  all  parts  of  the  country  in 
terested  in  the  completion  of  the  works  provided  for  in 
the  bill  vetoed  by  the  President.  Almost  every  promi 
nent  man  at  the  North  was  invited  to  attend,  and  ad 
dress  the  convention.  Several  were  present,  and 
others  sent  letters  expressive  of  their  views.  Among 
the  latter  was  Mr.  Wright.  His  letter  was  warmly 
11 


242      LETTER  ON  INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENTS. 

commended  by  members  of  both  parties,  and  was  ad- 
rditted  to  be  the  ablest  written  on  the  occasion.  The 
following  extract  from  it  will  long  be  remembered  by 
those  who  valued  his  opinions  upon  this  great  ques 
tion  : — 

"Were  it  possible  for  me  to  attend  the  proposed 
convention,  without  an  unreasonable  sacrifice,  I  should 
most  gladly  do  so,  as  my  location  gives  me  a  strong 
feeling  in  reference  to  the  prosperity  and  safety  of  the 
commerce  of  the  lakes. — The  subject  of  the  improve 
ment  of  the  lake  harbors  is  one  which  my  service  in 
Congress  has  rendered  somewhat  familiar  to  me  in  a 
legislative  aspect,  while  my  personal  travel  upon  the 
two  lower  lakes  has  made  the  necessity  for  these  im 
provements  manifest  to  my  senses. 

"  I  am  aware  that  questions  of  constitutional  power 
have  been  raised,  in  reference  to  appropriations  of 
money  by  Congress  for  the  improvement  of  the  lake 
harbors ;  and  I  am  well  convinced  that  honest  men 
have  sincerely  entertained  strong  scruples  upon  this 
point ;  but  all  my  observation  and  experience  have  in 
duced  me  to  believe  that  these  scruples,  where  the  in. 
dividual  admits  the  power  to  improve  the  Atlantic 
harbors,  arises  from  a  want  of  acquaintance  with  the 
lakes  and  the  commerce  upon  them,  and  an  inability 
to  believe  the  facts  in  relation  to  that  commerce,  when 
truly  stated.  It  is  not  easy  for  one,  familiar  with  the 
lakes  and  the  lake  commerce,  to  realize  the  degree  of 
incredulity,  as  to  the  magnitude  and  importance  of 
both,  which  is  found  in  the  minds  of  honest  and  well- 
informed  men,  residing  in  remote  portions  of  the  Union, 
and  having  no  personal  acquaintance  with  either; 
while  I  do  not  recollect  an  instance  of  a  member  of 
Congress,  who  has  travelled  the  lakes,  and  observed 


LETTER    CONTINUED.  243 

the  commerce  upon  them,  within  the  last  ten  years, 
requiring  any  further  evidence  or  argument,  to  induce 
him  to  admit  the  constitutional  power  and  the  pro 
priety  of  appropriations  for  the  lake  harbors,  as  much 
as  for  those  of  the  Atlantic  coast. 

"  I  have  long  been  of  the  opinion,  therefore,  that  to 
impress  the  minds  of  the  people  of  all  portions  of  the 
Union  with  a  realizing  sense  of  the  facts  as  they  are, 
in  relation  to  these  inland  seas,  and  their  already  vast 
and  rapidly  increasing  commerce,  would  be  all  that  is 
required  to  secure  such  appropriations  as  the  state  of 
the  national  treasury  will  from  time  to  time  permit,  for 
the  improvement  of  the  lake  harbors.  I  mean  the  im 
provement  of  such  harbors  as  the  body  of  the  lake 
commerce  requires  for  its  convenience  and  safety,  as 
contra  distinguished  from  the  numerous  applications 
for  these  improvements,  which  the  various  competing 
local  interests  upon  the  shores  of  the  lakes  may 
prompt ;  and  I  make  this  distinction,  because  my  own 
observation  has  shown  that  applications  for  harbor  im 
provements  at  the  public  expense  are  made  and  passed, 
within  a  distance  of  a  very  few  miles,  and  at  locations 
where,  from  the  natural  position  of  the  lake  and  coast, 
a  good  harbor  at  either  point  would  secure  to  the  com 
merce  of  the  lake  all  the  convenience  and  safety  of 
duplicate  improvements.  Much  of  the  difficulty  of 
obtaining  appropriations  grows  out  of  these  conflicting 
applications ;  and  the  sternness  with  which  all  are 
passed  as  necessary  to  the  lake  commerce,  impairs  the 
confidence  of  strangers  to  the  local  claims  and  inter 
ests  in  the  importance  of  all. 

"It  is  the  duty  of  those  who  urge  these  improve 
ments,  for  the  great  objects  for  which  alone  they  should 
be  made  at  the  expense  of  the  nation,  viz  :  the  conve- 


244  LETTER    CONTINUED. 

nience  and  safety  of  the  lake  commerce,  to  be  honest 
with  Congress,  and  to  urge  appropriations  only  at  points 
where  these  considerations  demand  them.  The  river 
improvements  constitute  a  much  more  difficult  subject, 
and  the  connection  of  them  with  the  lake  harbors,  has 
often,  to  my  knowledge,  fatally  prejudiced  the  former. 
There  are  applications  for  the  improvement  of  rivers, 
about  which,  as  a  matter  of  principle  and  constitutional 
power,  I  have  no  more  doubt  than  about  the  harbors 
upon  the  lakes,  or  the  Atlantic  coast ;  and  there  are 
those  which,  in  my  judgment,  come  neither  within  the 
principle  nor  the  constitutional  power ;  but  to  draw  a 
line  between  the  two  classes  of  cases,  I  cannot.  I 
have  witnessed  numerous  attempts  to  do  this,  but  none 
of  them  have  appeared  to  my  mind  to  be  very  sound  or 
very  practical.  The  facts  and  circumstances  are  so 
very  variant,  between  the  various  applications,  that  I 
doubt  whether  any  general  rule  can  be  laid  down, 
which  will  be  found  just  and  practical ;  and  I  think  the 
course  most  likely  to  secure  a  satisfactory  result,  with 
the  least  danger  of  a  violation  of  principle,  would  be 
for  Congress  to  act  separately  and  independently  upon 
each  application. 

"  There  has  appeared  to  me  to  be  one  broad  distinc 
tion  between  these  cases,  which  has  not  always  been 
regarded,  but  which  I  think  always  should  be.  It  is 
between  the  applications  to  protect  and  secure  the 
safety  of  commerce  upon  rivers,  where  it  exists,  and  is 
regularly  carried  on  in  defiance  of  the  obstructions 
sought  to  be  removed,  and  in  the  face  of  the  dangers 
they  place  in  its  way,  and  those  applications  which  ask 
for  improvement  of  rivers,  that  commerce  may  be  ex 
tended  on  them,  where  it  is  not.  The  one  class  appear 
to  me  to  ask  Congress  to  regulate  and  protect  com- 


INCREASED    POPULARITY.  245 

merce  upon  rivers  where  commerce  in  fact  exists,  and 
the  other,  to  create  it  upon  rivers  where  it  does  not  ex 
ist.  This  distinction,  if  carefully  observed,  might  aid 
in  determining  some  applications  of  both  classes,  but  is 
not  a  sufficient  dividing  line  for  practical  legislation,  if 
it  is  for  the  settlement  of  the  principle  upon  which  all 
such  applications  should  rest.  I  use  the  term  *  com 
merce'  in  this  definition,  as  I  do  in  this  letter,  in  its 
constitutional  sense  and  scope. 

"  I  must  ask  your  pardon,  gentlemen,  for  troubling 
you  with  so  long  and"  hasty  a  communication,  in  reply 
to  your  note.  It  is  not  made  for  any  public  use,  but  to 
express  to  you,  very  imperfectly,  some  of  my  views 
upon  the  interesting  subjects  you  bring  to  my  notice, 
which  I  shall  not  have  the  pleasure  of  communicating 
in  person,  and  to  satisfy  you  that  I  am  not  indifferent 
to  your  request." 

The  letter  of  Mr.  Wright  to  the  Chicago  conven 
tion,  added  a  great  deal  to  his  popularity,  which  was 
now  rapidly  on  the  increase  in  the  northern  states. 
When  the  causes  of  his  defeat  at  the  election  in  1846 
became  known,  it  prejudiced  him  but  very  little — 
scarcely  at  all.  He  had  been  prostrated,  but,  like  An- 
teus  of  old,  he  had  risen  again,  renewed  in  vigor  and 
in  strength.  His  course  upon  the  Texas  question,  and 
his  position  with  regard  to  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  in  des 
pite  of  the  attempts  which  had  been  made,  had  alien 
ated  but  few  friends  from  him  even  at  the  South  ;  and 
many  of  the  most  influential  journals  published  in  that 
quarter  of  the  country,  declared  their  willingness  to 
overlook  their  difference  with  him  upon  this  one  point, 
in  view  of  his  great  talents  and  his  unquestioned  patriot 
ism  and  integrity.  His  future  prospects  at  this  period, 
could  not  have  been  more  encouraging  to  his  ambition 


246  LABORS    ON    HIS    FARM. 

— more  cheering  to  his  friends.  He  was  in  the  prime 
of  life — in  the  maturity  of  his  powerful  intellect ;  and 
the  star  of  his  fame  was  just  culminating  towards  its 
zenith.  But  that  life  was  destined  to  be  prematurely 
closed — the  fire  of  that  intellect  quenched — and  the 
star  obscured  ere  it  had  reached  the  meridian. 

It  was  customary  with  Mr.  Wright,  while  a  member 
of  the  Senate,  to  spend  a  great  portion  of  his  time,  in 
the  intervals  between  the  sessions  of  Congress,  in  cul 
tivating  his  garden,  and  a  small  farm  which  he  owned. 
He  had  been  taught  to  labor  in  his  youth,  and  he  did 
not  lose  his  fondness  for  it  as  he  grew  older.  It  was  a 
pleasure  and  a  delight  to  him  ;  and  he  thought  the  ex 
ercise  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  his  health.  In 
1838,  General  Macomb,  when  on  a  tour  of  inspection 
along  the  northern  frontier,  made  him  a  visit,  the  par 
ticulars  of  which  were  communicated  in  a  letter  from 
which  the  following  is  an  extract : — 

"  I  had  occasion  to  visit  Canton  in  October,  and  as 
soon  as  I  arrived,  I  inquired  for  the  residence  of  Mr. 
Wright.  I  was  directed  to  a  small,  neat  cottage, 
whither  I  made  my  way ;  and  on  approaching  it  I  saw 
a  man  with  his  coat  off,  wheeling  a  wheelbarrow  along 
on  one  of  the  walks  of  a  very  large  garden  which  was 
attached  to  the  house. — As  I  came  near,  I  discovered 
that  the  laborer  was  my  friend  Wright.  He  received 
me  with  great  cordiality  ;  said  that  his  garden  was  cul 
tivated  mainly  by  his  own  hands,  and  that  he  was  put 
ting  away  his  winter  vegetables,  and  preparing  to  de 
part  for  Washington  towards  the  last  of  the  coming 
month.  He  further  said,  with  the  greatest  apparent 
satisfaction,  that  he  had  recently  purchased  a  farm, 
and  intended  to  extend  his  agricultural  operations.  He 
was  asked  how  large  the  farm  was  that  he  had  pur 


LETTER    OF    HIS    PHYSICIAN.  247 

chased, — to  which  he  said,  '  twenty  acres  !' — and  that 
either  from  natural  inclination,  or  the  effect  of  early 
habits,  he  was  much  devoted  to  the  pure  and  simple 
pursuits  and  pleasures  of  the  country." 

When  he  returned  from  Albany,  Mr.  Wright  re 
sumed  the  frugal  and  laborious  habits  of  a  plain,  un 
pretending  farmer.  A  short  time  before  his  election  as 
governor,  he  had  purchased  a  farm  containing  about 
one  hundred  acres  in  addition  to  what  he  had  pre 
viously  owned,  lying  on  the  outskirts  of  the  village  of 
Canton.  A  portion  of  the  land  had  been  partially 
cleared,  but  the  remainder  was  new  and  uncultivated. 
He  made  some  improvements  upon  it  in  1844,  though 
it  still  required  a  great  deal  of  labor  when  he  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  his  office.  After  his  return,  he 
hired  a  good  and  faithful  man,  who  was  as  fond  of  labor 
as  himself,  and  together  they  commenced  ditching, 
fencing,  and  clearing  up  the  old  timber,  in  order  to  fit 
the  land  for  cultivation.  "  To  the  governor,"  says  his 
physician,  in  a  letter  to  the  author,  "it  was  more  a 
matter  of  pleasure  than  of  profit  thus  to  employ  his 
time.  He  labored  so  hard  and  so  steady,  that  instead 
of  remaining  of  his  usual  full  proportions,  he  became 
quite  spare.  His  day's  work  being  ended,  he  would 
devote  the  night  to  reading,  and  his  correspondence, 
which  was  always  extensive ;  and  which  he  kept  up 
with,  although  it  required  late  hours  to  do  so.  He  was 
most  strictly  temperate  both  in  eating  and  drinking; 
his  food  was  of  the  plainest  and  simplest  kind ;  and  he 
drank  no  ardent  spirits,  or  wine,  except  on  three  or 
four  occasions,  during  the  year.  When  he  was  at  la 
bor  he  sweat  profusely,  and  drank  a  great  deal  of  cold 
water.  He  did  not  avoid  the  extremes  of  weather,  and 
was  often  exposed  to  the  rain  and  to  the  night  air,  with- 


248  AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS. 

out  a  coat,  vest,  or  cravat;  and  yet,  during  the  whole 
time,  he  was  not  known  to  complain  of  the  slightest  de 
viation  from  perfect  health,  though  he  occasionally  said 
that  toiling  in  the  hot  sun  was  oppressive  to  his  head." 
The  deep  interest  Mr.  Wright  ever  manifested  in  the 
cause  of  agriculture,  led  to  his  being  selected  to  de 
liver  the  address  before  the  state  Agricultural  Society, 
at  their  annual  fair  in  September.  The  preparation  of 
it  was  commenced  in  July,  and  occupied  his  mind 
for  several  weeks  during  the  day,  and  his  time  during 
the  evening.  For  nearly  ten  days  previous  to  the  sad 
termination  of  his  existence,  he  was  very  busily  en 
gaged  in  clearing  the  ditches  upon  his  farm  and  load 
ing  the  dirt  into  a  wagon ;  or  in  harvesting  his  grain, 
and  raking  and  binding  it ;  or  in  doing  other  work  that 
required  a  stooping  position  of  the  body.  On  the  18th 
and  21st  of  August,  while  at  work,  he  experienced  sud 
den  attacks  of  pain  in  the  chest,  which  did  not  last  for 
any  great  length  of  time.  On  sitting  down  a  few  mo 
ments,  they  passed  off  in  a  profuse  sweat,  leaving  him 
apparently  as  well  as  ever.  He  mentioned  the  symp 
toms  of  the  second  attack  to  others,  and  stated  that  he 
must  have  injured  his  health  in  some  way,  but  did  not 
appear  to  be  alarmed.  Yet  it  is  evident  that  he  had  a 
premonition  of  what  was  so  soon  to  befall  him.  On 
Thursday,  the  26th  of  August,  he  attended  a  funeral, 
and  walked  with  a  gentleman,  to  whom  he  spoke 
of  the  almost  instant  death  of  a  friend  in  an  apo 
plectic  fit ;  and  there  was  so  much  solemnity  in 
his  tone  and  manner,  that  it  made  an  unusual  im 
pression  upon  the  mind  of  the  person  whom  he  ad 
dressed.  After  returning  from  the  funeral,  he  worked 
hard  until  a  late  hour  in  the  evening,  to  finish  getting 
in  his  grain.  The  day  had  been  warm,  and  the  night 


SUDDEN    ATTACK.  249 

was  chilly.  Before  retiring  for  the  night,  he  revised 
the  address  which  he  had  been  engaged  in  preparing, 
and  made  a  few  verbal  corrections.  This  wras  his  last 
mental  effort,  and,  like  everything  he  said,  or  wrote,  is 
well  worthy  to  be  carefully  treasured. 

"  On  Friday,  the  27th  of  August,"  says  the  letter  of 
his  physician,  "  he  rose  in  the  morning,  to  all  appear 
ance  in  perfect  health.  He  ate  his  breakfast  as  usual, 
and  between  seven  and  eight  o'clock  went  to  the  post- 
office,  about  twenty  rods  distant  from  his  house,  to  get 
his  letters  and  papers.  They  were  handed  to  him,  and 
he  sat  down,  and  commenced  reading  one  of  the  let 
ters.  Before  he  had  read  far,  he  was  observed  by  the 
clerk  to  lay  the  letter  down,  rise  from  his  chair,  and 
walk  across  the  room.  He  then  complained  of  a  se 
vere  pain  in  his  chest.  It  was  at  once  proposed  that  I 
should  be  sent  for  ;  but  he  observed,  that  he  did  not 
think  it  would  be  best ;  that  it  would  pass  off  directly ; 
and  that  he  had  had  two  similar  attacks  before,  but  he 
soon  got  over  them.  Some  peppermint  was  given  to 
him,  however,  but  as  he  did  not  appear  to  get  easier,  it 
was  again  proposed  to  send  for  me.  To  this  he  con 
sented.  On  arriving  at  the  office,  I  found  him  sitting 
in  a  chair  surrounded  by  his  anxious  friends,  with  a 
pale  and  haggard  countenance,  his  skin  and  extremi 
ties  cold,  and  his  pulse  feeble  and  flickering.  But  in 
Dther  respects  there  was  nothing  unnatural  in  his  ap 
pearance.  His  consciousness  was  perfect ;  he  con 
versed  freely ;  and  stated  that  the  pain  appeared  to  be 
superficial,  and  confined  to  the  muscles  covering  his 
chest,  and  to  his  neck  and  arms,  both  of  which  were 
rendered  almost  useless." 

After   taking   a  simple   anodyne,   Mr.  Wright  ex 
pressed  a  wish  to  return  home.     The  physician  and  his 
11* 


250  HIS    DEATH. 

brother-in-law  accompanied  him,  and  offered  to  support 
him  in  walking.  But  he  declined  assistance  ;  his  step 
was  free  and  firm ;  and  he  appeared  to  walk  without  diffi 
culty.  On  reaching  his  house,  he  laid  down  upon  the 
bed,  and  drafts  and  other  external  applications  were  or 
dered,  to  relieve  the  pain  and  restore  warmth.  The  phy 
sician  remained  with  him  nearly  half  an  hour,  and  made 
particular  inquiries  in  regard  to  the  symptoms  of  his 
attacks,  yet  he  could  discover  nothing  in  addition  indi 
cating  any  disease  of  the  brain  or  of  the  heart ;  there 
was  no  exciting  cause  to  produce  the  attack,  as  the  let 
ter  Mr.  Wright  was  reading  came  from  a  relative  ;  and 
he  concluded  that  they  were  neuralgic  in  their  charac 
ter,  and  had  been  brought  on  by  severe  labor  and  im 
proper  exposure.  He  then  left  to  visit  another  patient, 
but  in  a  few  moments  was  again  summoned  by  the 
startling  announcement,  that  Silas  Wright  was  dying. 
He  instantly  returned,  but  only  to  find  that  all  was 
over.  Every  effort  to  restore  consciousness  proved 
unavailing.  The  spirit  that  animated  the  mortal  frame 
of  the  great  and  good  man  had  fled  forever.  He  is  said, 
by  medical  men,  to  have  probably  died  of  angina  pec- 
toris,  or  disease  of  the  heart,  or  blood-vessels  imme- 
di^tely  connected  with  it.  Shortly  after  the  physician 
left  him,  he  remarked  to  his  wife,  that  the  drafts  were 
producing  too  powerful  an  effect.  She  took  one  from 
his  chest  to  reduce  it,  and  went  into  an  adjoining  room. 
A  noise  alarmed  her,  and  when  she  returned  to  his  bed 
side,  it  was  but  to  look  upon  him  for  the  last  time  in 
life. 

The  funeral  ceremonies  over  the  remains  of  Mr. 
Wright  were  had  on  the  Sunday  following  his  death. 
An  immense  concourse  of  people  assembled  from  all 
parts  of  the  county  to  pay  due  and  appropriate  respect 


EFFECT  ON  THE  PUBLIC  MIND.         251 

to  his  memory.  The  attendance  was  so  great  that 
many  were  unable  to  witness  the  services.  The  dis 
course  was  delivered  by  an  old  and  intimate  friend  and 
neighbor,  who  had  been  his  fellow-student  in  1811,  and 
had  performed  his  marriage  ceremony.  A  continued 
and  uninterrupted  friendship  existed  between  them 
from  the  first  period  of  their  acquaintance,  and  when 
the  speaker  referred  to  the  private  virtues  of  the  de 
ceased  in  his  early  and  subsequent  life,  the  audience 
were  most  deeply  moved.  It  was  the  voluntary  offer 
ing  of  grateful  affection — a  eulogy  coming  from  the 
hearts  of  those  who  had  known,  and  revered,  and  loved 
him. 

The  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Silas  Wright  pro 
duced  a  powerful  effect  upon  the  public  mind.  It  was 
so  sudden — so  unexpected — that  it  thrilled  through 
every  heart.  When  a  distinguished  public  man,  who 
has  passed  beyond  the  ordinary  limits  of  mortality,  and 
has  apparently  fulfilled  his  destiny  upon  the  earth,  is 
gathered  to  his  fathers,  his  loss  is  universally  deplored ; 
but  when  one  is.  cut  down  in  the  vigor  of  manhood, 
without  one  note  of  warning,  without  any  of  the  pre 
monitory  symptoms  which  usually  precede  dissolution, 
the  impression  is  one  of  deep  and  awful  solemnity.  It 
seems  to  create  a  void  that  cannot  be  supplied.  Like 
Dewitt  Clinton,  his  predecessor  in  the  chair  of  state, 
Silas  Wright  was  removed  when  a  brilliant  futurity  ap 
peared  to  smile  before  him.  On  the  very  morning  of 
his  death,  a  paper  published  in  one  of  the  most  remote 
counties  in  Missouri,  hoisted  his  name  as  its  candidate 
for  the  presidency,  "  subject  to  the  decision  of  a  na 
tional  convention."  Before  the  sun  had  set,  a  Higher 
Power  than  that  of  mere  man  had  decided  the  question 
forever.  How  many  hopes  were  crushed — how  many 


252 


TRIBUTE    OF    MR.    CLAY. 


ambitious  aspirations  blasted — by  the  death  of  one, 
who,  it  was  thought,  had  so  much  yet  to  do,  and  from 
whom  so  much  was  expected  !  His  loss  was  mourned 
without  distinction  of  creed  or  party,  and  few  there 
were  who  did  not  echo  back  the  exclamation  of  the 
poet,* 

"  Man  of  the  millions,  thou  art  lost  too  soon !" 

The  testimonials  of  regard  for  the  high  character  of 
Silas  Wright,  and  the  evidences  of  sorrow  for  his 
death,  were  manifested  in  all  sections  of  the  Union. 
A  public  meeting  was  held  of  the  citizens  of  Ogdens- 
burgh,  in  his  own  county  ;  and  among  others,  the  fol 
lowing  resolution,  presented  by  one  of  his  most  active 
political  opponents,  was  unanimously  adopted  : 

"  Resolved,  That  having  been  reared  himself  under 
the  severe  but  salutary  lessons  which  labor  teaches,  his 
sympathies  were  keenly  awake  to  the  wants  and  wel 
fare  of  the  toiling  million.  He  was  always  accessible 
to  their  approach,  prompt  with  his  counsel  to  enlighten, 
and  ready  to  interpose  kind  offices  and  attentions  where 
the  anguish  of  disease  was  to  be  assuaged,  or  the  pangs 
of  grief  alleviated.  His  life  furnishes  the  invaluable 
example,  that  a  man  may  occupy  the  highest  post  of 
honor,  and  return  to  private  life  and  severe  physical 
labor,  with  undiminished  dignity." 

Mr.  Clay  was  at  the  White  Sulphur  Springs  in  Vir 
ginia,  when  he  learned  the  sad  news  of  Mr.  Wright's 
death.  It  affected  him  most  sensibly,  and  he  gave 
utterance  to  his  feelings  in  a  touching  and  eloquent 
impromptu  to  the  memory  of  the  deceased.  He  al 
luded,  in  the  strongest  terms  of  commendation,  to  his 
generous  nature,  his  uncompromising  integrity,  his 
*  J.  G.  Whittier. 


NEW    YORK    MERCHANTS.  253 

accomplished  powers  in  debate,  and  his  eminent  public 
services.  What  an  example  was  this  for  politicians — 
what  a  reproof  to  the  violent  and  vindictive  partisan  ! 
Proud  and  ambitious  though  he  was,  he  could  forget  all 
their  differences  of  opinion ;  how  earnestly  Mr.  Wright 
had  combated  all  his  favorite  projects ;  how  much  he 
had  contributed  to  his  defeat  at  the  presidential  election 
— all  these  he  could  forget,  at  such  a  time,  and  be  the 
first  to  offer  a  tribute  of  regard,  not  more  just  to  the 
dead,  than  it  was  honorable  to  the  living.  There  are 
many  manly  traits  in  the  character  of  Mr.  Clay ;  he  has 
done  many  an  act  of  noble  disinterestedness — but  none 
more  worthy  than  this  of  honorable  mention. 

Some  weeks  previous  to  the  death  of  Mr.  Wright,  a 
subscription  paper  was  circulated  among  the  merchants 
in  the  city  of  New  York,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring 
a  service  of  plate  to  be  presented  to  him  in  their  name. 
The  plate  was  ordered,  bearing  the  inscription — "  Pre 
sented  to  Silas  Wright  by  his  mercantile  friends  of  the 
city  of  New  York,  in  testimony  of  their  high  respect 
and  regard  for  his  public  and  private  character" — and 
was  nearly  ready  for  the  presentation.  It  will  now  go 
into  the  possession  of  Irs  widow,  and  be  valued,  doubt 
less,  as  the  spontaneous  gift  of  men  who  sought  not 
official  preferment,  but  who  were  influenced  by  their 
admiration  for  the  talents  and  attainments  of  one  placed 
by  common  consent  among  the  great  men  of  the  nation, 
and  who  reverenced  the  virtues  which  combined  to 
form  a  character  so  worthy  of  respect  and  esteem. 

The  common  councils  of  Albany  and  New  York 
were  called  together,  when  the  intelligence  was  re 
ceived  of  the  sudden  decease  of  Mr.  Wright,  and  took 
proper  measures  to  express  their  sympathy.  In  New 
York  the  flags  on  the  public  buildings,  and  of  the  ship- 


254  PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE    LEGISLATURE. 

ping  in  the  harbor,  were  displayed  at  half-mast.  Thi> 
pilots  of  the  port  also  held  a  meeting,  and  passed  resolu 
tions  expressive  of  their  indebtedness  to  him  for  "  many 
and  signal  kindnesses,"  and  of  their  condolence  with 
Mrs.  Wright  in  her  afflicting  bereavement.  An  extra 
session  of  the  New  York  Legislature  was  held  on  the 
8th  of  September,  rendered  necessary  on  account  of 
the  recent  amendment  of  the  state  constitution.  On 
the  second  day  of  the  session,  Governor  Young  com 
municated  the  following  message  to  the  two  Houses  : — • 

EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,          ) 
Albany,  Sept.  9,  1817.      f 

"  To  the  Legislature — 

SILAS  WRIGHT,  the  late  Chief  Magistrate  of  this 
State,  died  at  his  residence  in  Canton,  in  the  county  of 
St.  Lawrence,  on  the  27th  day  of  August  last. 

"  Although  scarcely  arrived  at  the  meridian  of  life, 
he  had  not  only  held  the  office  of  Governor  of  this 
State,  but  had  discharged,  with  singular  ability,  the 
various  duties  pertaining  to  the  offices  of  State  Senator, 
Comptroller,  and  Senator  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States, 

"  As  a  Statesman  he  occupied  a  high  place  among 
the  distinguished  public  men  of  the  age. 

"  In  private  life  he  enjoyed  in  an  eminent  degree,  the 
respect  and  esteem,  of  those  to  whom  he  was  personally 
known. 

"  Although  his  name  will  go  down  to  posterity  without 
the  aid  of  official  records,  his  eminent  public  services 
and  great  private  worth  render  it  proper  that  I  should 
thus  announce  to  you  his  death,  to  the  end  that  such 
measures  may  be  adopted,  as  are  demanded  by  the  deep 
feoling  that  pervades  the  community. 

"JOHN  YOUNG." 


REMARKS    OF    MR.    SPENCER.  255 

A  joint  committee  was  appointed  by  the  Senate  and 
Assembly,  who  reported  a  series  of  resolutions  regret 
ting  the  loss  sustained  by  the  state  and  country,  sym 
pathizing  with  the  kindred  and  friends,  and  directing 
the  usual  badge  of  mourning  to  be  worn  for  thirty 
days.  Eloquent  speeches  were  delivered  in  the  Assem 
bly,  by  Mr.  Perkins  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  Mr.  Hadley, 
of  Rensselaer,  before  the  adoption  of  the  resolutions, 
and  the  adjournment  which  immediately  took  place. 
In  the  Senate,  a  speech  was  made  by  Joshua  A.  Spen 
cer,  who  was  opposed  to  Mr.  Wright  in  politics,  which 
was  as  creditable  to  himself  as  it  was  just  and  appro 
priate.  He  said : — 

"  Mr.  President — Although  I  have  had  no  opportu 
nity  to  make  the  slightest  preparation  for  submitting 
any  remarks,  on  this  melancholy  occasion,  yet  I  can 
not  in  justice  to  my  own  feelings,  permit  these  resolu 
tions  to  pass  with  entire  silence.  It  is  indeed,  sir,  an 
afflicting  dispensation  of  Providence  which  has  fallen 
upon  our  country — not  the  state  only,  but  the  entire 
country  has  felt  the  blow.  In  truth,  a  great  man,  an 
able  statesman,  a  good  citizen,  has  fallen  asleep  with 
his  fathers.  The  statesman  whose  memory  we  com 
memorate,  as  all  well  know  who  are  conversant  with 
the  history  of  one  of  the  greatest  men  in  the  country, 
was  born  in  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  and  was  edu 
cated  in  Vermont,  where  he  graduated  from  one  of  the 
highest  institutions  of  learning.  He  studied  his  pro 
fession  in  this  state,  and  having  obtained  a  residence 
in  the  county  of  St.  Lawrence,  he  there  first  com 
menced  his  professional  and  political  career.  Since 
that  period  he  has  been  so  well  known  to  the  country, 
and  to  the  world,  that  I  need  make  no  particular  allu 
sion  to  his  history. 


256  REMARKS    CONTINUED. 

"  Without  referring  to  the  local  offices  which  he  held, 
soon  after  he  settled  in  the  county  of  St.  Lawrence,  for 
any  other  purpose  than  as  furnishing  evidence  of  the 
just  appreciation  of  his  merits  as  a  citizen  and  a  man, 
and  of  his  ability  and  talents,  I  will  only  remark,  that 
the  first  office  which  brought  him  into  general  public 
notice,  was  that  of  senator  in  the  Senate  of  this  state. 
If  my  memory  serves  me  right,  he  took  his  place  in  the 
Senate  in  the  year  1824,  and  from  that  period  I  have 
had  the  pleasure  to  know  Silas  Wright  personally,  and 
often,  in  a  legislative  capacity,  had  intercourse  with 
him ;  and  it  affords  me  sincere  pleasure  to  bear  my 
feeble  testimony  to  the  great  patriotism,  integrity,  firm 
ness  and  intellect,  which  he  at  all  times  brought  to  bear 
upon  every  subject — and  which  distinguished  the  man 
ner  in  which  he  discharged  his  public  duties. 

"  While  holding  that  office  he  was  transferred  to  an 
other  and  larger  sphere  of  action.  He  was  elected  to 
the  popular  branch  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
in  1826,  and  again  re-elected  in  1828.  All  who  know  the 
history  of  the  legislation  of  the  Congress  of  1827  and 
1828,  will  remember  full  well  how  very  soon,  indeed  that 
at  once,  Mr.  Wright  took  and  held,  and  ever  maintained 
a  distinguished  position  in  the  Congress  of  the  Union. 
From  that  station  he  was  transferred  to  the  office  of 
comptroller  of  this  state,  which  he  held  for  a  consid 
erable  number  of  years,  and  the  duties  of  which  office 
all  know  to  be  discharged  with  singular  fidelity.  While 
still  holding  that  position  he  was  again  transferred  to 
more  enlarged  duties.  He  was  elected  a  senator  from 
the  state  of  New  York  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States.  And  if  I  am  not  mistaken  in  the  character 
and  reputation  of  Silas  Wright,  it  was  in  that  field,  more 
than  any  other,  that  he  became  eminently  distinguished 


REMARKS    CONTINUED.  257 

as  a  public  man.  He  was  there  surrounded  by  the 
first  talents,  not  only  of  his  country,  but  the  world.  A 
bright  constellation  shone  there  throughout  the  whole 
period  of  his  connection  with  that  body  ;  and  the  most 
distinguished  of  his  opponents,  acknowledged  him  a 
foeman  worthy  of  their  steel.  Courteous  in  debate, 
never  losing  his  self-possession,  he  was  ever  consistent, 
clear,  logical  and  convincing. 

"  From  that  station,  as  all  know,  he  was  elected 
governor  of  this  state,  which  office  he  held  for  two 
years,  and  had  but  recently  retired  from  the  discharge 
of  those  duties,  to  pursue  the  quiet  walks  of  agricul 
tural  life,  on  his  farm  in  the  county  of  his  early  settle 
ment.  It  is  not  saying  too  much  to  affirm,  that  there 
are  very  few  men  in  this  state,  or  in  the  nation  at  large, 
who  have  left  a  more  indelible  imprint  on  the  records  of 
our  country,  or  whose  history  will  be  written  in  brighter 
pages  than  that  of  Silas  Wright.  It  is  not  necessary 
for  me  to  dwell  on  the  public  character  of  this  distin 
guished  man  :  all,  even  the  children  of  the  state,  are 
familiar  with  it.  It  may  not  become  me  to  speak  much 
of  Silas  Wright  in  private  life,  for  I  had  not  the  pleas 
ure  of  knowing  him  intimately  in  the  associations  of  his 
neighbors  and  friends.  But  there  are  many  others  who 
knew  him  as  such,  as  well  as  in  the  public  councils. 
His  great  excellence  of  private  worth,  in  the  relations 
of  husband,  neighbor,  friend  and  townsman,  is  univer 
sally  acknowledged. 

"  I  have  but  to  remark,  in  conclusion,  Mr.  President, 
that  this  sudden  bereavement  should  admonish  us  all 
of  the  uncertainty  of  life.  No  vigor  of  physical  abil 
ity,  no  mental  endowments,  add  to  the  security  of  our 
existence.  We  have  a  most  melancholy  example  be 
fore  us.  In  the  midst  of  his  years,  in  the  day  of  his 


258  THE    STATE    FAIR. 

greatest  usefulness  to  his  country,  and  with  prospects 
as  brigrht  as  those  of  his  earliest  years,  SILAS  WRIGHT 
has  been  cut  down.  Let  us  all  be  prepared  to  follow 
him." 

The  Agricultural  Address  written  by  Mr.  Wright, 
just  before  his  death,  was  read  at  the  State  Fair  held  in 
Saratoga  on  the  16th  of  September,  by  his  friend  John 
A.  Dix,  and  prefaced  with  some  well-timed  and  eloquent 
remarks.*  The  address  was  prepared  with'  careful 
deliberation,  and  discusses  with  ability  the  great  ques 
tions  of  political  economy  connected  with  agriculture. 
There  is  much  matter  contained  in  it  for  earnest 
thought  and  serious  consideration.  Whether  its  posi 
tions  be  correct,  or  incorrect,  there  is  not  a  farmer,  not 
a  citizen  in  the  whole  land,  but  will  be  benefited  by  its 
perusal.  After  it  was  read,  the  following  resolutions 
were  adopted  by  the  members  of  the  society  : — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  address  which,  has  just  been 
read  be  printed ;  and  that  the  president  be  requested 
to  ask  the  permission  of  Mrs.  Wright  to  retain  the 
original  draft  of  the  address,  to  be  placed  in  the  ar 
chives  of  the  society ;  and  to  express  to  her,  at  the 
same  time,  the  deep  sympathy  and  regret  which  is  felt 
by  all  its  members,  for  the  irreparable  loss  which  has 
so  suddenly  overwhelmed  herself  and  the  state,  in  a 
common  grief. 

"  Resolved,  That  in  the  death  of  Silas  Wright,  late 
governor  of  this  state,  the  New  York  State  Agricul 
tural  Society  have  lost  a  friend  and  benefactor,  an  hon 
ored  and  useful  member,  and  the  community  an  illus 
trious  example  of  republican  simplicity  in  private,  as 
well  as  inflexible  h  mesty  and  great  capacity,  in  public 
life. 

*  See  Appendix. 


PERSONAL    APPEARANCE.  259 

"  Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  this  society  be  ap 
pointed  by  the  president  thereof,  to  prepare  a  brief  me 
moir,  illustrative  of  his  character,  his  virtues,  and  his 
eminent  public  services,  for  publication,  with  the  ad 
dress  delivered  on  this  occasion,  in  the  transactions 
for  '47 — a  duty  the  more  gratefully  performed,  as  the 
last  public  act  of  his  life,  was  one  of  beneficence  to  the 
farmers  of  his  country." 

But  the  expressions  of  sorrow  and  sympathy,  elicited 
by  the  death  of  Mr.  Wright,  were  not  confined  to  his 
immediate  friends  and  acquaintances  ;  the  painful  feel 
ings  to  which  it  gave  rise  extended  farther  and  wider : 
the  loss  was  great,  very  great  to  the  state  he  had  so 
long  represented  in  the  national  councils  ;  but  it  was 
equally  regretted,  equally  deplored,  throughout  the 
Union.  His  fame  and  reputation  had  extended  be 
yond  the  limits  of  New  York — they  were  no  longer 
exclusively  her  own ; — they  belonged  to  the  whole 
country.  The  powerful  intellect  which  had  conferred 
so  much  honor  upon  its  possessor,  and  reflected  so 
much  credit  upon  the  land  that  gave  him  birth,  formed 
part  of  that  bright  galaxy  of  mind,  to  which  the  dv^eller 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  could  point  with  pride 
and  pleasure,  as  well  as  he  who  resided  on  the  shores 
of  the  Atlantic.  The  painful  intelligence,  that  one  so 
loved,  so  honored,  had  passed  away  forever,  in  the 
noontide  of  life,  called  forth  expressions  of  regret,  at 
the  north  and  at  the  south,  in  the  east  and  in  the  west. 
Jt  was  not  for  his  own  state  alone  to  lament  such  a 
calamity — it  was  for  the  nation  to  mourn  its  bereave 
ment. 

In  person,  Mr.  Wright  was  large  and  muscular,  hale 
and  vigorous.  His  stature  was  about  five  feet  and 
nine  or  ten  inches.  His  complexion  was  florid ;  his 


260  CHARACTER    AS    A    FRIEND    AND    CITIZEN. 

hair  a  light  brown ;  and  his  eyes  of  a  bluish  gray. 
Constant  exercise  in  early  youth  had  developed  his 
form,  and  rendered  him  hearty  and  robust.  He  was 
somewhat  inclined  to  corpulency  in  later  years,  but 
not  by  any  means  what  could  be  called  gross.  He 
was  aware  of  the  plethoric  tendency  of  his  constitu 
tion,  and  for  that  reason,  probably,  devoted  more  of 
his  leisure  time  to  manual  labor  than  he  otherwise 
would  have  done.  He  dressed  quite  plainly,  and  was 
simple  in  all  his  habits.  He  usually  enjoyed  excellent 
health ;  except  in  the  fall  of  1834,  he  was  never  known 
to  be  seriously  ill,  until  th«  fatal  attack  that  terminated 
his  existence. 

In  his  domestic  relations,  he  was  everything  that 
coulu  be  desired — a  tender  and  affectionate  husband — 
a  faithful  and  devoted  friend.  He  had  no  children. 
As  has  been  beautifully  said  of  Washington  and  Jack 
son — "  Providence  denied  him  these,  that  he  might  the 
better  serve  his  country ;"  or,  as  he  himself  expressed 
it,  "  that  he  might  be  a  father  to  the  children  of  his 
friends !"  His  manners  were  affable,  and  his  address 
pleasing  and  agreeable.  He  never  forgot  the  dignity 
of  his  position,  or  of  his  character ;  but  he  always  had 
a  kind  word  and  a  cheerful  smile  to  greet  those  who 
visited  him.  As  a  citizen,  he  was  generous  and  public 
spirited,  and  the  influence  of  his  example  was  upon 
the  side  of  morality  and  good  order.  Says  one  who 
knew  him  intimately  for  many  years :  "  In  his  social 
intercourse,  I  never  heard  him  utter  an  unchaste  word 
or  an  immoral  sentiment.  Whenever  he  returned  from 
his  public  positions,  to  the  place  of  his  residence,  he 
returned  to  the  simple,  frugal,  and  industrious  habits 
of  a  New  England  farmer,  and  to  the  kind  and  neigh- 


MANNER    AS    A    SPEAKER.  261 

borly  offices  which  so  eminently  distinguished  the  early 
rural  population  of  our  pilgrim  fathers." 

In  the  public  schools  and  seminaries  of  learning,  in 
his  own  county,  and  in  the  state  at  large,  he  took  a 
deep  interest.  Anything  designed  to  increase  the  hap 
piness,  or  promote  the  prosperity,  of  his  fellow-citizens, 
was  sure  to  receive  his  patronage  and  encouragement. 
He  was  not  in  affluent  circumstances,  yet  he  possessed 
what,  to  one  of  his  moderate  wants,  was  a  competency. 
Though  he  had  filled  many  high  offices,  and  occupied 
situations  which  afforded  him  frequent  opportunities  for 
the  acquisition  of  wealth,  his  thoughts  were  directed  to 
other,  and,  unless  riches  are  sought  in  the  proper  spirit, 
to  what  may  be  called  nobler  purposes.  His  punctual 
ity  was  proverbial.  After  he  became  a  member  of  the 
Senate,  his  correspondence  was  extensive,  and  often 
proved  a  great  tax  to  him,  in  time,  if  not  in  money. 
But  he  was  never  forgetful  of  those  who  addressed  him, 
and  invariably  adhered  to  his  rule,  not  to  leave  a  letter 
unanswered  for  a  single  day,  except  where  the  nature 
of  the  subject  required  a  lengthy  and  deliberate  reply. 

Silas  Wright  was  not  an  orator — that  is,  he  would 
not  have  been  termed  eloquent,  in  the  common  accep 
tation  of  the  word.  There  was  no  attempt  at  display 
in  his  manner,  nor  rhetorical  embellishment  in  his  lan 
guage  ;  but  he  was  an  able  and  intelligent  speaker. 
He  had  not  the  graceful  delivery  of  Clay,  or  the  em 
phatic  earnestness  of  Calhoun ;  yet  there  was  a  sub 
dued  enthusiasm  in  his  style  of  speaking  that  was  ir 
resistibly  captivating  ;  and  though  his  voice  was  not 
pleasant,  this  was  almost  instantly  forgotten  in  the 
beauty  of  his  argument.  There  was  nothing  declam 
atory  about  him.  He  appealed  to  no  man's  passions  or 
prejudices.  He  was  cool  and  collected,  and  carefully 


262  MENTAL    QUALITIES. 

preserved  his  own  equanimity,  while  he  avoided  giving 
offence,  or  provoking  ill-feeling.  He  spoke  slowly,  but 
distinctly  and  fluently,  and  with  evident  care  and  de 
liberation.  His  hearers  were  charmed ;  and  listened, 
but  to  be  charmed  again.  Every  word  seemed  to  is 
sue  forth  at  the  proper  time,  and  in  the  proper  place. 
All  was  clear,  forcible,  logical  and  persuasive. 

He  was  not  destitute  of  ambition ;  but  his  was  not 
that  low  and  grovelling  passion  which  seeks  its  gratifi 
cation  in  the  present — it  was  rather  that  nobler,  and 
purer,  and  loftier  sentiment,  which  is  directed  to  higher 
ends  and  higher  aims ;  which  strives  for  the  welfare  of 
one's  country  and  race ;  and  looks  to  the  future,  not 
over-confident,  but  trustful  and  hopeful,  for  a  sure  re 
ward.  He  was  totally  devoid  of  selfishness.  During 
the  administrations  of  Jackson  and  Van  Buren,  he 
might  have  commanded  some  of  the  most  lucrative  of 
fices  in  the  gift  of  the  national  executive,  but  he  asked 
for  none  of  them ;  and  \vhen  they  were  tendered  to 
him,  he  put  them  aside,  not  as  Csesar  put  aside  the 
crown,  to  have  them  urged  upon  him,  but  because  he  was 
content  to  remain  where  he  was,  in  the  Senate.  The 
sterling  qualities  of  his  mind  peculiarly  fitted  him  for 
the  sphere  in  which  he  moved.  It  has  been  said,  that 
"  the  book  of  a  statesman  is  the  human  heart."  No  one 
perused  it  more  attentively  than  he.  His  foresight  and 
sagacity  were  remarkable.  He  was  a  sound  and  care 
ful  thinker — clear-headed,  practical,  and  discreet.  His 
mind  was  evenly  balanced  and  well  disciplined.  Suc 
cess  was  not  followed  by  a  lack  of  caution  ;  and  dan 
ger  did  not  intimidate  him.  Like  the  sturdy  Alpine 
hunter,  with  the  mountain-torrent  dashing  beneath  his 
feet,  and  the  dreaded  avalanche  thundering  in  the  dis 
tance,  he  was  not  indifferent  to  peril,  but  firmly  and 


SUCCESS    AS    A    POLITICIAN.  263 

calmly  prepared  to  meet  it.  Politics  appeared  to  him 
to  be  a  science  worthy  of  the  best  energies  of  his  mind, 
and  he  sought,  in  his  life  and  conduct,  to  give  it  that 
elevated  character  which  it  deserved.  He  belonged  to 
a  higher  grade  of  politicians — he  was  a  statesman. 

But  was  he  successful  ? — for  this,  after  all,  unjust  as 
it  may  sometimes  be,  is  made  by  many  the  surest  test 
of  ability  and  sagacity  in  a  public  man.  In  this  re 
spect  also,  his  friends  and  admirers  can  find  nothing  to 
regret.  He  opposed  the  establishment  of  a  National 
Bank — none  has  been  chartered — and  there  is  scarce  a 
prominent  politician  in  the  Union  who  is  willing  to  risk 
his  popularity  in  advocating  such  an  institution.  He 
sustained  the  measures  of  General  Jackson's  adminis 
tration  ;  the  results  of  the  subsequent  elections  have 
shown  that  the  people  approved  them.  He  spoke  and 
voted  against  the  Distribution  of  the  Proceeds  of  the 
Public  Lands — that  measure  has  never  yet  been  carried 
into  effect.  He  advocated  the  Independent  Treasury 
system,  long  and  earnestly — the  bill  was  passed — it  was 
repealed,  but  revived  again,  and  is  now  the  law  of  the 
land.  He  was  in  favor  of  a  Revenue  Tariff  discrimi 
nating,  incidentally,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  pro 
tection  to  the  agricultural,  commercial,  and  manufac 
turing  interests  of  the  country, — he  lived  to  see  one  in 
force,  differing  in  some  of  its  details  from  what  he 
would  have  prescribed,  but  approximating  more  nearly 
to  his  views  than  any  similar  enactment.  There  were 
other  questions  which  he  regarded  as  of  great  impor 
tance,  though  opportunity  did  not  occur  to  manifest  his 
sentiments  as  he  might  have  wished,  that  were  still 
agitated  at  the  time  of  his  death  ;  but  let  them  be  de 
cided  when  they  may,  and  how  they  may,  his  influence 
will  be  felt  in  their  decision. 


264  HIS    MEMORY. 

It  is  said,  that  his  friends  in  the  county  where  he  re 
sided  are  about  to  erect  a  monument  over  his  grave. 
That  is  both  just  and  appropriate.  Such  mementoes 
serve  to  point  the  .living  where  the  honored  dead  re 
pose.  While  they  admonish  the  beholder,  of  the  un 
certainty  of  life,  and  the  certainty  of  death  ;  they  serve 
to  encourage  ambition,  and  enkindle  love  of  virtue,  and 
love  of  country.  Let  the  memorial  be  erected,  then  ; 
and  when  that  silent  tomb  in  St.  Lawrence  becomes 
the  Mecca  of  those  who  shall  live  after  us,  the  pilgrim 
may  stand  beside  it,  and  feel  awed  in  the  presence  that 
will  hover  around  that  consecrated  spot.  Yet,  there 
will  be  a  more  enduring  monument  than  this— one  that 
will  not  perish,  like  the  frail  handiwork  of  man.  It 
will  be  reared  in  the  memories  of  the  American  people. 
The  name  and  the  fame  of  SILAS  WRIGHT  will  live,  as 
long  as  philanthropy  and  patriotism  continue  to  ani 
mate  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen. 


APPENDIX. 


SPEECH, 


ON  PRESENTING  THE   RESOLUTIONS  OF  THE  NEW  YORK  LEGISLATURE, 

APPROVING   OF    THE    COURSE    OF   PRESIDENT   JACKSON   AND   OF 

THE   SECRETARY  OF   THE    TREASURY  WITH  REGARD 

TO   THE    REMOVAL   OF    THE    DEPOSITS. 

[Delivered  in  the  United  States  Senate,  January  30,  1834.] 

I  HOLD  in  my  band,  Mr.  President,  and  am  about  to  ask  leave  to 
present  to  the  Senate,  certain  proceedings  of  the  Legislature  of  my 
state,  in  which  that  body  expresses  its  sentiments  in  regard  to  the 
removal,  (as  it  is  called,)  of  the  public  moneys  from  their  deposit 
in  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  made  by  order  of  the  secretary 
of  the  treasury ;  in  regard  to  the  recharter  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  and  in  regard  to  the  existing  pressure  upon  the  money 
market  in  some  portions  of  the  country,  with  its  views  of  the  char 
acter  and  causes  of  that  pressure ;  and  in  which,  also,  that  Legis 
lature  expresses  its  pleasure  as  to  the  course  which  the  representa 
tives  of  the  state,  upon  this  floor,  shall  pursue,  when  called  to  act 
upon  these  questions. 

In  presenting,  a  few  days  since,  the  proceedings  of  limited  por 
tions  of  the  people  of  their  respective  states,  upon  the  same  subjects, 
honorable  senators  took  occasion,  no  doubt  properly,  to  inform  the 
Senate  of  the  number,  character  and  standing,  political  as  well  as 
personal,  of  those  whose  sentiments  they  laid  before  us ;  to  tell  us 
as  well  who  they  were,  as  who  they  were  not.  I  beg  the  indul 
gence  of  the  Senate,  while,  following  the  example  set  me,  I  detail 
some  facts  in  relation  to  the  body  whose  proceedings  it  has  become 
my  duty  to  present,  tending  to  show  the  extent  to  which  the  prcn 
ceedings  themselves  claim  the  respectful  attention  of  Congress. 

The  whole  number  of  members  allowed  by  the  constitution  of 
the  state  of  New  York  to  its  Legislature,  is  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
eight  members  of  Assembly  and  thirty-two  senators.  The  members 


268  SPEECH    RELATIVE    TO 

of  Assembly  are  appointed  to  the  fifty-five  counties  of  the  state 
according  to  their  respective  population,  and  the  whole  territory  is 
divided  into  eight  districts  for  the  election  of  senators,  each  district 
having  four,  and  electing  one  of  the  four  every  year.  The  pro 
ceedings  which  I  am  about  to  present,  were  passed  in  the  House  of 
Assembly  by  a  vote  gf  one  hundred  and  eighteen  for,  to  nine  against, 
and  in  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  thirty-three  for,  to  five  against  them ; 
thus  showing  the  very  unusual  occurrence,  that  of  the  one  hun 
dred  and  sixty  members  elected  by  the  people  to  that  Legislature, 
one  hundred  and  fifty-five  were  present  and  acting  upon  these  inte 
resting  and  important  questions. 

But,  sir,  if  this  unexampled  strength  and  unanimity  of  expression 
be  entitled  to  weight,  and  it  surely  must  be,  while  authentic  evidence 
of  public  opinion  is  allowed  an  influence  in  our  deliberations,  that 
weight  is  greatly  enhanced  by  the  peculiar  circumstances  attending 
the  expression.  All  these  members  of  the  popular  branch  of  that 
Legislature,  and  eight  of  the  thirty-two  senators  were  elected  during 
the  first  week  in  November  last,  one  full  month  after  the  change  of 
the  deposits,  while  the  vote  shows  that  more  than  thirteen  to  one 
of  the  members  of  Assembly  voted  for,  while  but  one  of  the  eight 
senators,  thus  elected,  voted  against  the  resolutions.  Still,  the 
strength  of  this  vote,  taken  as  an  expression  of  public  opinion,  will 
be  much  increased  by  an  examination  of  its  territorial  distribution. 

It  is  well  known  here,  and  throughout  the  country,  that  the  ex 
treme  western  district  of  the  state  of  New  York,  has  been  unhap 
pily,  but  most  severely  agitated,  in  consequence  of  an  outrage,  sev 
eral  years  since,  committed  against  the  liberty,  and  probably  upon 
the  life,  of  a  citizen.  The  effects  of  this  outrage  have  been,  not 
only  the  engendering  of  the  most  bitter  domestic  feuds,  but  the  par 
tial  establishment  of  a  geographical  line  of  separation  in  feeling 
between  that  and  the  other  sections  of  the  state.  It  is,  however,  a 
source  of  high  gratification  to  myself  to  be  able  to  state,  as  I  trust  it 
will  be  of  pleasure  to  all  liberal  minded  men  to  learn,  that  this  un 
natural  warfare  of  feeling  is  most  rapidly  subsiding ;  that  the  deep 
wounds  which  have  been  created  by  it,  in  the  social  relations  of  that 
otherwise  highly  favored  section  of  the  state,  are  healing  fast,  and 
that  the  time  is  not  distant  when  the  evidence  of  its  existence  and 
effects  will  entirely  disappear.  In  this  section  of  the  state,  how 
ever,  not  an  expression  of  complaint  as  to  a  pecuniary  pressure  has 
been  heard ;  and  from  the  best  advices,  I  believe  that,  at  this  mo- 


THE    REMOVAL    OF    THE    DEPOSITS.  269 

ment,  its  business  relations  of  every  description  are  in  a  more  pros 
perous  and  easy  condition  than  they  have  ever  before  been.  Yet  to 
the  west  and  north-west  must  we  look  for  every  vote  against  the 
resolutions,  and  to  this  section  alone  for  eleven  out  of  the  fourteen 
of  these  votes.  The  remaining  three  are,  with  one  exception,  sen 
ators  not  elected  at  the  election  of  November  last,  but  in  previous 
years,  and  all  are  located  beyond  the  reach  of  the  present  pressure ; 
in  the  agricultural,  not  in  the  commercial  sections.  In  those  por 
tions  of  the  state  embracing  our  great  commercial  emporium,  (and 
which  I  think  I  may,  without  arrogance  or  presumption,  style  the 
commercial  emporium  of  the  United  States,)  and  the  extensive  cities 
of  Hudson,  Albany,  Troy,  Schenectady  and  Utica,  and  an  almost 
endless  number  of  incorporated  trading  towns  and  villages,  all  sur 
rounded  by  a  dense,  intelligent  and  watchful  population,  amounting 
together  to  at  least  one  million  eight  hundred  thousand  souls,  there 
was  not  found  a  single  member  of  the  popular  branch  of  that  Legis 
lature  absent  from  his  seat,  or  not  with  cheerfulness  and  alacrity 
recording  his  name  in  favor  of  the  resolutions.  Of  the  hundred  and 
twenty-eight  members  composing  this  branch  of  the  Legislature,  it 
is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  city  of  New  York  alone  elects  eleven, 
and  that  every  representative  from  that  city,  in  either  branch  of  the 
state  Legislature,  responds  to  the  resolutions  which  I  now  lay  before 
the  Senate. 

Of  the  members  of  this  Legislature,  personally,  it  is  not  my  inten 
tion  to  speak.  The  situations  tfiey  hold  and  their  public  acts  are  the 
legitimate  evidence  of  the  capacity  and  respectability  of  the  indi 
viduals.  It  is  as  the  organ,  upon  this  occasion,  of  this  deliberative 
body,  representing,  as  they  do,  two  millions  of  freemen,  nearly  the 
one-sixth  part  of  the  entire  population  of  the  Union ;  a  population, 
too,  as  commercial,  nay,  sir,  I  may  say  more  commercial,  and  em 
ploying  more  capital  than  any  other  portion  of  the  country,  and  col 
lecting  and  paying  into  the  national  treasury  fully  one-third  of  its 
whole  revenues ;  a  people  having  as  deep  a  stake,  pecuniary  and 
otherwise,  in  the  prosperity  of  this  country,  and  as  firmly  and  ardently 
devoted  to  its  welfare  as  any  other  equal  portion  of  its  citizens ;  it  is 
as  the  organ  of  such  a  body,  representing  such  a  people,  that  I  sub 
mit  to  the  Senate  this  part  of  their  public  proceedings — that  I  ask 
to  place  their  almost  unanimous  opinions  as  to  the  conduct  of  the 
President,  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and  of  the  United  States 
bank,  upon  your  Hes,  by  the  side  of  similar  expressions  from  the 


270  SPEECH    RELATIVE    TO 

states  of  Ohio  and  New  Jersey ;  also  by  the  side  of  different  expres 
sions  from  portions  of  the  people  from  Boston  and  New  Bedford,  in 
Massachusetts ;  of  Salisbury,  in  North  Carolina,  and  Newark,  in 
New  Jersey,  and  such  other  expressions  of  opinions  as  are,  or  as 
may  come  before  the  Senate  upon  the  same  subjects ;  and,  at  this 
interesting  crisis  in  the  affairs  of  our  common  country,  I  respectfully 
solicit  from  the  Senate  that  consideration  for  these  proceedings  of 
the  Legislature  of  my  state,  which  a  liberal,  just,  and  unprejudiced 
estimate  of  the  views  and  feelings  of  any  respectable  portion  of  the 
citizens  of  the  country  may  demand,  and  no  more. 

Here,  sir,  I  might  resume  my  seat,  and  I  should  do  so  with  pleas 
ure,  were  it  not  that  a  part  of  what  I  have  felt  to  be  an  imperative 
duty  upon  this  occasion  remains  to  be  performed. 

In  presenting  the  proceedings  of  a  meeting  of  a  portion  of  the 
town  of  Boston,  the  honorable  senator  from  Massachusetts,  (Mr. 
Webster,)  availed  himself  of  the  occasion  to  express  his  own  views 
as  to  the  existence  of  a  public  pressure,  of  its  cause,  and  of  the  ap 
propriate  mode  of  relief.  He  went  further,  sir,  and  called  upon  all, 
and  especially  upon  those  who  sustain  the  administration  upon  this 
floor  in  relation  to  the  change  of  the  deposits,  to  give  their  views  as 
to  the  future  as  well  as  the  present  posture  of  the  pecuniary  affairs 
of  the  country.  As  an  individual,  and  as  one  considering  it  one  of 
my  highest  duties  to  sustain  the  administration  in  this  measure,  I 
am  ready  to  respond  to  the  senator  with  entire  frankness ;  but  in 
thus  accepting  his  call,  I  must  not  be  understood  as  for  one  moment 
entertaining  the  vain  impression  that  opinions  and  views  pronounced 
by  me  here,  or  elsewhere,  will  acquire  any  importance  because  they 
are  my  opinions  and  my  views.  I  know  well,  sir,  that  my  name 
carries  not  with  it  authority  anywhere  ;  but  I  also  know  that  so  far 
as  I  may  entertain  and  shall  express  opinions  which  are,  or  which 
shall  be  found,  in  accordance  with  the  enlightened  public  opinion 
of  this  country,  so  far  they  will  be  sustained,  and  no  farther. 

Following  then,  Mr.  President,  the  example  which  has  been  set 
for  me,  I  shall  abstain  from  a  discussion  of  controverted  points,  so 
far  as  that  can  be  done,  and  enable  me  to  state  unreservedly  my 
opinions,  and  to  make  my  views  intelligible. 

First,  then,  as  to  the  fact  of  an  existing  pressure  upon  the  money 
market,  I  believe  that  the  recent  extensive  and  sudden  curtailment, 
by  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  in  the  facilities  for  credit,  which 
had  before  been  lavished  upon  the  community,  has  caused  very  con- 


THE    REMOVAL    OF    THE    DEPOSITS.  271 

siderable  embarrassment  to  those  in  our  commercial  cities,  who  had 
extended  widely  their  moneyed  operations,  and  who  had  made  them 
selves  dependent  upon  these  facilities ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  I  be 
lieve  that  these  inconveniences  have  been  in  an  unimportant  degree, 
either  directly  or  consequentially,  extended  to  other  classes  of  citi 
zens.  I  therefore  believe  further,  that  the  extent  of  the  pressure  has 
been  greatly  exaggerated,  and  that  the  motives  for  that  exaggeration 
are  to  be  found,  primarily,  in  the  belief  that  the  present  administra 
tion  may  be  brought  into  disfavor  with  the  people,  and  may  be  over 
thrown  through  the  agency  of  the  panic  which  is  attempted  to  be 
gotten  up,  and  secondarily,  in  the  hope  that  the  same  panic,  if  suc 
cessfully  produced,  may  subserve  the  interests  of  the  institution  by 
which  it  has  been  and  is  to  be  raised. 

Secondly,  as  to  the  immediate  cause  of  the  pressure,  I  concur 
fully  with  the  senator  from  Massachusetts,  that  it  is  an  error  to 
attribute  it  to  the  mere  fact  of  the  change  of  the  deposits.  The 
reasons  he  has  assigned  for  that  opinion  are  sufficient.  They 
might  be  Amplified  and  enforced,  but  it  is  unnecessary  upon  the 
present  occasion.  Past  experience,  concurring  facts,  and  the  nature 
of  the  transaction,  all  combine  to  demonstrate  that  such  a  change 
would  not,  necessarily,  draw  after  it  such  a  result.  I  concur  also 
with  the  honorable  senator,  (Mr.  Webster,)  in  the  position,  that  the 
evil  complained  of  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  change  which  has  taken 
place  in  the  positions  which  the  Government,  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  state  banks  have  heretofore  occupied  relatively 
towards  each  other,  and  to  the  acts  which  have  followed  that  change. 
These  positions,  as  at  present  existing,  are  pronounced  by  the  honor 
able  senator  to  be  false.  That  the  attitude  which  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  has  chosen  to  assume  towards  the  Government  and 
the  state  banks  is  a  false  position,  I  must  cheerfully  admit ;  but  that 
there  has  been  anything  in  the  conduct  of  either  the  Government 
or  the  state  banks  to  justify  or  even  excuse  that  attitude,  I  deny, 
and  hope  to  have  an  opportunity  to  attempt  to  disprove.  From  the 
Government  directly  no  loans  could  be  obtained  or  were  expected, 
and  it  was  well  known  that  the  state  banks  which  have  been  selected 
as  the  fiscal  agents  of  the  Government,  had  extended  their  loans 
many  millions,  and  to  the  utmost  limit  authorized  by  the  public  de 
posits  in  their  vaults.  It  is  neither  shown  nor  pretended  that  the 
other  state  banks  have  curtailed  their  loans  in  consequence  of  the 
change  of  the  deposits,  except  when  the  curtailments  by  the  Bank 


272  SPEECH    RELATIVE    TO 

of  the  United  States  and  its  branches  have  compelled  them  to  do  so. 
We  have,  however,  record  evidence  from  itself,  that  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States  has  curtailed  its  loans,  since  the  first  day  of  August 
last,  and  up  to  the  first  day  of  December  last,  to  the  enormous  amount 
of  $9,697,000,  and  all  this  curtailment  has  taken  place  in  the  entire 
absence  of  any  revulsion  in  trade,  of  any  scarcity  in  the  country,  or 
arp.y  other  peculiar  cause  of  embarrassment,  existing  or  anticipated. 
We  need  not  then  grope  in  the  field  of  speculation  for  the  cause 
of  the  present  pressure.  It  stands  before  us  recorded  in  letters  and 
figures  which  cannot  lie,  and  which  leave  us  without  excuse  for 
misunderstanding,  or  for  affecting  to  misunderstand  it. 

Thirdly,  as  to  the  motives  for  this  conduct  on  the  part  of  the 
bank,  I  have  already  said,  I  deny  that  a  justifiable  one  is  to  be  found 
either  in  the  conduct  of  the  Government,  or  of  the  state  banks,  to 
wards  it ;  and  I  repeat  the  assertion.  Whether  or  not  this  curtail 
ment  of  its  business  has  been  rendered  necessary  on  the  part  of  the 
bank,  in  consequence  of  former  mismanagement,  I  need  not  inquire, 
inasmuch  as  the  bank  itself,  and  all  its  friends  and  supporters,  here 
and  elsewhere,  most  strenuously  deny  that  its  present  condition  fur 
nishes  any  necessity  for  increased  means.  I  have  looked  carefully 
into  the  instructions  originally  given  by  the  secretary  of  the  treasury 
to  the  state  banks,  in  relation  to  the  course  to  be  pursued  by  them 
towards  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  I  find  there  nothing  to 
warrant  an  apprehension  that  any  disposition  existed  on  the  part  of 
the  Government  to  injure  the  bank,  or  to  embarrass  it  in  the  prosecu 
tion  of  its  lawful  business.  I  have  examined,  with  equal  care,  the 
instructions  given  in  regard  to  the  transfer  drafts,  and  the  cir 
cumstances  under  which  they  were  to  be,  and  were  in  fact,  used. 
And  these  acts  of  the  Government,  taken  in  connection  with  the 
large  amount  of  money  still  left  in  the  bank,  and  which,  upon  a  dif 
ferent  supposition,  would  assuredly  have  been  also  withdrawn,  I 
hold  to  furnish  undeniable  evidence  that  no  disposition  was  enter 
tained  or  manifested  on  the  part  of  the  Government  to  wrong  this 
institution.  The  only  design  evinced  was  to  exercise  a  legal  right, 
reserved  by  the  charter,  to  change  the  deposits,  and  to  continue  an 
uncompromising,  to  be  sure,  but  constitutional  opposition  to  the 
renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  bank.  That  for  these  constitutional 
and  legal  acts,  it  has  pleased  the  bank  to  wreak  its  vengeance  upon 
the  community,  I  neither  allege  nor  believe.  That  the  state  banks 
have  made  the  slightest  hostile  movements  against  it,  neither  is  nor 


THE    REMOVAL    OF    THE    DEPOSITS.  273 

can  be  pretended.  What,  then,  is  the  motive  for  this  rapid  curtail 
ment  ?  I  have  not  the  slightest  doubt,  Mr.  President,  that,  in  the 
language  of  the  resolutions  I  hold  in  my  hand,  it  is  to  be  found,  and 
found  only,  in  an  attempt  of  the  bank,  "  at  a  time  of  general  pros 
perity,  to  produce  pecuniary  distress  and  alarm,  and  in  exercising 
its  power  with  a  view  to  extort  a  renewal  of  its  charter  from  the 
fears  of  the  people."  So  much  for  the  pressure,  and  the  causes 
of  it. 

I  will  now  consider  the  remedy  for  the  evil  which  the  senator  pro 
poses.  Leaving  the  discussion  of  everything  constitutional,  political 
and  expedient,  the  senator,  with  his  usual  tact,  goes  directly  to  the 
matter  in  hand  ;  and  with  the  utmost  confidence  he  tells  us,  that  the 
remedy  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  restoration  of  the  deposits,  but  in 
the  recharter  of  the  present  bank.  Whatever  else  may  be  said  of 
this  avowal,  it  must,  at  least,  be  admitted,  that  it  does  credit  to  the 
candor  of  the  senator.  For  myself,  I  thank  him,  and  the  country 
will  thank  him  also.  It  is  time,  Mr.  President,  high  time,  that  things 
should  be  called  by  their  right  names  in  relation  to  the  depending 
controversy ;  that  the  veil  with  which  it  has  hitherto  been  attempted 
to  disguise  the  subject,  should  be  torn  oft',  and  that  the  people  should 
know  what  is  the  question  which  is,  in  fact,  occupying  the  attention 
of  Congress.  This  being  done  by  the  declaration  of  the  senator, 
there  is  reason  to  hope  that  we  may  hereafter  be,  if  we  have  not 
heretofore  been,  aided  by  contributions  of  public  sentiment,  so  far  as 
the  Senate  may  think  proper  to  allow  influences  of  that  sort  to  enter 
into  its  deliberations.  And,  sir,  I  venture  the  prediction,  that  if  the 
expressions  now  upon  our  files,  or  those  which  shall  hereafter  be 
placed  there,  as  evidences  of  public  sentiment,  shall  be  examined,  it 
will  appear  that  the  good  sense  and  ingenuity  of  the  senator  in  de 
vising  this  remedy,  has  only  placed  him  upon  a  level  with  the  com 
mon  opinion  of  the  whole  community,  as  to  the  real  question  in  dis 
pute  ;  that  every  paper  favoring  the  views  of  the  opponents  of  the 
administration,  has  and  will,  expressly  or  impliedly,  recognize  the 
fact  that  the  question  before  the  public  is  "  bank  or  no  bank,"  and 
that  the  real  issue  lias  that  direction,  not  the  disposition  of  the 
government  deposits.  A  petition  for  recharter  is  a  mere  matter 
of  form  which  can  at  any  time  be  brought  forward.  A  few  days, 
or  even  a  few  hours,  are  sufficient  for  that  object,  and  we  ought  not 
to  permit  ourselves  to  doubt  that  such  a  petition  will  be  forthcom 
ing,  or  not,  according  to  the  decision  of  this  merely  incidental  ques 
12* 


274  SPEECH    RELATIVE    TO 

tion,  now  made  to  assume  the  place  and  importance  of  the  real 
issue. 

But,  Mr.  President,  while  I  highly  approve  of  the  open  and  manly 
ground  taken  by  the  senator  from  Massachusetts,  I  differ  with  him 
tolo  ccelo  as  to  the  remedy  he  proposes.  There  is  no  inducement  which 
can  prevail  on  me  to  vote  for  the  recharter  of  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States.  I  would  oppose  this  bank  upon  the  ground  of  its  flagrant 
violations  of  the  high  trusts  confided  to  it ;  but  my  objections  are 
of  a  deeper  and  graver  character.  I  go  against  this  bank,  and 
against  any  and  every  bank  to  be  incorporated  by  Congress,  whe 
ther  to  be  located  at  Philadelphia,  or  New  York,  or  anywhere  else 
within  the  twenty-four  independent  states  which  compose  this  con 
federacy,  upon  the  broad  ground  which  admits  not  of  compromise, 
that  Congress  has  not  the  power,  by  the  constitution,  to  incorporate 
such  a  bank. 

I  may  be  over-sanguine,  Mr.  President,  but  I  do  most  firmly  be 
lieve  that,  in  addition  to  the  invaluable  services  already  rendered  to 
his  country  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  he  is,  under 
Providence,  destined  still  to  render  her  a  greater  than  all,  by  being 
mainly  instrumental  in  restoring  the  constitution  of  the  country  to 
what  it  was  intended  to  be  by  those  whD  formed  it,  and  to  what 
it  was  understood  to  be  by  the  people  who  adopted  it ;  in  reliev 
ing  that  sacred  instrument  from  those  constructive  and  implied 
additions,  under  which  Congress  have  claimed  the  right  to  place 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  people,  and  without  responsibility,  a  moneyed 
power,  not  merely  dangerous  to  public  liberty,  but  of  a  character  so 
formidable  as  to  set  itself  in  open  array  against,  and  to  attempt 
to  overrule  the  Government  of  the  country.  I  believe  the  high 
destiny  is  yet  in  store  for  that  venerable  man,  of  disproving  the 
exalted  compliment  long  since  paid  him  by  the  great  apostle  of  re 
publicanism,  "  that  he  had  already  filled  the  measure  of  his  country's 
glory,"  and  that  he  is  yet  to  accomplish,  what  neither  Thomas  Jef 
ferson  nor  his  illustrious  successors  could  accomplish,  by  adding  to 
the  proof  which  he  has  so  largely  contributed  to  afford,  that  his 
country  is  invincible  by  arms,  the  consolatory  fact  that  there  is,  at 
least,  one  spot  upon  earth  where  written  constitutions  are  rigidly 
regarded.  I  know,  sir,  that  this  work,  which  the  President  has 
undertaken,  and  upon  the  success  of  which  he  has,  with  his  usual 
moral  courage,  staked  the  hard-earned  fruits  of  a  glorious  life,  is 
full  of  difficulty.  I  know  well  that  it  will  put  the  fortitude  and 


THE    REMOVAL    OF    THE    DEPOSITS.  275 

patriotism  of  his  countrymen  to  the  severest  test ;  but  I  am  happy 
also  to  know  that  he  has,  in  this  instance,  as  heretofore,  put  himself 
upon  the  fortitude  and  patriotism  of  a  people  who  have  never  yet 
failed  him,  or  any  man  who  was  himself  faithful  to  his  country  in  the 
hour  of  peril. 

Of  the  course  which  the  state  which  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to 
represent  here,  will  take  in  this  great  contest,  it  becomes  me,  form 
ing  so  humble  a  part  of  its  voice  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  and 
known  only  by  the  favors  I  have  received  at  ifo  hands,  to  speak 
with  great  diffidence.  In  the  resolutions  I  now  lay  before  the  Sen 
ate,  it  has  spoken  for  itself  upon  most  of  the  points  involved.  As 
to  the  others,  I  feel  that  my  knowledge  of  the  character  of  its  peo 
ple,  and  of  the  known  sentiments  of  whole  masses  of  its  public  men, 
will  justify  me  in  the  confident  expression  of  an  opinion,  that  the 
state  will  sustain  the  executive  to  the  utmost  in  this  controversy ; 
and  that  I  may  say  to  those  who  are,  and  long  have  been,  desirous 
to  restore  the  constitution,  in  this  regard,  to  its  true  reading,  "  now's 
the  day,  and  now's  the  hour,"  for  its  accomplishment.  At  all  events, 
I  have  the  right  to  say,  that  I  will  place  myself  by  the  side  of  the 
President,  to  the  full  extent  of  the  views  I  have  given,  and  that  I 
desire  to  stand  or  fall  with  my  constituents,  as  they  shall  determine 
the  result. 

I  have  thus  responded,  and  I  hope  the  senator  from  Massachu 
setts  will  allow  fully,  to  so  much  of  his  appeal.  I  will  go  on,  sir, 
and  cover  the  whole  ground.  He  has  asked,  if  you  will  neither  re- 
charter  the  present  bank  nor  establish  a  new  one,  what  will  you  do  ? 
As  an  individual,  sir,  and  speaking  for  myself  only,  I  say  I  will  sus 
tain  the  executive  branch  of  the  Government,  by  all  the  legal  means 
in  my  power,  in  the  effort  now  making  to  substitute  the  state  banks  in 
stead  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  as  the  fiscal  agent  of  the  Gov 
ernment.  I  believe  they  are  fully  competent  to  the  object.  I  am 
wholly  unmoved  by  the  alarms  wrhich  have  been  sounded,  either  as 
to  their  insecurity,  or  influence,  or  any  other  danger  to  be  appre 
hended  from  their  employment.  I  hold  the  steps  so  far  taken  in 
furtherance  of  this  object,  well  warranted  by  the  constitution  and 
laws  of  the  land,  and  I  believe  that  the  honor  and  best  interests  of 
the  country,  imperiously  require  that  they  should  be  fully  sustained 
by  the  people,  and  by  their  representatives  here. 

That  these  views  are  correct,  it  is  not  of  course  my  intention,  at 
this  time,  to  attempt  to  show.  In  some  stage  of  the  debate  upon 


276  SPEECH    RELATIVE    TO 

this  great  subject,  I  hope  to  be  able,  without  trespassing  upon  the 
superior  claims  of  others,  to  have  that  opportunity. 

We  have  been  told,  and  told  emphatically,  that  things  cannot  re 
main  as  they  are ;  that  the  powers  now  vested  in  and  exercised  by 
the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  are  too  broad,  and  that  legislative  aid 
is  required.  If  I  have  not  misunderstood  the  import  of  remarks,  it 
has  also  been  told  to  us  that  such  aid  will  be  withheld.  To  this,  I, 
for  the  present,  only  answer,  that  things  are  now,  in  this  respect, 
precisely  as  they  were  before  the  incorporation  of  the  present  bank ; 
that  the  same  powers  which  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  then  had, 
he  has  still ;  that  by  the  change  of  the  deposits  from  the  Bank  of 
the  United  States,  the  executive  department  of  the  Government  has 
been  restored  to  the  control  over  the  places  for  the  safe-keeping  of 
the  public  moneys,  which  it  had  by  law  before  these  moneys  were 
deposited  with  that  institution ;  and  that  all  the  laws  formerly  ex 
isting  upon  the  subject  are  now  in  full  force  and  wholly  unaltered, 
the  only  effect  of  the  provision  in  the  charter  of  the  bank  being  to 
suspend  their  operation,  until  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  should 
order  and  direct  that  the  deposits  be  made  elsewhere  than  in  the 
vaults  of  that  bank.  I  further  state,  as  my  opinion  of  the  law,  that 
by  the  act  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  ordering  a  change  of  the 
deposits,  and  by  that  act  only,  the  full  power  of  Congress  over  the 
whole  subject,  has  been  restored. 

If,  then,  the  powers  of  the  secretary  are  too  broad,  as  the  law  now 
stands,  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  restrict  them ;  while,  if  the 
powers  of  the  executive  branch  of  the  Government  are  not  now  fully 
adequate  to  the  making  and  executing  of  all  needful  orders,  rules, 
and  regulations,  for  the  safe-keeping  and  convenient  management 
of  the  public  moneys,  it  is  equally  the  duty  of  Congress  to  legislate 
further  upon  the  subject.  And  whether  Congress  do  or  do  not  legis 
late  in  either  case,  is  a  matter  wholly  between  its  members  and 
their  constituents,  for  which  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  is  in  no 
way  responsible. 

But,  Mr.  President,  while  I  am  prepared  to  give  to  this  effort  of 
the  Government,  to  make  the  state  banks  our  fiscal  agent  for  the 
safe-keeping  and  convenient  disbursement  of  the  public  moneys,  a 
full  support  and  a  fair  experiment,  any  effort,  come  from  what 
quarter  it  may,  to  return  to  a  hard-money  currency,  so  far  as  that 
can  be  done  by  the  operations  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  con 
sistently  with  the  substantial  interests  of  the  country,  shall  receive 


THE    REMOVAL    OF    THE    DEPOSITS.  277 

from  me  a  cordial  and  sincere  support ;  and  no  one  would  more 
heartily  rejoice  than  myself,  to  meet  with  propositions  which  would 
render  such  an  effort  in  any  degree  practicable. 

Still  are  we  told  by  the  senator  from  Massachusetts,  that  things 
cannot  remain  as  they  are  ;  that  unless  something,  which,  accord 
ing  to  his  views  of  the  subject,  would  afford  relief,  be  done,  the  pres 
sure,  the  distress,  and  the  agitation  will  continue.  I  have  already 
stated  the  source  from  which,  and  from  which  alone,  in  my  judg 
ment,  the  present  pressure  proceeds.  I  have  stated,  also,  without 
reserve,  the  object  which  is,  in  my  opinion,  intended  to  be  accom 
plished  by  it.  Of  the  correctness  of  my  conclusions,  the  Senate  and 
the  country  must  judge.  If  they  are,  as  I  believe  them  to  be,  well- 
founded,  it  is  undoubtedly  in  the  power  of  the  bank  to  continue  the 
pressure,  and  consequently  the  agitation  of  the  public  mind,  to  some 
extent,  so  long  as  it  shall  think  it  to  be  for  its  interest,  and  not  in 
compatible  with  its  safety  to  do  so.  It  is  not  for  me  to  speak  as 
with  a  knowledge  of  its  intentions  in  this  respect,  and  the  senator 
from  Massachusetts  disclaims  all  information  upon  the  point.  I 
can,  therefore,  only  state  rny  opinion  ;  and  it  is,  that  the  bank  has 
not  entered  upon  this  bold  measure  without  the  deepest  considera 
tion,  and  that  it  will  not  abandon  it,  the  design  not  being  accom 
plished,  but  upon  the  most  stern  necessity. 

Yet,  Mr.  President,  I  trust  in  God  that  that  necessity  will  soon, 
very  soon,  be  made  manifest,  by  the  attitude  which  the  nation  will 
assume  towards  this  daring  and  dangerous  institution.  The  glo 
rious  American  Revolution  was  but  resistance  to  moneyed  power — 
yes,  sir,  to  the  exercise  of  a  moneyed  power,  without  the  consent, 
and  beyond  the  reach,  of  the  people  of  this  country.  To  this  our 
fathers  opposed  a  stern  and  uncompromising  resistance.  Appeals 
were  made  to  their  fears.  Distresses  in  their  pecuniary  affairs  were 
pictured  to  them  in  colors  to  have  deterred  any  but  the  pure  spirit 
of  patriotism  and  love  of  liberty  which  led  them  forward.  Then 
the  pictures  were  not  imaginary  but  real ;  the  distresses  were  not 
fancy  but  fact.  The  country  was  not  then  strong,  and  rich,  and 
prosperous,  but  weak,  and  poor,  and  disheartened :  and  still  their 
march  was  onward.  They  armed  themselves  upon  the  side  of  their 
country,  and  stood  by  their  Government ;  and  when  their  hard  and 
perilous  services  were  paid  in  paper,  worth  a  fortieth  or  sixtieth  part 
of  its  nominal  value,  the  representative  of  the  dollar  was  the  dollar 
to  them,  for  it  gave  liberty  to  the  people,  and  freed  them  from  the 


278  SPEECH    RELATIVE    TO 

rule  of  avarice.  And  have  we.  their  immediate  descendants,  so 
soon  lost  their  noble  spirit  ?  Are  we  to  fold  our  arms  and  obey  the 
dictates  of  a  moneyed  power,  not  removed  from  our  soil,  and  wielded 
by  stronger  hands,  but  taking  root  among  us :  a  power  spoken  into 
existence  by  our  breath,  and  dependent  upon  that  breath  for  life  and 
being  ?  Are  our  fears,  our  avarice,  our  selfish  and  base  passions 
to  be  appealed  to,  and  to  compel  us  to  re-create  this  power,  when 
we  are  told  that  the  circulation  of  the  country  is  in  its  hands  ?  That 
the  institutions  established  by  all  the  independent  states  of  the  con 
federacy  are  subject  to  its  control,  and  exist  only  by  its  clemency  ? 
When  we  see  it  setting  itself  up  against  the  Government  and  vaunt 
ing  its  power  ?  throwing  from  its  doors  our  representatives  placed 
at  its  board,  and  pronouncing  them  unskilful,  ungenteel,  or  incor 
rigible  ?  Nay,  Mr.  President,  when  it  lays  upon  our  tables  in  this 
chamber,  its  annunciation  to  the  public,  classing  the  President  of 
the  United  States  with  counterfeiters  and  felons,  and  declaring,  that 
as  kindred  subjects,  both  should  receive  like  treatment  at  its  hands  ? 
I  say,  sir,  are  we  to  be  driven  by  our  fears  to  recharter  such  an  in 
stitution,  with  such  evidences  of  its  power,  and  of  its  disposition  to 
use  that  power,  lying  before  us  authenticated  by  the  bank  itself? 
Are  we  to  do  this  after  the  question  has  been  referred  to  the  people 
of  the  country,  fully  argued  before  them,  and  their  decision  pro 
nounced  against  the  bank,  and  in  favor  of  the  President,  by  a  ma 
jority  such  as  has  never  before  in  this  Government  marked  the  re 
sult  of  a  contest  at  the  ballot  boxes  ? 

Gentlemen  talk  of  revolutions  in  progress.  When  this  action 
shall  take  place  in  the  American  Congress,  then  indeed  will  a  rev 
olution  have  been  accomplished ; — then  will  your  constitution  have 
been  yielded  up  to  fear  and  favor,  and  your  legislation  be  the  sic 
volo,  sic  jubeo,  of  a  bank.  But,  Mr.  President,  I  do  not  distress 
myself  with  any  such  forebodings.  I  know  the  crisis  will  be  trying, 
and  I  know  too,  that  the  spirit  and  patriotism  of  the  people  will  be 
equal  to  the  trial.  As  I  read  the  indications  of  public  opinion,  I  see 
clearly  that  the  true  question  is  understood  by  the  country,  and  that 
it  is  assuming  an  attitude  towards  the  bank  which  the  occasion  calls 
for.  Be  assured,  sir,  whatever  nice  distinctions  may  be  drawn  here 
as  to  the  share  of  influence,  which  expressions  of  the  popular  will 
upon  such  a  subject  are  entitled  to  from  us,  it  is  possible  for  that 
will  to  assume  a  constitutional  shape  which  the  Senate  cannot  mis 
understand,  and  understanding,  will  not  unwisely  resist.  The 


THE    REMOVAL    OF    THE    DEPOSITS.  279 

country,  Mr.  President,  has  approved  of  the  course  of  the  executive, 
m  his  attempts  to  relieve  us  from  the  corrupt  and  corrupting  power 
and  influence  of  a  national  bank,  and  it  will  sustain  him  in  the  ex 
periment  now  making  to  substitute  the  state  institution*  for  such  a 
fiscal  agent.  I  have  the  fullest  confidence  in  the  ultimate  and  com 
plete  success  of  the  trial ;  but  should  it  not  prove  satisfactory  to  the 
country,  it  will  then  be  time  enough  to  resort  to  the  conceded  powers 
of  Congress,  or  to  ask  from  the  people  what,  until  every  other  ex 
periment  be  fairly  and  fully  tried,  they  will  never  grant,  the  power 
to  establish  a  National  Bank. 


SPEECH, 


RELATIVE    TO    THE    REMOVAL    OF    THE    DEPOSITS    FROM    THE    BANK 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  THE    SPECIAL    ORDER   BEING    THE  RE 
PORT   OF  THE  SECRETARY  OF    THE    TREASURY,    ASSIGN 
ING    HIS    REASONS    FOR    SUCH   REMOVAL,    AND    THE 
TWO   RESOLUTIONS   OF    MR.    CLAY. 

[Delivered  in  the  United  States  Senate,  March  26th,  1834.] 

MR.  PRESIDENT  : 

I  rise  with  unfeigned  reluctance  to  address  the  Senate.  The  de 
bate  has  been  so  long  protracted,  and  has  been  so  full  and  able  upon 
all  the  points  involved  in  the  discussion,  that  I  feel  fully  conscious 
I  can  give  no  light,  and  add  no  interest,  to  what  has  been  already 
advanced.  I  would  decline  troubling  the  Senate  at  all,  at  this  late 
stage  of  the  debate,  were  it  not  that  I  consider  the  first  resolution  as 
particularly  exceptionable,  in  every  sense  in  which  I  have  been  able 
to  view  it.  I  had  intended,  at  an  early  period  of  the  debate,  to  offer 
my  views  at  large  upon  the  whole  subject,  and  I  had  made  some 
preparations  to  fulfil  that  intention  ;  but  the  progress  of  the  discus 
sion  induced  me  to  abandon  position  after  position  which  it  had  been 
my  purpose  to  occupy,  in  consequence  of  the  full  and  able  views 
given  of  them  by  others,  until  I  have  brought  myself  to  the  conclu 
sion,  to  confine  my  remarks  wholly  to  the  first  of  the  resolutions 
offered  by  the  senator  from  Kentucky.  I  came  to  the  conclusion 
definitely,  after  the  very  able  argument  of  my  honorable  colleague 
[Mr.  Tallmadge],  recently  made  to  the  Senate,  upon  all  the  grounds 
covered  by  the  second  resolution,  and  generally  embracing  all  the 
reasons  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury.  I  can  add  nothing  more 
to  that  argument,  and  any  attempt  on  my  part  to  do  so,  would  be 
more  likely  to  weaken  the  positions  which  have  been  so  well  de 
fended,  than  to  secure  the  defences,  already,  in  my  judgment,  suf 
ficiently  impregnable.  I  may  also  say,  that  I  do  not  expect  to  ad 
vance  anything  in  relation  to  the  first  resolution,  which  has  not  be- 


MR.  CLAY'S  RESOLUTIONS.  281 

fore,  in  the  course  of  the  debate,  been  suggested ;  but  I  do  hope  to 
offer  a  more  detailed  and  connected  argument  upon  that  single  point, 
than  has  been  offered  by  those  who  have  preceded  me,  and  who 
have  embraced  the  whole  scope  of  the  special  order.  I  owe  it  to 
myself,  however,  as  well  as  to  the  Senate,  to  say  that  it  is  my  in 
tention  to  confine  myself  to  a  strict  legal  argument,  of  the  most  dry 
and  uninteresting  character,  and  that  I  can  neither  expect,  nor  ask, 
that  attention  which  I  might  hope,  were  the  subject  less  exhausted, 
and  the  topics  less  technical. 

The  resolution  is  in  the  following  words : — 

"  Resolved,  That  by  dismissing  the  late  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
because  he  could  not,  contrary  to  his  sense  of  his  own  duty,  remove 
the  money  of  the  United  States,  in  deposit  with  the  Bank  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  and  its  branches,  in  conformity  with  the  President's  opin 
ion,  and  by  appointing  his  successor  to  effect  such  removal,  which 
has  been  done,  the  President  has  assumed  the  exercise  of  a  power 
over  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  not  granted  by  the  consti 
tution  and  laws,  and  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people." 

This  is  the  resolution,  and  I  consider  it,  in  the  broadest  sense,  ju 
dicial,  so  far  as  the  action  of  the  Senate  upon  it  is  concerned.  I 
therefore,  preliminarily,  lay  down  the  following  proposition,  which 
I  believe  I  shall  be  able  to  sustain,  not  only  from  the  language  and 
import  of  the  resolution  itself,  but  from  an  examination  of  the  grounds 
upon  which  its  friends  seek  to  justify  the  action  by  this  body.  My 
proposition  is  :— 

That  the  resolution  contains  matter  of  impeachment,  and  matter 
of  impeachment  only,  and  therefore  that  it  is  unconstitutional  for 
the  Senate  to  act  upon  it,  other  than  judicially,  and  upon  an  impeach 
ment  sent  up  from  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Art.  1,  sec.  2,  clause  6,  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
reads  as  follows : — 

"  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  speaker,  and 
other  officers,  and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment." 

Sec.  3,  clause  6,  of  the  same  article,  says : — 

"  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments." 

Here  then,  sir,  are  the  constitutional  divisions  of  power,  between 
the  two  branches  of  Congress,  as  to  impeachments. 

Does  the  resolution  under  consideration  contain  impeachable  mat 
ter,  so  as  to  call  upon  these  powers  to  enable  us  properly  to  act 
upon  it  ? 


282  SPEECH    ON 

It  charges  that  "  the  President  has  assumed  the  exercise  of  a 
power  over  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  not  granted  to  him  by 
the  constitution  and  laws,  and  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
people ;"  and  that  he  has  "  assumed  the  exercise  of  that  power,  by 
dismissing  the  late  secretary  of  the  treasury,  because  he  would  not, 
contrary  to  his  sense  of  his  own  duty,  remove  the  money  of  the 
United  States,  in  deposit  with  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  its 
branches,  in  conformity  with  the  President's  opinion ;  and  by  ap 
pointing  his  successor  to  effect  such  removal,  which  has  been  done." 

The  first  of  these  charges,  if  well  made,  must  be  a  high  crime. 
An  assumption  of  a  power  over  the  public  treasury,  not  granted  by 
the  constitution  and  laws,  and  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
people,  can  surely  be  nothing  less. 

The  second,  to  wit,  the  removal  of  a  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
for  an  insufficient  cause,  and  under  the  influence  of  an  improper 
motive,  viz.,  to  acquire  a  power  over  the  public  treasury  not  granted 
by  the  constitution  and  laws,  and  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
people,  if  sustained  as  charged,  cannot  be  less  than  a  high  misde 
meanor. 

Art.  2,  sec  4,  of  the  Constitution,  says : — 

"  The  President,  Vice  President,  and  all  civil  officers  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  shall  be  removed  from  office,  on'  impeachment  for,  and 
conviction  of,  treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  misdemean 
ors." 

The  advocates  for  the  resolution  do  not  deny  that  it  contains  im- 
peachable  matter,  but  they  justify  the  action  of  the  Senate,  as  they 
say,  "  legislatively"  upon  it. 

The  honorable  senator  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Clay],  says,  "The 
Senate  ought  to  act  upon  the  resolution,  to  protect  its  legislative 
powers." 

It  is  not  pretended  that  the  legislative  powers  of  the  Senate  have 
been  assailed.  The  resolution  does  not  assume  to  recite  an  act  of 
infringement  upon  the  legislative  powers  of  tho  Senate.  It  assumes 
executive  encroachments,  and  executive  encroachments  only,  and 
proceeds  at  once  to  pronounce  judgment  upon  them.  It  proposes 
no  legislative  act,  nor  does  it  assert  any  legislative  power.  If,  then, 
the  Senate  has  the  right  to  protect  its  legislative  powers,  as  it  no 
doubt  has,  the  resolution  neither  asserts  the  right  contended  for,  nor 
mentions  the  violation  against  which  protection  is  required,  nor  does 
it  propose  any  sort  of  protection.  It  does  not  therefore  come,  in  any 


MR.  CLAY'S  RESOLUTIONS.  283 

sense,  within  (his  principle  of  the  senator,  and  the  action  of  the 
Senate  upon  it  finds  no  justification  in  his  remark.  I  pass  to  the 
senator's  second  ground : — 

"  The  Senate  may  properly  act  upon  the  resolution,  because  the 
President  may  perform  an  uiiconstitutionaLact,  without  the  quo  ani 
mo,  the  intention  to  violate  the  constitution." 

It  is  impossible  to  consider  this  opinion  in  connection  with  the  ob 
jection  to  which  it  is  intended  to  be  an  answer,  without  taking  it  as 
an  admission  that  the  action  of  the  Senate  upon  the  resolution  is 
judicial.  The  quo  animo  of  the  President,  or  of  any  other  officer 
of  the  Government,  as  to  any  act  performed  by  them,  bearing  upon 
their  constitutional  powers,  cannot  possibly  be  material  to  the  Sen 
ate  in  its  legislative  character.  If  legislation  should  be  required, 
growing  out  of  any  such  act,  it  would  legislate  to  provide  a  remedy 
for  the  wrong  committed,  or  to  prevent  a  repetition  of  the  act ;  and 
in  either  case,  the  quo  animo  of  the  officer  performing  the  act  com 
plained  of,  could  not  be  material.  The  wrong  would  not  be  less, 
or  the  remedy  different,  whether  the  action  should  proceed  from  de 
sign  or  ignorance.  If,  therefore,  the  determination  of  the  existence 
or  not  of  the  quo  animo  in  the  act  recited  in  the  resolution,  be  ma 
terial  to  the  question  whether  the  Senate  can,  or  cannot,  properly 
act  upon  it  legislatively,  that  fact  proves  the  resolution  to  be  judi 
cial,  until  that  point  shall  be  judicially  decided.  And  as  no  object 
of  legislation  is  either  proposed,  or  to  be  accomplished  by  the  pas 
sage  of  the  resolution,  any  action  of  the  Senate  upon  it,  going  to 
decide  this  preliminary  question  of  the  quo  animo,  is  clearly  a  judi 
cial  action,  and  therefore  an  assumption  of  power,,  in  violation  of 
the  constitutional  powers  of  the  body. 

The  position  concedes  that  if  the  quo  animo  be  assumed,  the 
question  would  be  judicial,  while  the  resolution,  the  quo  animo  being 
added,  would,  according  to  a  farther  admission  by  the  ground  taken, 
be  not  only  an  impeachment,  but  a  judgment  of  condemnation  upon 
the  charges  made.  It  follows  then,  irre  sistibly,  that  the  action  of 
the  Senate  legislatively,  would  be  a  judgment  of  acquittal  as  to  the 
quo  animo,  and  that  judgment  is  as  much  judicial  as  a  judgment  of 
condemnation  could  be.  Again,  therefore,  I  repeat,  that  the  Senate 
cannot  act  upon  this  resolution  constitutionally,  in  any  other  than 
its  capacity  of  the  high  court  for  the  trial  of  impeachments.  The 
senator  [Mr.  Clay]  says  thirdly : — 

"  The  Senate  may  act  upon  the  resolution,  because  the  President 


284  SPEECH    ON 

may  not  be  impteached,  even  if  the  act  and  the  quo  animo  are  both 
found  against  him." 

Here  we  meet  a  most  singular  reason  for  action.  The  court  will 
condemn  the  accused,  because  the  grand  jury  may  not  find  a  bill 
against  him :  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  will  convict  the  Pres 
ident  of  the  United  States,  of  a  flagrant  violation  of  the  constitution 
of,  the  United  States,  because  the  House  of  Representatives,  those 
who  hold  in  their  hands  the  voice  of  the  people  of  the  country,  may 
not  impeach  him.  But  again,  the  fourth  reason  for  action  is  still 
more  singular. 

The  action  of  the  Senate  is  proper,  "  because  a  call  upon  the 
Senate  to  act  judicially  in  this  instance,  depends  upon  a  contin 
gency,  which  no  one  now  expects  will  happen." 

This  throws  the  last  proposition  into  the  shade.  Here  the  sen 
tence  of  condemnation  is  to  be  pronounced,  because  no  one  expects 
the  grand  inquest  will  even  indict.  The  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  are  to  convict  the  President  of  the  United  States,  of  a  fla 
grant  violation  of  the  constitution,  because  "  no  one  expects"  the 
House  of  Representatives  will  impeach  him.  Strange  causes,  in 
deed,  for  performing  judicial  duties,  in  a  legislative  character. 

The  senator  [Mr.  Clay]  has  told  us  of  the  "  bleeding  constitu 
tion  of  his  country ;"  and  is  this  the  way  in  which  the  wounds  of 
that  instrument  are  to  be  healed  ?  Is  an  alleged  violation  of  the 
constitution  by  the  executive,  to  be  cured  by  a  palpable  violation  of 
that  instrument  by  the  Senate  ?  Will  the  Senate  sanction  such 
reasons  for  acting  upon  such  a  resolution  ? 

But  the  senator  from  New  Jersey  [Mr.  Southard] ,  sanctions  the 
same  idea  by  the  following  language  : — 

"  It  is  Objected  to  the  first  resolution,  that  the  Senate  ought  not  to 
act  upon  it,  because  this  body  may  be  called  upon  to  act  upon  the 
same  matter,  brought  before  it  in  the  shape  of  an  impeachment. 
An  impeachment  of  whom  ?"  says  the  senator.  "  An  impeachment 
of  Andrew  Jackson  ?  An  impeachment  of  Roger  B.  Taney  ? 
Look  at  the  history  of  the  country.  Did  any  one  ever  hear  of  the 
impeachment  of  those  who  stand  in  an  overwhelming  majority  ? 
No,  sir,  such  persons  have  a  shield  impenetrable  to  the  Senate." 

Here  we  have  the  principle  fully  developed.  The  Senate  is  to 
proceed  to  judgment  of  condemnation  against  the  President,  because 
the  representatives  of  the  people  will  not  impeach  him ;  because 
an  "  overwhelming  majority"  of  the  people  themselves,  whom  they 


MR.  CLAY'S  RESOLUTIONS.  285 

represent,  are  in  favor  of  the  President,  and  approve  of  his  con 
duct. 

If  any  cause  can  be  more  sure  than  another,  to  render  the  Sen 
ate  odious  to  the  people  of  the  country,  it  will  be  attempts  here  to 
assume  the  duties  of  the  immediate  representatives  of  the  people ; 
to  constitute  ourselves  the  accusers  as  well  as  the  judges ;  and,  hav 
ing  done  this,  to  resist  the  known  and  expressed  will  of  the  people, 
in  bringing  down  upon  the  head  of  some  too  popular  servant,  the 
tremendous  judicial  sentence  of  this  body,  without  the  form  of  a 
trial,  or  even  the  exhibition  of  a  constitutional  accusation. 

Do  these  sentiments  come  from  men  who  have  been  raised  high 
in  the  honors  of  the  republic  ?  Who  have  themselves  been  coun 
sellors  of  a  former  President  ?  And  at  a  time,  too,  when  a  majority 
of  this  body,  holding  this  judicial  power  over  their  acts,  was  politi 
cally  opposed  to  the  administration  with  which  they  were  thus  con 
nected  ?  Sir,  I  venture  the  assertion,  that  they  never  found  that  ma 
jority  attempting  thus  to  condemn  them,  or  their  principal,  without  a 
trial ;  and  I  further  venture  to  say,  that  that  majority,  so  acting,  were 
sustained  by  the  people. 

I  assume,  in  the  second  place, 

That  the  resolution,  if  such  as  the  Senate  could  properly  enter 
tain,  is  irrelevant  to  the  subject  before  this  body,  and  in  relation  to 
which  it  purports  to  have  been  introduced,  and  therefore,  should  not 
oe  entertained. 

The  special  order  before  the  Senate,  is  the  report  of  the  secretary 
of  the  treasury,  assigning  his  reasons  for  the  change  of  the  depos 
its  of  the  public  moneys  of  the  United  States,  from  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States. 

It  has  no  reference  whatever  to  the  President,  the  late  -secretary 
of  the  treasury,  his  appointment  or  removal,  or  to  the  appointment  of 
the  present  secretary.  It  relates  solely  to  a  single  official  act  of  his 
own,  the  change  of  the  deposits ;  and  merely  assigns,  in  obedience 
to  an  express  requirement  of  law,  his  reasons  for  that  act.  It  says 
nothing  of  his  predecessor  in  office,  of  what  he  would  or  would  not 
do,  or  what  was  or  was  not  his  sense  of  duty.  It  makes  no  allu 
sion  to  him  whatever. 

Where,  then,  is  the  relevancy  of  this  resolution,  to  this  special 
order  ? 

I  next  assume  that  the  resolution,  if  within  the  constitutional  ju 
risdiction  of  the  Senate ;  and  relevant  to  the  subject  of  the  special 


286  SPEECH    ON 

order,  is  erroneous  in  both  of  its  conclusions,  and  in  the  fact  as 
sumed,  upon  which  the  conclusions  depend. 

The  fact  stated  is,  that  the  President  "  assumed  the  exercise  of  a 
power  over  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,"  and  the  sense  in 
which  the  charge  is  made,  is  learned  from  the  language  of  the  ad 
vocates  of  the  resolution.  The  President  is  said  to  have  taken  pos 
session  of  the  public  money ;  to  have  opened  the  public  treasury, 
and  taken  therefrom  its  contents;  to  have  united  the  sword  and 
purse  of  the  country  in  the  same  hand ;  to  have  robbed  the  treas 
ury,  and  taken  into  his  own  keeping  the  money  of  the  people.  Now, 
in  this  sense,  I  affirm  that  the  President  has  exercised  no  power 
whatever,  over  the  treasury  of  the  United  States.  What  acts  are 
mentioned  as  constituting  this  charge  ? 

The  resolution  recites  that  the  President  removed  from  office  the 
late  secretary  of  the  treasury. 

One  of  the  earliest  debates  in  the  first  Congress,  convened  under 
the  present  constitution  of  the  United  States,  was  upon  the  question 
of  the  power  of  the  President  to  remove  from  office,  according  to 
the  provisions  of  that  constitution.  The  question  was  decided  by 
that  Congress  in  favor  of  the  power,  as  a  part  of  "the  executive 
power"  vested  in  the  President  by  that  instrument,  and  the  whole 
practice  of  the  Government,  and  of  every  President,  from  Washing 
ton  to  the  present  incumbent  of  that  high  office,  has  been  in  confor 
mity  with  that  decision.  The  power  was  decided  to  exist,  and  to 
be  derived  from  the  constitution  itself. 

Tt  is  particularly  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  power  to  remove  the 
secretary  of  the  treasury,  occupied  a  conspicuous  place  in  the  debate, 
•and  furnished  a  very  considerable  portion  of  the  argument  of  the 
speakers  on  both  sides  of  the  question.  The  decision,  therefore,  was 
made,  after  full  argument  as  to  the  power  to  remove  this  very  officer. 

The  President,  then,  in  the  removal  of  the  late  secretary  of  the 
treasury,  did  not  "  assume  the  exercise  of  a  power  not  granted  to 
him  by  the  constitution  and  laws." 

But  a  removal  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  does  not  enable 
the  President  to  gain  access  to  the  treasury  of  the  United  States. 

There  is  a  treasurer,  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate,  who 
keeps  the  keys  of  the  public  treasury.  Were  the  President,  there 
fore,  to  remove  the  secretary,  he  would  meet  the  treasurer,  and  must 
dispose  of  him,  before  he  could  reach  the  public  treasury. 

This  officer  is  removable  by  the  President,  but  he  has  not  removed 


MR.  CLAY'S  RESOLUTIONS.  287 

him,  which  fact,  of  itself,  repels  the  idea  that  he  has  attempted  to 
"assume  the  exercise  of  a  power  over  the  public  treasury." 

Here  might  be  rested  the  proof  of  the  falsity  of  the  fact  stated 
in  the  resolution,  that  the  President  "  assumed  the  exercise  of  a 
power  over  the  public  treasury,"  but  it  shall  be  carried  one  step  fur 
ther. 

It  is  not  even  contended  that  one  cent  of  money  was  taken  from 
the  public  treasury,  between  the  time  of  the  removal  of  the  late 
secretary  of  the  treasury,  and  the  appointment  of  the  present  in 
cumbent  to  that  office ;  nor  is  it  contended  that  any  change  of  the 
deposits  of  money  standing  to  the  credit  of  the  treasurer,  or  any 
other  change  or  order,  affecting  the  public  treasury,  was  made  dur 
ing  that  interval. 

The  advocates  for  the  resolution  then  admit,  that  the  power  exer 
cised  over  the  public  treasury,  by  the  President,  was  not  so  exer 
cised  during  the  vacancy  created  in  that  office,  by  the  removal  of 
the  late  secretary. 

The  resolution  further  recites,  that  the  President  appointed  the 
present  secretary  in  the  place  of  the  late  secretary  removed. 

The  constitution  says,  "  the  President  shall  have  power  to  fill 
any  vacancies  that  may  happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by 
granting  commissions,  which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  the  next 
session." 

The  President,  then,  had  power  to  appoint  a  secretary  of  the  treas 
ury  in  the  place  of  the  late  secretary,  removed,  and  in  this  act  he 
did  not  "  assume  the  exercise  of  a  power,"  "  not  granted  to  him  by 
the -constitution  and  laws." 

When,  then,  has  the  President  "  assumed  the  exercise  of  a  power 
over  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  not  granted  to  him  by  the 
constitution  and  laws  ?"  It  has  not  been  contended  that,  since  the 
appointment  of  the  new  secretary,  any  money  has  been  drawn  from 
the  public  treasury,  but  by  his  direction.  His  report  before  the 
Senate  shows  that  the  deposits  were  changed  by  his  orders,  and 
gives  to  Congress  his  reasons  for  the  act ;  though  it  should  be 
borne  constantly  in  mind,  that  the  change  of  the  deposits  took  not 
one  dollar  from  the  treasury. 

It  was,  if  I  may  be  allowed  the  expression,  the  mere  change  of 
the  location  of  the  chest,  or  the  strong  box ;  it  was  not  the  use  of 
the  treasurer's  key ;  it  was  not  taking  any  thing  from  the  treasury, 
or  subtracting  anything  from  the  amount  for  which  he  stood 


288  SPEECH    ON 

chargeable  to  the  country.  The  power  was  exercised  over  the  place 
for  keeping  the  treasury,  not  over  the  money  itself. 

The  foregoing  remarks  seem  to  establish  conclusively  the  follow 
ing  propositions : — 

That  the  President  "  assumed  the  exercise  of  a  power"  over  the 
late  secretary  of  the  treasury,  by  removing  him  from  office,  as  he 
had  a  constitutional  right  to  do. 

That  he  "  assumed  the  exercise  of  a  power"  granted  to  him  in 
terms  by  the  constitution,  to  appoint,  "  during  the  recess  of  the 
Senate,"  the  present  secretary,  to  1511  the  vacancy  occasioned  by 
the  removal  of  the  late  secretary. 

That  he  has  not  "  assumed  the  exercise  of  a  power  over  the  treas 
ury  of  the  United  States,"  or  over  the  treasurer  of  the  United  States, 
of  any  description  whatever. 

That  he  has  not  "  assumed  the  exercise"  of  any  power  in  refer 
ence  to  the  subject  of  the  resolution,  "  not  granted  to  him  by  the 
constitution  and  laws."  I  might  here  safely  rest  my  argument 
upon  this  first  resolution,  merely  drawing  from  the  foregoing  propo 
sitions  the  natural  corollary — 

That  as  the  President  has  only  "  assumed  the  exercise"  of  powers 
expressly  granted  by  the  constitution,  he  has  not  "  assumed  the  ex 
ercise"  of  any  power  "  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people," 
unless  the  powers  granted  to  him  by  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  exercised  by  the  Presidents  of  the  United  States,  from 
the  commencement  of  the  Government  under  the  constitution  to  the 
present  time,  are  "  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people." 

But  I  feel  bound,  from  a  sense  of  respect  to  the  gentlemen  who 
advocate  the  resolution,  as  well  as  from  a  disposition  to  place  the 
whole  subject  in  a  clear  light  before  my  constituents  and  the  coun 
try,  to  notice  the  positions  taken  upon  the  other  side,  from  which 
the  inference  in  the  resolution  is  drawn,  that  the  President,  in 
changing  his  secretary,  has  "  assumed  the  exercise  of  a  power  not 
granted  to  him  by  the  constitution  and  laws." 

Neither  of  the  gentlemen  [Messrs.  Clay  and  Southard]  have  been 
understood  as  denying  the  constitutional  power  of  the  President  to 
remove  a  secretary  of  the  treasury,  but  the  attempt  seems  to  be  to 
prove  that  the  removal  of  the  late  secretary  was  made  under  cir 
cumstances  to  which  the  power  of  removal  does  not  extend. 

What  are  the  circumstances  upon  which  the  gentlemen  rely  to 


MR.  CLAY'S  RESOLUTIONS.  289 

take  this  case  out  of  the  general  power  of  removal  conferred  upon 
the  President  ?  I  take  their  own  statements. 

There  is  a  law  of  Congress  incorporating  the  stockholders  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States. 

The  law  directs  the  deposit  of  the  moneys  of  the  United  States 
with  the  bank ;  but  gives  to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  the  power 
to  change  that  deposit. 

The  President  thought  the  late  secretary  ought  to  exercise  that 
power,  and  divert  the  public  moneys  from  the  bank. 

The  secretary  thought  he  ought  not  to  exercise  the  power,  and 
refused  to  do  so. 

The  President  considered  the  execution  of  the  law  important  to  the 
country,  and  removed  the  secretary  who  refused  to  execute  it. 

Here  we  meet  with  what  has  been  harshly  termed  "  the  act  of 
persecution,  usurpation,  tyranny,  a  most  flagrant  violation  of  the 
constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  land,  an  assumption  of  the  exercise 
of  a  power  not  granted  to  him"  [the  President]  "  by  the  constitution 
and  laws,  and  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people." 

I  propose  to  look  at  this  state  of  facts,  at  the  constitution  and  the 
law,  and  then  to  test  the  applicability  of  these  strong  denunciations 
against  the  President  of  the  United  States  made  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States. 

The  positions  assumed  to  justify  the  conclusions  in  favor  of  the 
resolution  and  against  the  President,  are 

First.  That  the  removal  was  made  because  the  late  secretary 
refused  to  do  an  act  "  contraiy  to  his  sense  of  his  own  duty."  In 
other  words,  it  is  called  "  an  act  of  persecution  for  opinion's  sake." 

What  practical  meaning  has  this  position  ?  Was  ever  an  officer 
removed  where  the  cause  of  removal  did  not  exist  in  a  difference  of 
opinion  between  the  power  of  removal  and  the  agent  to  be  removed  ? 
where  the  agent  or  officer  did  not  refuse  to  do  an  act  which  the  re 
moving  power  thought  he  ought  to  do,  or  insist  upon  doing  an  act 
which  the  removing  power  thought  he  ought  not  to  do  ? 

I  answer,  there  is  but  one  possible  case  in  which  a  removal  from 
office  can  take  place,  without  a  cause,  in  one  shape  or  another, 
growing  out  of  these  differences  of  opinion  between  the  removing 
and  removed  officer ;  and  as  that  case  must  be  utter  incompetency, 
I  congratulate  the  advocates  of  the  resolution  upon  the  fact,  that 
they  are  not  compelled,  in  reference  to  the  late  secretary,  whom  they 
so  warmly  eulogize,  and  towards  whom  their  sympathies  are  so 

13 


290  SPEECH    OPT 

kindly  extended,  to  resort  to  this  cause  alone  for  his  removal ;  but 
are  able  to  show  that  a  difference  of  opinion  between  him  and  the 
President,  furnishes  a  probable  ground  for  his  loss  of  office.  Re 
moval,  "  for  opinion's  sake,"  then,  is  nothing  more  or  less  than  a 
removal  growing  out  of  a  difference  of  opinion  between  the  removing 
power  and  the  officer  to  be  removed. 

The  power  to  remove  is  admitted  ;  but  the  power  to  remove  on 
account  of  a  difference  of  opinion  between  the  removing  officer  and 
the  officer  to  be  removed,  is  denied. 

What  is  the  practical  effect  of  this  construction  of  the  power  of 
removal  conferred  by  the  constitution  upon  the  President  ?  It  is, 
that  he  may  remove  those  who  agree  with  him  in  opinion  ;  those 
who  are  willing  and  desirous  to  aid  his  measures  and  give  efficiency 
to  his  administration ;  those  with  whom  he  can  live  and  act  in  har 
mony  ;  his  political  and  personal  friends :  but  that  he  cannot  re 
move  those  who  differ  with  him  in  opinion ;  those  who  will  not  carry 
into  effect  the  measures  of  his  administration ;  those  who  are  per 
sonally  and  politically  hostile  to  him. 

I  shall  presently  examine  this  power,  and  see  if  its  proper  con 
struction  leads  to  such  absurdities. 

Secondly.  The  senator  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Clay]  lays  down 
the  distinct  proposition,  that  "  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  is  not  an 
executive  officer,  nor  is  the  treasury  department  an  executive  de 
partment." 

A  sufficient  answer,  in  legal  argument,  to  this  proposition  is,  that 
the  power  of  removal,  conferred  upon  the  President  by  the  consti 
tution,  extends  to  the  removal  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  whe 
ther  he  be  or  be  not  an  executive  officer,  and  whether  his  depart 
ment  be  or  be  not  an  executive  department ;  and  this  the  advocates 
of  the  resolution  admit.  The  whole  proposition,  therefore,  in  its 
application  here,  goes  merely  to  question  the  sufficiency  of  the  cause 
of  the  removal,  and  not  to  deny  the  constitutional  or  legal  power. 
[t  stands,  then,  with  the  proposition  just  examined,  in  this  respect, 
and  will  be  further  replied  to  when  the  power  of  removal  shall  be 
examined.  • 

I  cannot,  however,  be  understood  as  admitting  the  facts  assumed 
by  this  proposition,  "  that  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  is  not  an 
executive  officer,"  and  that  "  his  department  is  not  an  executive 
department." 

I  will  not,  however,  enter  in  detail  into  the  proofs  which  show 


MR.  CLAY'S  RESOLUTIONS.  291 

that  the  position,  in  every  sense,  is  mistaken  in  fact,  as  others  have 
already  fully  done  this  ;  but  will  content  myself  with  taking  a  very 
brief  view  of  the  position,  as  compared  with  the  provisions  of  the 
constitution  alone,  wholly  without  reference  to  the  laws  establishing 
and  regulating  the  department. 

The  senator  from  Kentucky  [Mr.  Clay]  read  from  the  President's 
communication  to  his  cabinet,  as  follows  : — 

"  Upon  him  [the  President]  has  been  devolved  by  the  constitution 
and  the  suffrages  of  the  American  people,  the  duty  of  superintend 
ing  the  operations  of  the  executive  departments  of  the  Government, 
and  seeing  that  the  laws  are  faithfully  executed." 

When  he  said,  "  This  I  deny  !  The  constitution  does  not  devolve 
these  duties  upon  the  President. 

"  The  laws  organizing  the  executive  departments,  except  the 
treasury  department,  put  these  departments  under  the  direction  of 
the  President ;  but  it  is  the  law,  not  the  constitution,  from  which  he 
derives  his  authority." 

We  will  see  what  the  constitution  does  confer  upon  the  Presi 
dent  in  relation  to  the  executive  departments.  It  reads  as  fol 
lows  : — 

"  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America." 

Now,  as  I  cannot  yield  to  the  force  of  the  comment  of  the  learned 
senator,  in  another  part  of  his  argument,  that  the  provision  in  the 
bank  charter,  "  that  the  business  of  the  institution  should  be  con 
ducted  by  a  board  of  directors,"  was  not  saying  "  that  all  the  busi 
ness  should  be  so  conducted,  I  must  be  permitted  to  believe  that  the 
constitution,  when  it  says, "  the  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a 
President  of  the  United  States  of  America,"  means  that  all  the  ex 
ecutive  power,  not  otherwise  expressly  granted,  shall  be  so  vested, 
and  not  that  a  part  of  it  only  should  pass  by  that  grant,  and  that  the 
residue  should  be  conferred  by  Congress,  to  which  body  as  a  Con 
gress,  that  instrument  gives  no  executive  power. 

The  only  grant  of  executive  power,  to  be  found  in  the  constitu 
tion,  other  than  that  above  quoted,  is  the  grant  to  the  Senate  in  rela 
tion  to  appointments  to  office  ;  and  as  this  last  grant  is  defined  and 
specific,  it  certainly  cannot  extend  to  an  executive  supervision  over 
the  executive  departments. 

If,  then,  the  treasury  department  be  an  executive  department,  the 
constitution  has  devolved  upon  the  President  the  duty  of  superin- 


292  SPEECH    ON 

tending  its  operations,  as  it  has  "  vested"  in  him  all  the  "  executive 
power"  of  the  Government,  except  the  specific  grant  to  the  Senate, 
relating  to  appointments. 

Is  the  treasury  department  an  executive  department  ?  The  du 
ties  of  it  are  executive.  The  head  of  it  is  appointed  as  the  execu 
tive  officers  are ;  is  made  one  of  the  constitutional  advisers  of  the 
executive ;  a  member  of  his  confidential  cabinet ;  and  is  bound  to 
give  his  opinion,  when  called  for,  in  any  matter  relating  to  the  ex 
ecutive  Government — the  characteristics  of  the  department,  therefore, 
are  purely  executive.  But,  if  not  executive,  to  which  of  the  other 
great  departments  does  it  belong  ?  The  constitution  has  created 
another,  called  the  legislative  department.  The  following  is  the 
provision : — 

"  All  legislative  powers  herein  granted,  shall  be  vested  in  a  Con 
gress  of  tb.e  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives." 

Surely,  the  treasury  department  can  find  no  place  under  this 
grant.  Its  duties  are  in  no  respect  legislative.  The  secretary  does 
not  receive  his  appointment  from  the  people,  the  states,  or  the  legis 
lature,  and  he  is  removable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  President,  but  not 
otherwise,  except  upon  an  impeachment  by  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  and  a  judgment  of  condemnation  by  the  Senate.  The  legis 
lature  cannot  remove  him. 

The  constitution  has  created  a  third  great  department  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  called  the  judicial  department.  The  following  is  the  pro 
vision  : — 

"The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in  one 
supreme  court,  and  in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may 
from  time  to  time  ordain  and  establish." 

The  treasury  department  certainly  is,  in  no  judicial  sense,  a 
court,  and  cannot,  therefore,  be  a  judicial  department. 

From  the  constitution  itself,  then,  it  appears,  that  the  treasury 
department  is  an  executive  department,  and  cannot  belong  to  either 
of  the  other  great  departments  into  which  that  instrument  has  di 
vided  all  the  powers  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

That  Congress  has  not  the  power,  by  the  constitution,  to  establish 
a  similar  department,  and  divest  it  of  the  executive  character  given 
to  all  those  departments  by  the  constitutional  disposition  of  the  gov 
ernmental  powers. 

That  the  constitution  has  vested  in  the  President  of  the  United 


MR.    CLAY  S    RESOLUTIONS.  293 

States  "  the  executive  power,"  and  by  virtue  of  that  grant  of  power, 
has  devolved  upon  him  "  the  duty  of  superintending  the  operations 
of  the  executive  departments  of  the  Government." 

I  am  discharged,  therefore,  from  all  necessity  of  an  examination 
of  the  laws  relative  to  this  department,  as  they  surely  will  be  so 
construed  as  to  make  them  conform  to  the  constitution,  unless  pro 
visions  shall  be  found  wholly  irreconcilable  to  it,  and  no  such  pro 
visions  have  been  pointed  out. 

What  then  is  this  supervisory  power  of  the  President  over  the 
executive  departments  ? 

The  constitution  answers  in  the  following  language : — 

"  He  [the  President]  shall  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully 
executed." 

In  what  manner  is  he  to  do  this  ?  The  senator  from  Kentucky 
[Mr.  Clay]  contends,  that  this  clause  of  the  constitution  only  means 
"  that  if  resistance  to  the  law  be  made,  the  President  shall  see  that 
such  resistance  be  overcome."  The  senator  considers  the  power 
as  intimately  connected  with  the  power  to  call  out  the  militia  to 
enforce  the  laws,  and  as  going  no  farther  than  to  oppose  and  to 
overcome  resistance  against  the  execution  of  a  law.  This  would 
confound  this  most  important  duty  of  the  President  with  his  powers 
and  duties  arising  under  the  various  laws  which  have  been  passed 
"  to  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of  the 
Union,  suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  invasions;"  powers  and 
duties  strictly  military,  and  derived  by  the  President,  not  from  the 
constitution,  but  from  laws  of  Congress  passed  in  pursuance  of  the 
power  given  to  that,  body  by  the  provision  of  the  constitution  above 
recited. 

With  proper  submission  to  the  views  of  the  honorable  senator,  I 
think  it  most  clear  that  the  power  in  question  is  wholly  of  a  civil 
character,  and  that  the  duty  imposed  pertains  exclusively  to  the 
executive  power  of  the  President.  It  enjoins  upon  him  constant 
vigilance  over  all  the  civil  affairs  of  the  Government.  "  He  shall 
take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed."  It  may  be  inquired, 
"  Suppose  he  meets  with  a  refusal  on  the  part  of  the  officer  to  do 
his  duty  and  to  execute  the  laws,  how  is  he  to  enforce  obedience  ?" 
I  answer — not  by  calling  out  the  militia  upon  the  officer,  but  by 
promptly  removing  him  from  his  office,  where  that  power  is  in  his 
hands,  and,  where  it  is  not,  by  laying  the  facts  before  the  House  of 
Representatives,  t-  the  end  that  an  impeachment  may  remove  him 


294  SPEECH    ON 

It  is  unquestionably  for  this  purpose  that  the  wisdom  of  the  conven 
tion  vested  "  the  executive  power"  in  the  President ;  and  this  ap 
parent  necessity  which  induced  the  decision  by  the  first  Congress 
under  the  constitution,  that  the  power  of  removal  from  office  was  a 
part  of  the  executive  power,  and  was  in  the  hands  of  the  executive. 

The  senator  from  New  Jersey  [Mr.  Southard]  was  understood  to 
contend,  that  the  cause  of  the  removal,  operating  upon  the  mind  of 
the  President  to  induce  the  act,  was  material  to  the  constitutionality 
or  unconstitutionally,  legality  or  illegality,  of  the  act  of  removal. 
Indeed,  I  am  unable  to  discover  the  force  of  this  argument,  as  made 
by  the  senator,  and  as  applicable  to  the  resolution,  unless  he  in 
tended  to  give  it  this  direction.  The  resolution  charges,  that  the 
President  has  "  assumed  the  exercise  of  a  power"  "  not  granted  to 
him  by  the  constitution  and  laws ;"  and  the  senator  expressly  ad 
mitted  the  power,  in  some  cases,  to  remove,  and  denied  it  in  the  case 
recited  in  the  resolution,  upon  the  ground  that  the  cause  of  the  re 
moval  was  insufficient  to  justify  the  act. 

This  brings  me  to  an  examination  of  this  power  of  removal.  Ita 
existence  in  the  President  has  not  only  been  before  shown,  but  is 
admitted  to  some  extent,  by  all  the  advocates  of  the  resolution. 
What,  then,  is  the  extent  of  this  power  ? 

The  power  itself  was  decided,  by  the  first  Congress  convened 
under  the  constitution,  to  exist  in,  and  to  be  derived  from,  that  in 
strument,  as  a  necessary  part  of  "  the  executive  power"  vested  in 
the  President.  As  such  it  has  been  exercised  by  every  executive 
under  the  constitution. 

This  instrument  imposes  no  limitation  whatever  upon  the  power, 
other  than  the  liability  to  impeachment  for  any  abuse  of  that,  as 
well  as  of  any  other  power  conferred  upon  the  executive,  which 
shall  amount  to  a  high  crime  or  misdemeanor.  The  cause  of  the 
act  of  removal,  therefore,  as  the  motive  which,  in  the  mind  of  the 
executive,  induced  it,  is  not  a  constitutional  limit  upon  the  exercise 
of  the  power,  but  a  mere  test  of  the  liability  incurred  in  its  exercise 
in  any  given  case. 

It  follows,  then,  that  if  the  President,  so  far  as  the  constitution  is 
concerned,  has  power  to  remove  the  officer  for  good  cause,  a  remo 
val  of  him  for  an  insufficient  cause,  or  from  a  bad  motive,  does  not 
make  the  act  unconstitutional ;  the  cause  and  the  motive  having  re 
lation  only  to  the  liability  of  the  executive  to  an  impeachment,  and 
not  to  the  validity  of  the  act  of  removal. 


295 

It  remains  to  inquire,  whether  any  law  of  Congress  has  restrict 
ed  this  power,  or  connected  its  exercise  with  the  cause  or  motive 
which  leads  to  it.  The  very  remark  shows  what  the  answer  must 
be,  as  the  power,  being  derived  solely  from  the  constitution,  and 
boing  unlimited  by  that  instrument,  any  law  which  should  impose 
limits  would  bs  unconstitutional.  But  without  resting  upon  this 
answer,  my  research  has  not  enabled  me  to  find  any  such  law ;  the 
advocates  of  the  resolution  have  referred  to  no  such  law ;  and  I  be 
lieve  I  am  safe  in  saying  that  no  law  has  ever  been  passed,  assum 
ing  to  impose  restrictions  or  limitations  upon  the  executive  power 
of  removal  from  office  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury.  Any  remo 
val  of  that  officer  by  the  President,  therefore,  whether  made  in 
consequence  of  a  difference  of  opinion  between  the  officers,  or  from 
whatever  cause — whether  he  be  denominated  an  executive  officer, 
or  be  not — cannot  either  be  unconstitutional  or  illegal. 

As  to  this  first  resolution,  then,  I  now  come  to  the  following  con 
clusive  and  simple  propositions : — 

The  resolution  charges  the  President  with  having  "  assumed  the 
exercise  of  a  power  over  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  not 
granted  to  him  by  the  constitution  and  laws,  and  dangerous  to  the 
liberties  of  the  people." 

The  charge  is  based  upon  the  assumed  facts,  that  the  late  secre 
tary  was  removed  from  office,  "  because  he  would  not,  contrary  to 
his  sense  of  his  own  duty,  remove  the  money  of  the  United  States, 
in  deposit  with  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  and  its  branches,  in  con 
formity  with  the  President's  opinion ;"  and  that  his  successor,  the 
present  secretary,  was  appointed  to  "  effect  such  removal,  which 
has  been  done." 

The  conclusions  are  : — 

That  the  President  has,  by  the  constitution,  the  power  of  removal 
of  a  secretary  of  the  treasury,  wholly  without  limitation,  he  being 
liable  to  an  impeachment  for  a  criminal  exercise  of  the  power. 

That  he  has,  by  the  constitution,  the  unlimited  power  to  appoint, 
"  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,"  a  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
whenever  that  office  shall  be  vacant,  he  being  also  liable  to  impeach 
ment  for  a  criminal  exercise  of  this  power. 

That  neither  the  removal  from  office  of  a  secretary  of  the  treas 
ury,  nor  the  appointment  of  a  successor  to  fill  the  vacancy,  is  an 
assumption  of  "  the  exercise  of  a  power  over  the  treasury  of  the 
United  States ;"  or,  if  it  is, 


296  SPEECH  ON 


That  k  is  "  the  exercise  of  a  power  over  the  treasury  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,"  vested  in  the  President  by  the  constitution,  as  necessa 
rily  growing  out  of  his  unrestrained  power  of  removal,  and  his 
equally  unrestrained  power  "  to  fill  any  vacancies  that  may  happen 
during  the  recess  of  the  Senate." 

Here  I  leave  this  first  resolution,  repeating,  that  any  action  of  the 
Senate  upon  it,  other  than  in  its  judicial  capacity,  will  be  a  flagrant 
violation  of  the  constitution  ;  that  considered  legislatively,  it  is 
wholly  irrelevant  to  the  subject  before  the  Senate  ;  that  it  is  entirely 
erroneous  in  its  assumptions  of  fact  and  conclusions  of  law  ;  and 
that  any  acts  of  the  President  to  which  it  alludes,  wholly  fail  to 
justify  the  harsh  terms  which  have  been  applied  to  them  by  the  ad 
vocates  of  the  resolution. 

But  we  are  still  called  upon  to  vote  for  this  resolution  ;  and  who, 
Mr.  President,  is  it  upon  whom  the  sentence  of  the  Senate  is  thus 
to  be  passed  without  a  trial  ?  The  officer,  sir,  is  none  other  than 
the  chief  executive  officer  of  the  Government  —  the  President  of  the 
United  States  ;  he  whom  the  people  elected  to  that  high  station,  by 
their  free  suffrages,  against  the  popularity  and  power  of  a  compet 
itor  holding  the  office,  and  wielding  its  patronage  —  a  patronage  now 
represented  to  be  so  immense  and  irresistible  and  dangerous  ;  —  and 
wielding  it  too  with  the  aid  of  skilful  and  experienced  advisers.  It 
is  no  other  than  that  President,  who  after  four  years  of  official  trial 
before  the  people,  was  re-elected  against  another  competitor,  select 
ed  from  among  the  distinguished  of  his  countrymen,  for  his  supe 
rior  hold  upon  the  popular  feeling  of  the  country,  and  re-elected, 
too,  by  a  vote  more  decisive  than  any  which  had  ever  before  marked 
the  result  of  a  long  and  severe  political  contest.  Such,  Mr.  Pres 
ident,  is  the  officer  —  I  had  like  to  have  said,  —  upon  his  trial.  No, 
sir,  it  is  not  so  —  who  is  not  to  be  allowed  a  trial  ;  but  who  is  about 
to  receive  the  condemnatory  sentence  of  the  Senate  unheard. 

Who,  sir,  is  the  man,  the  citizen  of  our  republic,  upon  whom  we 
are  about  to  pronounce  our  high  censures  ?  Is  it  Andrew  Jackson  ? 
Is  it  that  Andrew  Jackson,  who,  in  his  boyhood,  was  found  in  the 
blood-stained  fields  of  the  Revolution  ?  Who  came  out  from  that 
struggle  the  last  living  member  of  his  family  ?  Who,  when  the 
sound  to  arms  again  called  our  citizens  around  the  flag  of  our  coun 
try,  posted  himself  upon  the  defenceless  frontiers  of  the  South  and 
West,  and  bared  his  own  bosom  to  the  tomahawks  and  scalping- 
knives,  sharpened  for  the  blood  of  unprotected  women  and  children  ? 


MR.  CLAY'S  RESOLUTIONS.  297 

Who  turned  back  from  the  city  of  the  West,  the  confident  advance 
of  a  ruthless,  and  until  then,  unsubdued  enemy,  and  closed  the  sec 
ond  war  against  American  liberty  in  a  blaze  of  glory,  which  time 
will  not  extinguish  ?  Who,  when  peace  was  restored  to  his  be 
loved  country,  turned  his  spear  into  a  pruning  hook,  and  retired  to 
his  Hermitage,  until  the  spontaneous  voice  of  his  fellow-citizens 
called  him  forth  to  receive  their  highest  honors,  and  to  become  the 
guardian  of  their  most  sacred  trust  ?  Is  this  the  man  who  is  to  be 
condemned  without  a  trial  ?  Who  is  not  entitled  to  the  privilege 
allowed  him  by  the  constitution  of  his  country  ?  Sir,  this  surely 
should  not  be  so.  For  the  very  act  which  saved  a  city  from  pillage 
and  destruction,  and  the  soil  of  his  country  from  the  tread  of  an 
invading  enemy,  this  individual  was  accused  of  a  violation  of  the 
constitution  and  laws  of  his  country.  For  the  very  act  which  en 
titled  him  to  the  proud  appellation  of  "  the  greatest  captain  of  the 
age,"  he  was  convicted  and  condemned  as  a  criminal.  But,  Mr. 
President,  he  was  not  then  denied  a  trial.  Then  he  was  permitted 
to  face  his  accusers,  to  hear  the  charges  preferred  against  him,  to 
offer  his  defence,  and  to  be  present  at  his  sentence.  In  gratitude 
for  these  privileges  of  a  freeman,  he  stayed  back  with  his  own  arm 
the  advancing  wave  of  popular  indignation,  while  he  bowed  his 
whitened  locks  to  the  sentence  of  the  law,  and  paid  the  penalty  im 
posed  upon  him  for  having  saved  and  honored  his  country. 

Grant  to  him,  I  beseech  you,  Mr.  President ;  I  beseech  the  Sen 
ate,  grant  to  that  old  man  the  privilege  of  a  trial  now.  Condemn 
him  not  unheard,  and  without  the  pretence  of  a  constitutional  ac 
cusation.  His  rivalships  are  ended.  He  asks  no  more  of  worldly 
honors.  "  He  has  done  the  state  some  service."  Age  has  crept 
upon  him  now,  and  he  approaches  the  grave.  Let  him  enjoy,  dur 
ing  the  short  remainder  of  his  stay  upon  earth,  the  right  secured 
to  him  by  the  constitution  he  has  so  often  and  so  gallantly  defended, 
and,  if  indeed,  he  be  criminal,  let  his  conviction  precede  his  sen 
tence. 

13* 


SPEECH  ON  THE.  TARIFF. 

[Delivered  in  the  United  States  Senate,  April  I9th  and  23rd,  1844.] 

[Mr.  McDuFFiE,  of  South  Carolina,  introduced  in  the  Senate  a 
bill  proposing  to  reduce  all  duties,  under  the  present  tariff  law, 
which  are  above  the  rate  of  20  per  cent.,  to  that  rate,  by  gradual 
reductions.  That  bill  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Finance, 
and  the  committee  reported  the  bill  back  to  the  Senate,  without 
amendment,  with  a  resolution  recommending  its  indefinite  postpone 
ment,  upon  the  ground  that  the  constitution  requires  that  all  such 
bills  shall  originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

The  question  being  upon  this  resolution,  reported  by  the  Com 
mittee  on  Finance,  Mr.  Bagby,  of  Alabama,  was  entitled  to  the 
floor,  and  he  yielded  it  to  Mr.  Wright.] 

Mr.  President :  My  honorable  friend  from  Alabama  is  entitled  to 
my  thanks  for  thus  generously  yielding  to  me  the  privilege  to  ad 
dress  the  Senate  at  this  time,  and  I  sincerely  tender  them  to  him. 

The  question  in  form,  is  the  bill  introduced  by  the  hororable  sen 
ator  from  South  Carolina,  [Mr.  McDuffie,]  and  the  resolution  of 
the  committee  proposing  its  indefinite  postponement ;  but  the  ques 
tion  in  fact,  and  to  which  the  discussion  has  been  principally  di 
rected,  is  the  modification,  in  any  form,  and  to  any  extent,  of  the 
present  tariff  law.  The  latter  is  the  question  it  is  my  exclusive 
object  and  purpose  to  discuss. 

In  reference  to  the  bill  referred  to,  and  the  resolution  of  the  com 
mittee  proposing  a  final  disposition  of  it,  I  will  merely  remark,  that 
the  difficulties  which  have  been  suggested  against  originating  such 
bills  in  the  Senate,  under  the  provision  of  the  constitution,  that  "  all 
bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,"  have  not  been  obviated  in  my  mind,  and  I  cannot  vote  for 
the  bill  of  the  honorable  senator  in  the  shape  in  which  he  has  pre 
sented  it. 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  299 

The  question  whether  any,  and  what,  modifications  ought  to  be 
made  to  the  present  tariff  law,  is  one  of  great  importance,  of  which 
I  am  not  insensible.  I  believe  I  feel  as  deeply  as  I  am  capable  of 
feeling,  its  magnitude  and  delicacy.  I  have  not  forgotten  that  it 
is  a  question  affecting  all  the  great  interests  of  the  country,  and,  to 
a  greater  or  less  extent,  the  private  interests  of  almost  every  citizen. 
I  am  not  insensible  that  it  intermixes  itself  with  the  political  feel 
ings,  as  well  as  interests,  of  parties  and  individuals ;  and  that,  at  a 
time  like  the  present,  pending  a  heated  political  canvass,  it  cannot 
be  kept  separated  from  the  prejudices  and  passions  which  such  a 
canvass  is  too  liable  to  excite.  Still,  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  dis 
cuss  the  question  fairly,  and  candidly,  and  fully,  and  that  duty  I  in 
tend  to  discharge.  I  shall  endeavor  to  regard  all  the  interests  and 
all  the  feelings  to  be  affected  by  the  discussion  ;  and  to  express  my 
opinions  without  reserve,  upon  all  the  points  I  shall  raise.  That  I 
shall  avoid  errors  I  dare  not  to  hope  ;  but  that  I  shall  be  able  to  ex 
press  myself  in  a  manner  not  to  give  just  offence  to  any  individual, 
or  to  any  interest,  and  much  less  to  any  member  of  the  Senate,  I 
do  earnestly  hope. 

The  manner  of  the  passage  of  the  present  tariff  law,  and  the  cir 
cumstances  which  attended  its  passage  through  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  and  especially  through  the  Senate,  gave  the  fullest  as 
surance  to  the  country  that  some,  at  least,  who  voted  for  it,  did  not 
expect  it  would  produce  content  and  quiet  in  the  ^public  mind,  or 
that  it  could  be  permanent.  I  was  one  of  those  who  entertained 
these  anticipations  in  regard  to  that  law,  at  the  time  of  its  passage, 
and  I  gave  expression  to  them  upon  that  occasion.  After  I  found 
my  efforts,  and  those  of  all  others,  to  remedy  its  manifest  defects, 
must  be  ineffectual,  and  that  the  law  must  pass  as  it  was,  or  not  at 
all,  my  conclusion  to  vote  for  it  was  one  of  the  most  reluctant  I  had 
ever  formed  as  to  the  discharge  of  a  public  duty  ;  and  I  could  not 
consent  to  give  that  vote,  without  placing  upon  record  the  reasons 
for  it,  and  an  assurance  of  my  future  readiness,  whenever  the  op 
portunity  should  present,  to  correct  the  errors  which  I  felt  convinced 
were  prevalent  in  the  provisions  of  the  act.  That  assurance  was 
distinctly  given  in  the  remarks  to  which  I  refer.  It  has  never 
been  forgotten  by  me,  nor  have  I  been  permitted  to  forget  it ;  for 
my  friends,  and  especially  the  honorable  senator  from  New  Hamp 
shire,  [Mr.  Woodbury,]  have  been  careful  to  remind  me  of  it  in  tlier 
course  of  this  debate,  for  which  I  thank  them. 


300  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

Among  the  reasons  then  given  for  my  vote,  I  beg  to  bring  the 
recollection  of  the  Senate  to  that  of  a  suspension  of  the  distribution 
of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands.  That  reason  alone  was  most 
powerful  with  me,  and  most  especially  so  as  connected  with  the 
legislation  of  Congress  of  this  character.  I  considered  that  a  meas 
ure  directly  calculated,  if  not  intended,  to  produce  the  necessity  lor 
high  duties ;  and  its  continuance,  even  for  a  few  years,  appeared  to 
me  strongly  to  threaten  to  make  that  necessity  perpetual,  by  making 
the  repeal  or  suspension  of  that  law  impossible.  I  should,  there 
fore,  have  voted  for  an  otherwise  very  bad  law,  to  accomplish  that 
£reat  good.  My  other  reasons  were  connected  with  the  then  state 
of  the  treasury,  the  condition  of  the  public  credit,  and  our  rapidly 
accumulating  national  debt ;  and  I  will  content  myself  with  a  sim 
ple  reference  to  them,  as  then  given. 

In  proceeding  with  this  discussion,  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  forget 
the  character  and  extent  of  the  various  interests  it  is  my  duty  to 
represent,  in  legislating  upon  this  subject.  The  mechanical  and 
manufacturing  interests  of  the  state  of  New  York  are  second  to 
those  in  few  of  the  states  of  the  Union.  They  exist  to  a  large  ex 
tent,  and  in  almost  all  their  varieties,  in  that  state,  and  are  rapidly 
increasing  and  very  important  interests. 

The  commercial  interest  of  the  state  is  very  far  greater  than  the 
same  interest  in  any  other  of  the  states,  and  the  enterprise  and  en 
ergy  engaged  in  it  are  certainly  second  to  none.  Its  health  and 
prosperity  are  highly  essential  to  the  well  being  of  all  the  other 
great  interests  of  the  state  and  country,  and  they  should  not  fail  to 
command  the  careful  attention  of  every  representative  from  the 
state  in  Congress. 

The  agricultural  interest  of  the  state  is  the  basis  of  all  the  others, 
and  is  paramount  to  all  in  extent  and  importance.  Represent 
what  else  he  may,  every  representative  from  the  state,  out  of  her 
principal  city,  represents  an  agricultural  interest  greater  than  any 
and  all  others,  and  of  which  not  one  of  them  can,  or  will,  be  un 
mindful.  The  agricultural  interest  of  New  York  is  a  less  exclusive 
interest  than  in  some  of  the  other  states ;  but  it  is  second  in  extent 
of  capital,  and  in  importance,  to  the  same  interest  in  few,  if  any,  of 
the  states. 

The  great  interest  of  labor,  as  an  independent  interest,  distinct 
and  separate  from  capital,  exists  as  much  more  extensively  in  this 
state  than  any  other,  as  the  population  of  the  state  exceeds  that  of 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  301 

any  other.  This  interest  exists  in  all  the  others,  pervades  them  all 
equally,  and  is  equally  indispensable  to  them  all.  So  far,  therefore, 
as  it  is  to  be  affected  by  this  legislation,  it  is  paramount  to  them  all, 
and  presents  an  equal  claim  to  the  watchful  care  of  every  repre 
sentative,  come  from  what  state,  or  from  what  part  of  any  state,  he 
may. 

Such  is  a  brief  view  of  the  great  interests  addressing  themselves 
to  me  when  called  upon  to  act  upon  the  subject  of  the  tariff.  Such 
are  the  interests  to  which  I  acknowledge  direct  responsibility  for 
my  action  here  ;  and  to  assume  that  I  do,  or  can  feel,  hostility  to 
wards  any  one  of  them,  would  be  to  assume,  that  I  do  and  can  en 
tertain  most  unnatural  feelings,  without  the  slightest  possible  foun 
dation  for  them.  In  proportion  to  the  existence  of  these  great  in 
terests  in  the  state,  I  am,  so  far  as  I  know,  equally  indebted  to  all. 
My  personal  relations  towards  all  have  ever  been  equally  amicable  ; 
my  personal  interests  are  intimately  connected  with  the  prosperity 
and  success  of  all ;  and  if  my  personal  feelings  are  partial  to  any 
one,  to  the  prejudice  of  any  other  of  them,  I  am  entirely  unconscious 
of  the  fact.  So  far  as  I  know  myself,  I  am  equally  disposed  to  do 
justice  to  every  one  of  these  interests,  and  if  the  opinions  I  shall 
express,  and  the  policy  I  shall  recommend,  shall  prove  me  mistaken 
in  fact,  I  certainly  am  not  in  the  intention.  There  may  be  points 
of  conflict  between  these  great  interests,  touching  our  legislation 
of  this  character ;  but  I  lay  it  down  as  a  rule  which  cannot  be  mis 
taken,  that  the  law  affecting  all,  which  is  best  for  all  collectively, 
is  the  best  and  wisest  law  for  each  interest  separately  considered  ; 
for  it  is  impossible  that  either  can  derive  permanent  benefit  from 
that  measure  which  shall  inflict  permanent  injury  upon  any  other. 
Intending  to  preserve  the  strictest  observance  of  this  rule,  I  will 
proceed  to  the  discussion. 

And  I  will  premise,  that  it  is  the  settled  and  determined  policy  of 
the  Government  and  people  of  this  country  to  raise,  by  duties  upon 
imports,  so  much  revenue  as  the  public  treasury  shall  require,  and 
the  wants  of  the  Government,  economically  administered,  shall  de 
mand,  beyond  the  permanent  receipts  from  the  public  lands.  This, 
I  believe,  is  a  position  assented  to  by  all,  practically  speaking. 
There  may  be  individuals  who  believe  it  would  be  more  equal,  and 
more  economical,  to  raise  this  revenue  by  direct  taxation  upon  the 
property  of  the  country,  as  a  theoretical  proposition ;  but  I  do  not 
suppose  that  a  single  individual  in  the  whole  country  contemplates 


302  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

a  change  from  this  indirect,  to  a  system  of  direct,  taxation,  to  raise 
the  revenues  necessary  for  the  support  of  this  Government,  in  a 
time  of  peace.  I  certainly  contemplate  no  such  change ;  and  I 
should  consider  any  proposition  to  effect  it  unwise,  inexpedient,  and 
wholly  inadmissible. 

Assuming,  therefore,  that  this  portion  of  our  necessary  revenues 
are  to  be  raised  by  imposts,  as  a  permanent  and  settled  system,  I  will 
first  lay  down  the  rules  by  which  I  think  those  imposts  should  be 
graduated,  and  by  which  I  consider  the  right  and  the  claim  to  pro 
tection,  on  the  part  of  any  interest  to  be  limited,  before  I  examine 
the  present  tariff  law  with  reference  to  modifications. 

First,  then,  every  duty  upon  a  protected  article  is  necessarily 
protective  to  some  extent  It  serves  to  give  an  advantage  to  the 
producer  of  the  article  in  this  country  over  the  foreign  producer,  in 
the  markets  of  this  country ;  because  the  foreign  article  must  pay 
the  duty,  and  the  domestic  article  does  not.  In  this  respect,  it  is 
immaterial  whether  the  producer  of  the  article  in  the  foreign  coun 
try,  or  the  consumer  of  it  in  this,  pay  the  duty.  If  the  former  pay 
it,  he  sells  his  article  at  a  less  profit,  or  at  a  loss,  in  consequence  ; 
while,  if  the  domestic  consumer  pay  the  duty,  it  is  because  it  adds  to 
the  market  value  of  the  article  in  this  country ;  and  in  either  case, 
the  domestic  producer  reaps  the  advantage. 

SecoTid.  Every  duty  is  necessarily  prohibitory  to  some  extent. 
Any  branch  of  trade  wholly  free  from  taxation  will  necessarily  be 
entered  into  more  readily,  and  carried  on  more  extensively  than 
when  taxed ;  though  light  duties  will  exert  a  much  less  proportion 
ate  prohibitory  influence  than  heavy  ones.  The  capital  required 
will  be  increased  in  about  the  proportion  of  the  duties  assessed,  be 
cause  the  importer  must  pay  the  duties  before  he  can  offer  his  goods 
in  the  market ;  and  when  the  duties  are  made  heavy,  the  hazards 
of  the  trade  are  greatly  increased,  from  the  increased  outlay  of 
capital,  and  the  increased  risk  of  finding  consumers  at  greatly  en 
hanced  prices.  Hence  the  greater  proportionate  prohibitory  action 
of  high  duties. 

Third.  Every  duty  is  a  revenue,  as  contradistinguished  from  a 
protective  duty,  so  long  as  its  revenue  are  paramount  to  its  prohib 
itory  powers.  That  rate  of  duty,  upon  any  given  article  of  import, 
which  will  yield  the  largest  amount  of  revenue,  is  the  highest  rev 
enue  duty  which  that  article  will  bear,  and  affords  the  highest  pro 
tection  which  can  be  given  to  the  article,  when  of  domestic  produc- 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  303 

tion,  consistently  with  the  object  of  raising  revenue.  Any  less  rate 
of  duty  upon  the  same  article  is,  of  course,  within  the  revenue 
range,  and  is  a  revenue  duty,  though  not  the  highest  which  may  be 
imposed  to  raise  revenue.  Up  to  that  highest  rate,  the  only  way  to 
increase  the  amount  of  revenue  to  be  derived  from  the  importation 
of  the  article  is  to  increase  the  rate  of  the  duty.  Within  this  range, 
the  protection  afforded  is  incidental  to  the  revenue  power  of  the 
duty ;  and  if  the  revenue  be  required,  the  protection  is  a  necessary 
and  unavoidable  incident,  and  cannot  afford  just  ground  of  com 
plaint  to  any  interest.  This  I  consider  the  true  limit  of  the  right 
and  claim  to  protection. 

Fourth.  Every  duty  is  a  protective,  as  contradistinguished  from 
a  revenue  duty,  when  its  prohibitory  become  paramount  to  its  rev 
enue  powers.  Raise  the  duty  upon  the  given  article  above  the 
highest  revenue  rate  assumed  under  the  last  head,  and  the  importa 
tions  of  the  article  will  be  either  wholly  prohibited,  or  so  greatly 
diminished,  that  the  amount  of  revenue  derived  will  be  less,  though 
the  rate  of  duty  paid  is  greater.  If  the  prohibition  be  perfect,  there 
will  be  no  revenue.  In  either  of  these  cases,  the  protection  to  the 
domestic  article  is  greater  than  before  supposed ;  but  it  is  obtained 
at  the  sacrifice  of  revenue,  not  as  incidental  to  it.  The  prohibitory 
have  become  paramount  to  the  revenue  powers  of  the  duty.  The 
positions  are  reversed ;  and  the  revenue  derived,  if  any,  has  become 
a  mere  incident  to  the  protection  afforded.  This  is  making  protec 
tion  the  principal,  and  revenue  the  incident.  It  is  exercising  the 
power  which  the  constitution  has  given  to  Congress,  "  to  lay  and 
collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,"  not  to  put  money  in  the 
public  treasury,  but  to  prohibit  imports,  and  diminish  the  revenue 
for  the  sake  of  the  protection  afforded.  I  am  compelled  to  consider 
it  a  very  questionable  exercise,  both  'in  principle  and  expediency,  of 
these  taxing  powers. 

It  follows,  from  these  positions,  that  free  trade  is  the  absence  of 
duties,  and  prohibition  the  destruction  of  revenue,  either  of  which 
will  equally  destroy  our  system  of  revenue  from  imposts,  and  force 
a  resort  to  direct  taxation ;  that  a  fairly  arranged  system  of  revenue 
duties  is  the  medium  between  these  extremes  ;  and  that  such  a  sys 
tem  will  necessarily  extend  to  our  domestic  interests  an  amount  of 
incidental  protection  equal  to  the  whole  amount  of  the  revenue 
required  from  this  source,  and  still  leave  a  healthful  and  stable 
foreign  trade. 


304  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

I  hope  I  shall  be  understood)  and  that  I  have  been  able  to  express 
the  opinions  I  entertain  upon  these  points.  If  so,  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  articles  upon  which  the  requisite  amount  of  revenue  should 
be  assessed  and  collected)  and  the  rates  of  duty  to  be  imposed  upon 
each,  within  the  revenue  range,  are,  in  my  opinion,  entirely  within 
the  discretion  of  the  Legislature,  as  a  question  of  principle.  Con 
gress  has  always  allowed  the  importation  of  some  articles  free  of 
duty,  and  its  right  to  do  so  has  never  been  questioned.  Can  there 
be  any  more  question  of  its  right  to  impose  one  rate  of  duty  upon 
one  article,  and  a  different  rate  upon  another,  keeping  within  the 
revenue  limit  in  all  cases  ?  I  think  not.  The  imposition  of  duties 
to  prohibit  trade,  and  defeat  revenue,  appear  to  me  to  be  the  ground 
of  complaint  and  question  ;  not  the  imposition  of  duties  to  raise  and 
collect  revenue,  although  more  heavy  upon  one  article  than  an 
other. 

The  power  to  discriminate,  then,  as  to  the  articles  to  be  taxed, 
and  as  to  the  rate  of  tax  to  be  imposed  upon  each,  within  the  range 
of  revenue  duties,  I  consider  perfect  and  unquestionable ;  and  whe 
ther  it  should  be  exercised  to  favor  necessaries  at  the  expense  of 
luxuries,  the  poor  at  the  expense  of  the  rich,  to  extend  incidental 
protection  to  a  domestic  interest  against  the  too  strong  competition 
of  a  foreign  competing  interest,  or  for  any  similar  object,  appear  to 
me  to  be  questions  purely  of  legislative  discretion,  and  not  at  all  of 
constitutional  power.  I  think  this  point  has  been  obscured  by  con 
founding  the  limit  of  the  power  with  the  object  of  its  exercise.  I 
do  liot  admit  the  rightful  exercise  of  the  power,  beyond  the  revenue 
limit,  for  any  object ;  and  within  that  limit,  I  admit  it  for  all  objects, 
within  the  reach  of  legislative  discretion.  In  this  way  the  argu 
ment  is  disembarrassed  from  all  the  difficulties  which  have  been 
thrown  out,  about  recommending  discrimination  for  one  object,  and 
denying  the  power  to  exert  it  for  another.  It  is  a  power  which, 
thus  limited,  may  be  greatly  abused.  It  may  be  exercised  against 
necessaries  to  favor  luxuries ;  against  the  poor  to  favor  the  rich  ; 
against  the  protection  of  domestic  interests  to  favor  foreign  pro 
ducers  ;  or  in  any  other  perverted  manner ;  but  such  liability  to 
abuse  does  not  disprove  the  existence  of  the  power. 

A  single  remark  further  will  bring  me  to  an  examination  of  the 
practical  operations  of  the  present  law  upon  the  trade  and  business 
of  the  country.  It  is,  that,  because  the  rule  laid  down  recognizes 
the  highest  rates  of  duty  consistent  with  revenue  to  be  the  proper 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  305 

limit  of  legislative  discretion  in  arranging  and  imposing  duties,  it 
does  not  follow  that  this  limit  is  always  to  be  reached  in  fixing  the 
rates  of  duty.  The  state  of  the  public  treasury  and  the  wants  of 
the  Government  for  proper  expenditure,  are  to  control  that  discre 
tion  within  this  limit.  No  more  revenue  should  be  drawn  from  the 
pockets  of  the  people  than  the  economical  administration  of  this 
Government  renders  indispensable.  While  the  revenue  limit  can 
never  be  exceeded  to  obtain  revenue,  because  duties  above  that  line 
prohibit  importations  so  as  to  diminish  revenue,  so  duties  should 
never  be  imposed,  within  that  line,  for  the  mere  sake  of  the  inci 
dental  protection,  when  the  money  to  be  realized  from  the  tax  is  not 
required  for  the  public  service. 

With  these  limitations  kept  constantly  in  view,  I  am  now  pre 
pared  to  enter  upon  an  examination  of  the  present  tariff  law,  in  its 
practical  action  upon  the  foreign  commerce  of  the  country,  as 
shown  by  the  custom-house  returns  made  to  the  treasury  depart 
ment,  and  the  tables  of  commerce  and  navigation  for  some  few 
years  past.  In  the  statements  I  propose  to  make,  and  the  results  I 
have  arrived  at,  I  depend  mainly  upon  the  documents  I  find  ap 
pended  to  a  report  of  the  committee  of  ways  and  means  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  made  to  the  House  on  the  llth  of  March 
last.  Tliis  report  has  been  laid  upon  the  tables  of  the  members  of 
the  Senate,  and  is  therefore  within  the  reach  of  every  senator.  I 
first  refer  them  to  "  Appendix  A,"  which  shows  that  the  whole 
amount  of  the  importations,  for  the  year  commencing  on  the  first  of 
October,  1842,  and  ending  on  the  30th  September, 

1843,  was $89,260,895 

That  of  these  imports,  the  free  articles  amounted  to  40.470,961 


Leaving  the  amount  of  articles  paying  duty  at        -        48,789,934 
Of  these  dutiable  goods,  those  re-exported,  with  a  draw 
back  of  the  duty,  were     W-,    •*''•    4"      ~-*       .?          4,363,440 


Thus  leaving,  for  the  consumption  of  the  country,  and 

to  pay  duty,  in  fact,  but 44,426.494 


The  present  tariff  law  was  approved  by  the  President  on  the  30th 
August,  1842  ;  so  that  the  year  above  given  is  the  first  and  only  one 
in  which  its  practical  operation  upon  the  trade  of  the  country  can 
be  tested  by  the  returns. 

A  comparison  of  this  year's  business  with  the  total  and  duti- 


306  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

able  importations  of  the  six  previous  years  will  give  a  general  view 
of  the  diminution  of  our  trade  under  this  law.  The  importations  of 
those  six  years  were  as  follows  : — 


Years. 

Free  of  duty. 

Paying  duty. 

Total  importations. 

1837 

$69,250,031 

$71,739,186 

$140,989,217 

1838 

60,860,005 

52,857,399 

113,717,404 

1839 

76,401,792 

85,690,340 

162,092,132 

1840 

57,196,204 

49,945,315 

107,141.519 

1841 

66,019,731 

61,926,446 

127,946,177 

1842 

30,627,486 

69,534,601 

100,162,087 

An  examination  of  these  figures  will  show  that  the  entire  importa 
tions  of  the  single  year,  under  the  present  law,  are  nearly  eleven 
milionsless  than  the  importations  of  1842,  which  was  very  much 
the  lowest  of  tho  six  y«ars ;  and  almost  seventy-three  millions  below 
the  importations  of  1839,  the  highest  of  those  years.  The  changes 
in  the  character  of  the  importations  will  still  more  clearly  exhibit 
the  influence  of  this  law  upon  the  trade.  Under  the  compromise 
act,  the  class  of  free  articles  was  very  large,  and  during  the  whole 
period  of  the  operation  of  that  law,  about  one-half  of  the  entire 
importations,  as  an  average,  were  free  of  duty.  That  will  be  re 
marked  as  to  five  of  the  six  years,  by  a  reference  to  the  figures 
given  above — the  advantage  being  about  seven  millions  on  the  side 
of  the  free  goods. 

On  the  llth  of  September,  1841,  an  act  was  passed  "  relating  to 
duties  and  drawbacks,"  which  imposed  a  duty  of  20  per  cent,  upon 
all  free  articles,  and  all  articles  then  paying  a  less  duty,  with  cer 
tain  enumerated  exceptions,  the  principal  of  which  are  tea  and 
coffee^  raw  and  undressed  hides  and  skins,  coarse  wool,  gold  and 
silver  coins  and  bullion,  and  the  list  of  articles  used  in  manufac 
turing.  This  act  was  in  force  as  to  all  the  importations  of  1842, 
except  so  far  as  those  importations  may  have  been  reached  by  the 
present  law ;  and  the  consequence  was,  that  the  amount  of  free 
articles  fell  down,  from  more  than  an  average  of  60,  to  30  millions ; 
and  the  dutiable  articles  rose  up  to  69  millions  ;  being  more  than 
the  average  for  the  five  previous  years,  although  the  importations 
of  the  year  were  much  less  than  in  any  one  of  the  five,  and  very  far 
below  their  average.  In  this  single  year  the  dutiable  articles  much 
more  than  doubled  the  free.  Under  the  present  law  the  free  and 
dutiable  articles  are  very  much  the  same  as  under  the  law  of  1841, 
except  that  the  coarse  wool,  and  raw  and  undressed  hides  and 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  307 

skins,  are  added  to  the  dutiable  side,  at  the  low  rate  of  5  per  cent. ; 
and  yet  the  dutiable  importations,  in  the  first  year  of  its  operation, 
are  nearly  21,000,000  less  than  under  the  act  of  1841,  which  was 
in  force  but  one  year;  and  the  free  importations  have  gone  up  again 
almost  10,000.000  above  what  they  were  under  the  last-named  act, 
and  to  very  nearly  the  one-half  of  the  entire  importations  of  the 
year.  This,  too,  has  taken  place  after  the  change  from  the  free  to 
the  dutiable  side  of  full  3,000,000  in  the  articles  of  wool  and  skins. 
When  to  this  astonishing  change  in  the  character  of  the  imports,  in 
a  single  year,  is  added  the  fact  that,  of  the  40,000,000  of  free  im 
ports,  in  1843,  about  24,000,000  consisted  of  gold  and  silver  coins 
and  bullion  alone,  the  influence  of  the  law  upon  the  trade  of  the 
country  cannot  fail  to  be  seen.  The  exchanges  of  commerce  have 
been  crippled  to  an  unexampled  extent,  and  our  produce  sent  abroad 
for  a  market  must  be  sold  for  what  it  will  bring  in  coin,  as  the 
merchant  dare  not  exchange  it  for  merchandise,  and  encounter  our 
duties. 

This  is  a  general  view  of  the  whole  imports  ;  of  the  whole  foreign 
trade  of  the  country.  It  affords  the  ground  for  a  very  imperfect 
judgment  as  to  the  effect  of  the  law  in  detail.  The  rates  of  duty 
are  very  various,  and  upon  some  articles  of  importance  they  are 
moderate,  and  upon  some  very  low.  Upon  other  large  classes  of 
articles,  again,  they  are  very  high  and  extensively  prohibitory.  A 
detailed  examination,  therefore,  is  necessary  to  present  the  action  of 
the  law  in  its  true  light ;  and  to  enable  me  to  make  that  examination 
I  have  referred  to  other  tables  appended  to  the  same  report.  "  Ap 
pendix  B"  is  a  comparative  statement  of  dutiable  imports,  for  the  six 
years*  which  have  been  mentioned,  and  for  the  first  three-quarters 
of  the  one  year  under  the  present  law ;  exhibiting  the  articles  as% 
named  in  the  present  law,  and  the  amount  of  importations  of  each 
article,  so  far  as  that  can  be  ascertained  from  the  different  forms  in 
which  the  import  tables  have  been  kept,  under  the  different  tariff 
laws.  The  first  column  shows  the  average  importations  for  the 
three  years,  1837,  1838,  1839;  the  second,  the  same  average  for 
the  three  years,  1840,  1841,  1842  ;  and  the  third,  the  actual  imports 
for  the  three-quarters  of  a  year,  commencing  on  the  1st  of  October, 
1842,  and  ending  on  the  30th  of  June,  1843.  "  Appendix  D,  No.  2," 
exhibits  the  actual  importations,  for  the  same  three-quarters,  of  each 
article  paying  ad  valorem  duties  under  the  present  law,  the  amount 
of  duties  actually  paid  upon  each  article  so  imported,  and  the  rate 


308  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

per  cent,  of  the  duty  fixed  in  the  law,  where  there  is  no  minimuTn, 
and  the  rate  per  cent,  to  which  the  duty  paid  amounts,  where  there 
is  a  minimum.  "  Appendix  D,  No.  3,"  gives  the  same  information, 
for  the  same  period,  as  to  all  the  articles  imported,  paying  specific 
duties  under  the  present  law.  In  this  table  the  rates  per  cent,  of 
the  duty  are  calculated  at  the  treasury,  from  the  value  of  importa 
tions  of  each  article,  and  the  amounts  actually  paid  in  duties ;  and 
both  these  documents  are  authenticated  by  the  official  signature  of 
the  register  of  the  treasury.  To  these  three  tables  reference  is  to 
be  had  for  the  data  upon  which  the  following  particular  statements 
are  based. 

From  the  1st  of  October,  1842,  to  the  30th  of  June,  1843,  being 
the  first  three-quarters  of  one  year  of  the  operation  of  the  present 
tariff  law,  the  importations  of  wool,  costing  more  than  seven  cents 
per  pound,  were  valued  at  $54,695 ;  and  the  amount  of  duties  paid 
upon  that  sum  was  $21,941  88,  being  at  the  rate  of  40.11  per  cent. 
The  average  value  of  the  importations  of  this  same  description  of 
wool,  for  the  three  years,  1837, 1838,  and  1839,  was  $80 1,087 ;  and 
for  the  three  years,  1840,  1841,  and  1842,  $1,004,312.  This  is 
equal  to  an  average,  for  the  six  years,  of  $902,699  per  year ;  while 
the  $54,695,  for  three-quarters  of  the  year,  under  the  present  law, 
is  only  equal  to  the  rate  of  $72,927  per  year ;  showing  a  falling 
off  of  the  importations,  compared  with  the  average  of  the  six  previ 
ous  years,  of  more  than  91  per  cent. 

The  value  of  the  imports  of  cloths,  cassimeres,  and  other  woollen 
goods  paying  a  duty  of  40  per  cent.,  for  the  same  three-quarters  of 
a  year,  was  $1,472,381,  upon  which  there  was  paid  in  duties  the 
sum  of  $588,952  40.  The  average  value  of  the  importations  of 
these  same  goods,  for  the  six  years  before  named,  was  $5,613,920 
per  year.  The  average  importations  for  one  year,  under  the  pres 
ent  law,  at  the  rate  of  the  three-quarters  given,  was  $1,963,175, 
showing  a  falling  off  in  this  importation,  as  compared  with  the  six 
years,  of  65  per  cent. 

The  whole  importations  of  the  manufactures  of  cotton,  for  the 
same  three-quarters  of  a  year,  were  valued  at  $2.958,796.  The 
nominal  duty,  in  the  law,  upon  all  these  goods,  is  30  per  cent ;  but 
the  minimums,  or  artificial  valuations,  which  the  law  fixes  upon 
various  portions  of  them,  makes  the  actual  duties  paid  vary  from  30 
to  70  per  cent.,  and  raises  the  average  upon  the  whole  to  more  than 
38  per  cent.  Still  the  tables  of  importation,  if  carefully  examined 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  309 

will  prove  beyond  question  that  large  classes  of  the  cheaper  cottons 
are  entirely  prohibited  by  the  operation  of  these  minimums.  Thus, 
every  yard  of  printed  or  colored  cotton  cloth,  cost  what  it  may,  is  to  be 
valued  at  30  cents  per  square  yard,  provided  it  cost  less  than  that 
sum,  and  is  to  pay  the  duty  of  30  per  cent,  upon  that  valuation ;  while 
all  know  that  it  is  almost  difficult,  at  this  day,  to  find,  in  a  country 
store,  a  yard  of  cotton  calico  of  so  high  a  price  as  30  cents,  while 
much  is  retailed  for  10  and  12  and  15  cents.  I  will  refer  senators 
to  pages  72,  73,  74,  of  this  report  of  the  committee  of  ways  and 
means  of  the  House,  for  a  statement  of  the  rates  of  duty  upon  the 
whole  range  of  cotton  manufactures,  calculated  upon  the  English 
prices,  where  they  will  find,  if  the  importations  could  be  made,  that 
the  duties  would  range  from  30  to  162  per  cent.  The  average  im 
portations  of  the  manufactures  of  cotton,  for  the  six  years  named, 
was  in  value  $10,047,099  per  year;  and  the  average  per  year,  un 
der  the  present  law,  calculated  from  the  three-quarters  above  given, 
is  but  $3,945,061 — being  60  per  cent,  less  than  the  rate  of  impor 
tations  for  the  six  years. 

Worsted  stuff  goods,  worsted  yarns,  mits,  gloves,  and  the  like, 
were  free  of  duty  under  the  compromise  act ;  and  a  duty  of  20  per 
cent,  was  imposed  by  the  act  of  1841.  By  the  present  law,  that 
duty  is  raised  to  30  per  cent.  This  is  a  class  of  goods  manufac 
tured  to  a  very  limited  extent  in  this  country ;  and  the  duty,  upon 
every  principle,  should  be  a  revenue  duty  only.  The  average  im 
portations,  for  the  six  years,  were  valued  at  $4,581,587.  The 
average  per  year,  under  the  present  law,  calculated  from  the  three- 
quarters,  is  $608,068 — showing  a  falling  off,  in  comparison  with 
the  six  years,  of  83  per  cent. 

Silks  were  free  under  the  compromise  act,  and  paid  a  duty  of  20 
per  cent,  under  the  act  of  1841.  By  the  present  law,  the  duties  are 
mostly  specific,  and  levied  upon  the  pound  weight,  but  differing 
somewhat  upon  different  descriptions  of  goods.  These  duties,  cal 
culated  ad  valorem,  range  from  16  to  65  per  cent. ;  while  the  ad 
valorem  duties  imposed  by  the  law  vary  from  20  to  40  per  cent. 
The  actual  average  duties  paid  upon  the  importations  of  the  three- 
quarters,  of  silks  paying  specific  duties,  was  32  per  cent. ;  and  of 
silks  paying  ad  valorem  duties,  26  per  cent.  The  average  value  of 
the  importations  of  all  silks,  for  the  six  years,  was  $15,247,330  par 
year,  and  the  average  per  year  of  the  same  importations,  under  the 
present  law,  calculated  from  the  three-quarters,  is  $3,622,347 — 


310  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

being  76  per  cent,  less  than  the  rate  for  the  six  years.  Upon  these 
goods,  too,  the  specific  duties  have  the  effect  to  impose  the  highest 
tax  upon  the  cheapest  and  most  common  article.  A  plain,  firm, 
black  silk,  such  as  is  most  usually  worn  by  those  who  wear  silks 
in  the  country,  will  weigh  much  more  than  a  fine,  rich,  figured 
French  silk,  such  as  is  worn  by  the  more  wealthy  in  the  cities ;  the 
cost  of  the  former  will  be  about  half  that  of  the  latter  ;  and  yet  the 
pound  weight  of  each  pay  the  same  duty,  making  the  rate,  upon 
the  common  article,  from  40  to  50  per  cent.,  and  upon  the  rich  ar 
ticle  from  20  to  25  per  cent. — just  about  half.  Here,  too,  there  is 
no  manufacture  to  protect,  and  no  apology  for  any  other  than  re 
venue  duties. 

Upon  carpets,  the  duty  is  also  specific,  being  levied  upon  the 
square  yard ;  and  the  rates  ad  valorem,  calculated  upon  the  actual 
importations,  range  from  28  to  87  per  cent.  Although  the  amount 
of  duty  varies  upon  various  descriptions  of  carpeting,  yet  the  heavy 
rates  fall  upon  the  common  and  cheap  goods,  and  are  almost  en 
tirely  prohibitory  of  them.  The  whole  importations,  for  the  three 
quarters,  were  valued  at  but  $181,810,  and  of  this  amount  $150,- 
948  was  Brussels  carpeting,  a  description  much  more  expensive 
than  that  in  most  common  and  extensive  use.  Of  the  remaining 
$30,000,  $17,099  was  an  importation  of  7,372  yards  of  Wilton 
carpeting,  the  foreign  cost  being  about  $2  50  per  yard,  and  the  rate 
of  duty  but  28  per  cent. ;  while  upon  the  Brussels,  it  was  42  ;  and 
upon  the  treble  ingrained,  a  much  more  common  article,  87  per 
cent.  The  rate  of  diminution  in  tho  importations  of  carpeting,  dur 
ing  the  one  year,  under  the  present  law,  compared  with  the  six 
previous  years,  is  41  per  cent. 

Cotton  bagging  is  another  article  upon  which  heavy  specific  du 
ties  are  imposed,  averaging  aboui  53  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  ,  The 
average  value  of  the  imports,  for  the  six  years,  was  $379,718 ;  and 
for  the  one  year,  under  the  present  law,  calculated  from  the  actual 
imports  of  the  three-quarters,  $141,755 — being  a  falling  off  of  62 
per  cent. 

The  duties  upon  glass  ware,  and  window  glass,  are  also  speci 
fic  ;  the  former  upon  the  pound  weight,  and  the  latter  upon  the  su 
perficial  measure.  The  rates  ad  valorem,  upon  the  actual  importa 
tions  of  glass  ware,  ranged  from  29  to  186  per  cent. ;  upon  window 
glass,  from  62  to  243  per  cent. ;  and  upon  vials  and  bottles  from  1 1 
to  165  per  cent.  The  value  of  the  whole  importation  of  crown  win- 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  311 


(low  glass  was  but  $310  ;  and  upon  that  were  actually  paid 
75  of  duties — being  222  per  cent,  upon  the  whole.  The  total  value 
of  the  importations  of  glass  paying  specific  duties,  for  the  three 
quarters  of  the  year,  was  but  $55,214,  while  the  value  of  the  im 
ports  of  large  glass  plates,  plates  silvered,  painted  glass,  &c.,  pay 
ing  ad  valorem  duties  averaging  but  32  per  cent.,  were  $61,591. 
The  falling  off  in  the  importation  of  glass  of  all  descriptions,  com 
paring  the  one  year  with  the  six,  is  77  per  cent. 

The  average  importations  of  sugar  and  sirup  of  sugar,  for  the 
six  years,  was  $7,600,449 ;  and  for  the  one  year,  under  the  present 
law,  calculated  from  the  actual  importations  of  the  three  quarters, 
$3.376,824 — exhibiting  a  falling  off  in  the  importations  of  this  arti 
cle  of  55  per  cent.  The  duties  upon  sugars,  calculated  ad  valo 
rem  upon  the  actual  importations,  range  from  67  to  101  per  cent., 
the  highest  rate  being  upon  loaf  and  other  refined  sugars.  The 
rate  upon  sirup  of  sugar  is  161  per  cent. ;  and  the  provision  of  the 
law  shows  that  it  was  intended  to  be  prohibited.  The  importation 
is  merely  nominal — but  $57  in  value  in  the  three  quarters  of  a  year. 
The  rate  ad  valorem  of  the  duty  upon  molasses  is  51  per  cent. ;  and 
the  importations  had  fallen  off  52  per  cent.,  comparing  the  one  year 
with  the  six.  The  average  value  of  the  importations,  for  the  six 
years,  was  $3,192,683;  and  for  the  one  year,  under  the  present 
law,  calculated  from  the  actual  imports  of  the  three  quarters, 
$1,513,693. 

The  importations  of  hemp,  cordage,  and  sail  duck,  together,  for 
the  three  quarters,  amounted  to  only  $695,571,  being  at  the  rate  of 
$927,428  per  year  ;  'while  the  average  importation,  per  year,  of  the 
same  articles,  for  the  six  years,  was  $1,408,525 — showing  a  diminu 
tion  of  the  imports  of  these  articles,  under  the  present  law,  at  the 
rate  of  34  per  cent.  The  rates  ad  valorem  of  the  duties  upon  hemp 
are  less  than  32  per  cent,  and  upon  duck  less  than  23  per  cent. 
Upon  some  articles  of  cordage  the  rates  are  enormous.  Of  untar- 
red  cordage,  the  value  imported,  in  the  three  quarters,  was  $5,798, 
and  the  duties  actually  paid  amounted  to  $10,103  71,  equal  to  the 
ad  valorem  rate  of  174  per  cent.  So,  of  untarred  yarns  the  value 
imported  was  $1,028,  and  the  duties  actually  paid  $2,046  96,  equal 
to  199  per  cent.  Here  the  prohibition  upon  these  manufactures  rests 
most  heavily. 

The  actual  importations  of  paper,  for  the  three  quarters,  were 
very  trifling,  the  whole  value  only  amounting  to  $32,180,  being  at 


312  SPEECH  ON  THE  TARIFF. 

the  rate  of  $42,907  for  a  whole  year.  $17,752  of  this  amount  was 
paper  hangings,  paying  an  ad  valorem  duty  of  35  per  cent. ;  and  the 
residue,  $14,428,  paid  specific  duties,  ranging  from  16  to  97  per 
cent.  The  duties  are  specific  upon  almost  all  articles  of  paper, 
and  are  entirely  prohibitory  upon  a  very  large  proportion  of  them, 
there  being  no  importations.  The  average  imports  of  paper  of  all 
kinds,  for  the  six  years,  was  $150,685 — showing  a  falling  off",  as 
compared  with  the  one  year,  under  the  present  law,  of  71  per  cent. 

The  duties  upon  leather  under  the  present  law  are  mostly  speci 
fic,  and  upon  the  actual  importations  of  the  three  quarters  ranged 
from  13  to  60  per  cent. ;  but  the  whole  importations  only  amounted 
to  $237,217,  being  at  the  rate  of  $316,289  per  year.  The  average 
value  of  the  importations  Jor  the  six  years  was  $805,349 ;  those  foi 
the  one  year,  under  the  present  law,  being  60  per  cent,  less  than 
that  rate.  Here,  again,  a  large  share  of  the  duties  are  entire  pro 
hibitions. 

Raw  and  undressed  hides  and  skins  were  free  of  duty  previous  to 
the  passage  of  the  present  law.  The  average  importations  for  the 
six  years  were  $3,130,435  per  year,  and  for  the  one  year  under  the 
present  law,  which  imposes  a  duty  of  5  per  cent.,  $3. 104,095,  being 
a  falling  off  of  loss  than  1  per  cent.,  as  compared  with  the  six  years. 
This  may  serve  to  illustrate  the  trifling  prohibitory  power  of  so  low 
a  duty. 

I  will  only  weary  the  patience  of  the  Senate  by  the  examination 
of  a  single  other  article — iron ;  but  its  various  descriptions,  and  the 
great  variety  of  its  manufactures,  will  make  that  examination 
somewhat  tedious. 

The  rate  of  duty  actually  paid  upon  the  importations  for  the  three 
quarters  of  bar-iron,  manufactured  by  rolling,  is  77  per  cent. ;  and 
the  value  of  the  importations  is  $511.282;  being  at  the  rate  of 
$681,709  per  year.  Upon  hammered  bar-iron  the  rate  of  duty  is 
32  per  cent.,  and  the  value  of  the  imports  is  $327,550 ;  being  at  the 
rate  of  $436,733  per  year.  Iron  in  pigs  pays  duty  at  the  rate  of 
72  per  cent.,  and  the  importations  are  valued  at  $48,251 ;  being  at 
the  rate  per  year  oF  $64,335.  The  average  value  per  year  for  the 
six  years,  of  the  importations  of  the  rolled  bar-iron,  was  $2.252.174  ; 
of  the  hammered  bar-iron,  $1,597,249 ;  and  of  the  pig-iron  $276,743 ; 
thus  exhibiting  a  diminution  of  the  trade,  upon  a  comparison  of  the 
six  years  with  the  one,  of  69  per  cent,  in  the  first,  72  per  cent,  in 
the  second,  and  76  per  cent,  in  the  third  article. 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  313 

Of  the  various  manufactures  of  iron  paying  specific  duties,  which, 
calculated  ad  valorem,  range  from  11  to  137  per  cent.,  the  value  of 
the  whole  imports  for  the  three  quarters  was  $282,038 ;  equal  to  a 
rate  per  year  of  $376,050.  The  importations  of  the  various  man 
ufactures  of  iron  paying  ad  valorem  rates  of  duty  ranging  from  20 
to  30  per  cent.,  were  valued  at  $773,479 ;  both  classes  of  these  im 
ports  amounting  to  $1,055,517 ;  being  a  rate  per  year  of  $1,407,356. 
The  average  importations  per  year  for  the  six  years  of  all  these 
manufactures  of  iron,  was  $1,498,830 — showing  a  diminution  of 
the  trade  in  these  articles  of  but  6  per  cent. 

I  am  well  aware  that  these  comparisons  do  not  form  a  perfect 
standard  by  which  to  judge  of  the  influence  of  this  law  upon  the 
foreign  trade  of  the  country.  The  imports  of  the  fourth  quarter  of 
the  last  year  may  have  been  larger,  in  proportion,  than  were  those 
of  the  three  first  quarters,  upon  which  my  calculations  have  been 
based ;  and  to  that  extent  the  results  will  vary  from  the  fact.  I  believe 
the  importations  of  the  last  quarter  of  that  year  were  beyond  the 
average ;  but  I  have  them  not,  specifying  the  values  of  imports  of 
each  article,  so  that  I  can  use  the  information.  Then  the  period  1 
have  taken  for  the  comparison,  was  one  of  great  unsteadiness  in 
trade,  as  the  aggregate  importations  for  the  several  years  clearly 
shows.  The  first  of  these  years,  1837,  was  that  in  the  early  part 
of  which  the  great  crash  came  upon  the  bloated  credit  system  of 
the  country,  when  all  the  banks  suspended  specie  payment,  and 
general  disorder  prevailed  throughout  all  branches  of  business. 
Regularity  and  steadiness  are  not  yet  perfectly  restored,  since  those 
extreme  revulsions,  and  it  is  far  beyond  my  power  to  tell  what  in 
fluence  predominated  over  the  trade  of  the  country,  for  any  single 
one  of  those  years. 

Still  I  think  these  results  might  be  safely  relied  upon,  as  approx 
imations  towards  accuracy,  and  as  establishing,  beyond  the  power 
of  question,  the  prohibitory  character  of  this  law.  As  an  additional 
mode,  however,  of  testing  the  same  point,  I  have  made  a  tabular 
comparison  between  the  importations  of  1842  and  of  1843,  taking 
the  averages,  before  used,  calculated  from  the  three  first  quarters, 
as  the  true  importations  of  the  latter  year.  I  prefer  to  make  this 
comparison,  because  I  am  not  aware  of  any  other  visible  cause, 
than  the  legislation  of  Congress,  materially  to  affect  our  trade  hi 
the  latter  year,  which  did  not  exist  to  the  same  degree,  and  in  equal 
force,  in  the  former.  Both  were  years  of  serious  depression  in 

14 


314 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 


business  and  stagnation  of  trade  ;  but  I  am  not  aware  that,  inde 
pendent  of  the  influence  of  legislation,  the  latter  was  more  so  than 
the  former.  At  the  commencement  of  the  first  year,  the  duties, 
upon  all  the  articles  I  have  examined,  except  raw  and  undressed 
hides  and  skins,  were  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  by  the  provisions  of 
the  act  of  1841  ;  or  near  to,  and  approaching  that  point,  under  the 
operations  of  the  compromise  act ;  and  at  the  commencement  of  the 
second,  the  present  law  took  effect  practically.  My  table  includes 
the  articles  I  have  examined  above,  and  no  others,  and  is  as  follows : 


Name  of  Articles. 

Importa 
tions  of 
1842. 

Importa 
tions  of 
1843. 

Diminu 
tion. 

Rate  per  cent. 

Wool,  costing  more  than   7 

cents  per  Ib.     - 

$95,655 

$72,927 

$22,728 

23 

Cloths,    &c.,  paying  40  per 

cent,  duty        - 

4,517,8f>4 

1,963,175 

2,554,689 

56 

All  cotton  manufactures 

9,578,515 

3,945,061 

5,633,454 

58 

Worsteds    - 

2,957,977 

770,779 

2,187,198 

73 

Silks  -_        .... 

9,480,331 

3,622,347 

5,857,984 

61 

Carpetings           ... 

292.309 

242,413 

49,896 

17 

Cotton  bafffing  - 

421,824 

141,755 

280,069 

66 

Ghss  ... 

558509 

155740 

402  769 

72 

Sugars        ---- 

6,503^563 

3,376'824 

3,126*739 

48 

Molasses     - 

1,942,575 

1,513.093 

429,482 

22 

Hemp,  cordage,  and  sail  duck 

949,808 

927J428 

22.380 

2 

Paper 

48,067 

42,907 

5',  160 

10 

Leather       - 

912,585 

316,289 

599,296 

65 

Raw  and  undressed  hides  and 

skins       - 

4,067,816 

3,101,095 

953,721 

23 

Iron  — 

Bars,  &c.,  rolled 

2,053,453 

681,709 

1,371,744 

66 

"      not  rolled 

1,041,410 

436,733 

604,677 

58 

In  pigs   -        -         -         - 
All  other  manufactures  of 

295,284 
3,552,642 

64,335 
1,407,356 

230.913 
2,145,286 

78 
60 

Here  is  the  comparison,  at  one  view,  between  the  importations 
for  1842  and  1843,  of  the  articles  named,  and  the  names  of  the 
articles ;  and  the  sums  will  show  that  they  constitute  a  heavy  pro 
portion  of  all  the  dutiable  imports,  and  the  heaviest  of  what  are  de 
nominated  the  protected  articles.  I  have  incorporated  with  these 
articles  worsteds,  silks,  and  raw  and  undressed  hides  and  skins,  for 
a  double  purpose  ;  the  first  two  to  show  the  prohibitory  action  of  the 
bill  upon  articles  not  of  the  protected  class,  and  the  last  to  show 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  315 

how  much  better  the  importations  kept  up  when  the  duty  was  very 
light,  and  still  what  an  effect  was  produced  upon  cheap  heavy  arti 
cles  by  a  very  light  duty.  These  articles,  compared  with  some  of 
the  others,  will  also  show  how  much  more  severely  heavy  duties 
affected  the  trade  iri~some  articles  than  in  others.  Take  the 
worsteds.  The  duty  under  the  act  of  1841  was  20  per  cent.,  and 
the  present  law  has  raised  it  to  30  per  cent.  The  trade  has  fallen 
off,  in  the  single  year,  73  per  cent.  Take  the  silks.  They  were 
at  20  per  cent,  under  the  act  of  1841,  and  range  from  16  to  65  per 
cent. ;  but  average,  upon  the  actual  importations  of  the  three  quar 
ters  of  1843,  only  32  per  cent.  Yet  the  trade  has  fallen  off  61  per 
cent.  The  duties  upon  woollens,  cottons,  iron,  sugar,  and  other  of 
the  protected  articles,  are  much  higher — some  of  them  more  than 
double  these  rates — and  yet  the  trade  has  fallen  off  less. 

Still,  the  rate  of  diminution  of  the  trade,  upon  the  most  of  the  ar 
ticles  named,  whether  the  comparison  with  the  one  or  the  six  years 
be  taken,  is  most  marked  and  severe,  and  cannot  fail  to  be  alarming 
to  the  commercial  interest. 

These  comparisons  show  the  futility,  as  a  standard  of  judgment, 
in  reference  to  the  influence  of  any  tariff  law,  of  general  averages 
of  the  duties  upon  all  the  dutiable  imports,  and  much  more  of  such 
an  average  upon  all  the  imports,  free  and  dutiable.  Such  compar 
isons  are  made  to  assume  that  the  more  favorable  appearance,  the 
more  prohibitory  shall  be  the  operation  of  the  law  under  which  they 
are  made.  Duties  so  high  as  to  be  entirely  prohibitory  are  not  com 
prehended  at  all  in  such  calculations.  To  illustrate,  by  a  strong 
example,  suppose  every  duty  imposed  were  raised  to  a  rate  of  per 
fect  prohibition,  so  that  no  dutiable  article  could  be  imported,  and 
that  all  our  foreign  imports  were  free  of  duty :  then  such  a  com 
parison  would  show  that  our  commerce  was  not  taxed  at  all  by 
duties,  and  yet  the  richest  part  of  it  would  be  destroyed  by  a  pro 
hibitory  tariff.  So  take,  of  the  articles  above  named,  paper  and 
undressed  hides,  and  make  an  average  of  them,  and  it  will  show  a 
very  low  rate  of  tax  upon  the  combined  importations,  because  the 
hides  pay  but  5  per  cent,  duty,  and  the  import  amounts  to  millions, 
while  paper  is  almost  wholly  prohibited — the  whole  imports  being 
less  than  $50,000  per  year ;  and  this,  although  paying  duties  vary 
ing  from  16  to  97  per  cent.,  consists  of  the  articles  of  paper  paying 
the  lightest  rates,  and  which  can,  therefore,  come  in. 

Take  the  actual  importations  of  the  three  first  quarters  of  1843, 


316  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

further  to  illustrate  the  fallacy  of  this  standard  of  averages.  "  Ap 
pendix  D,  No.  2,"  before  referred  to,  is  a  table  of  these  imports,  pay 
ing  ad  valorem  duties  under  the  present  law.  At  the  foot,  the 
amount  of  imports  will  be  found  to  be  $16,684,875,  the  amount  of 
duties  paid,  $4,153,686  13,  equal  to  the  average  rate  of  24.89  per 
cent. ;  not  a  very  high  rate  of  duty  for  many  articles.  The  rate  of 
these  duties  fixed  by  the  law  upon  the  articles  named  in  this  table, 
will  be  found  to  range  frcm  1  to  50  per  cent.,  these  rates  being  the 
extremes  of.. the  ad  valorem  duties  imposed  by  the  law.  Yet  the 
articles  before  examined,  which  pay  ad  valorem  duties,  hides  and 
skins  excepted,  comprise  $2,277,368  less  than  half  this  amount  of 
importations,  and  pay  $113,850  51  more  than  half  of  the  whole 
amount  of  these  duties,  averaging  the  rate  of  36.11  per  cent.  This 
shows  that  an  average  of  the  ad  valorem  duties,  by  themselves,  fur 
nishes  no  standard  by  which  to  judge  of  the  weight  of  the  tax  upon 
a  large  portion  of  the  imports  embraced  in  the  calculation. 

Take  then  "  Appendix  D,  No.  3,"  which  is  a  table  of  the  actual 
importations,  paying  specific  duties ;  and  the  amount  of  importations 
of  this  character  will  be  found  to  be  $12,494,340,  the  duties  actually 
paid  upon  them  $6,300,449  12,  and  the  rate,  calculated  ad  valorem, 
to  equal  51.15  per  cent,  upon  the  whole.  Here  is  an  entire  class 
of  importations  of  more  than  $12,000,000,  paying  duties  to  more 
than  one  half  their  entire  value  in  our  markets,  at  the  time  the  duty 
is  imposed.  Yet  average  all  these  dutiable  imports  together,  those 
which  pay  ad  valorem,  and  those  which  pay  specific  duties,  and 
what  will  be  the  result  ?  The  entire  amount  is  $29,179,215,  and 
the  entire  amount  of  duties  paid  is  $10,544,138  25,  being  only  equal 
to  36.13  per  cent.,  almost  exactly  the  average  before  given  for  al 
most  one  half  of  the  ad  valorem  importations.  This  is  an  exhibition 
of  the  average  argument  upon  dutiable  importations. 

A  single  example  of  its  application  to  the  whole  importations,  free 
as  well  as  dutiable,  and  I  will  leave  this  topic.  The  dutiable  im 
portations  of  the  three  quarters,  as  just  stated  above}  amount  to 
$29,179,215.  The  free  importations,  for  the  same  period,  amount 
to  $35,574,584,  as  see  "Appendix  D,  No.  1."  These  sums,  to 
gether,  make  the  whole  importations  of  the  three  quarters,  amount 
to  $64,753,799 ;  and  the  whole  amount  of  duties  paid  upon  these 
importations  was  $10,544,135  25  ;  only  equal  to  the  rate  ad  valo 
rem  of  16.28  per  cent.  Here,  then,  will  the  gentlemen  say,  who 
rely  upon  these  averages  as  a  standard  of  judgment — here,  is  aft 


SPEECH  ON  THE  TARIFF.  317 

the  tax  upon  our  trade,  16  par  cent. ;  and  can  any  reasonable  man 
complain  of  that  ?  And  yet  it  is  shown,  upon  the  face  of  the  very 
papers  from  which  this  average  calculation  is  drawn,  that  one  en 
tire  class  of  importations  pay  duties  to  more  than  half  their  value, 
that  the  whole  dutiable  importations  pay  an  average  rate  of  more 
than  36  per  cent. ;  and  that  the  trade,  in  large  and  important  classes 
of  articles,  has  fallen  off  50,  60,  70,  and  more,  per  cent,  hi  the  first 
year's  operation  of  the  law ;  thus  exhibiting  a  prohibitory  power 
much  more  startling  than  the  high  rates  of  duties  paid. 

These  comparisons  must  show,  to  the  satisfaction  of  every  mind, 
that  general  averages  are  most  deceptive  guides,  and  that  averages 
of  the  rate  of  duty,  even  upon  any  two  articles  of  import,  much 
more  upon  selected  classes,  may  be  made  to  convey  the  most  .erro 
neous  impressions  ;  and  they  must  lead  to  the  conclusion,  which  it 
is  my  obJ3ct  to  establish,  that  the  only  useful  or  truthful  compari 
sons  are  those  which  compare  the  duties  paid  upon  each  important 
article  of  import  with  the  value  of  the  importations  of  that  article, 

I  have  already  alluded  to  my  comparative  examinations  to  show 
that  different  articles  of  import  will  bear  very  different  rates  of  duty, 
with  the  same  proportionate  effect  upon  trade,  and  that  the  same 
rate,  applied  to  all  articles  of  import,  will  exhibit  very  different  pro 
hibitory  effects,  as  between  the  different  articles.  I  recall  this  al 
lusion  now,  for  the  mere  purpose  of  deducing  from  it  the  position 
that  discrimination,  as  to  the  rates  of  duty,  within  the  revenue  prin 
ciple,  and  revenue  range  of  duties,  as  I  have  defined  them,  will  be 
found  not  merely  admissible,  but  absolutely  necessary,  both  for  the 
accumulation  of  revenue,  and  for  the  benefit  of  trade,  even  if  no 
other  considerations  in  favor  of  discrimination  shall  be  considered. 

I  have  also  alluded  to  these  coimmrative  examinations  to  show 
that  the  specific  duties  of  the  present  law,  as  a  general  remark,  and 
any  system  of  specific  duties  so  arranged,  as  well  as  the  principle 
of  minimums,  must  make  the  tax  unequal  and  unjust ;  must  bear 
the  most  heavily  upon  the  most  common  and  cheap  article  falling 
under  a  given  duty,  and  therefore  most  heavily  upon  the  poor  and 
laboring  classes.  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that,  with  perfect  and 
minute  information  in  all  the  manufacturing  branches,  a  system  of 
specific  duties  could  not  be  arranged,  which  would  be  just  and  equal 
in  this  sense ;  but  I  am  prepared  to  say  that^with  the  information  at 
present  possessed  by  myself,  and,  I  believe,  by  Congress,  as  a  body, 
or  by  any  one  of  its  committees,  such  a  system  cannot  be  proposed 


318  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

as  will  avoid  this  radical  and  fatal  defect.  I  say  fatal  defect ;  for 
I  hold  that  to  be  so,  in  any  legislation  upon  this  subject,  which  taxes 
labor  to  the  relief  of  capital,  and  imposes  double  the  rate  of  duty 
upon  poverty  which  is  exacted  from  wealth.  That  is  the  effect  of 
our  specific  duties.  Take  the  cotton  cloths.  He  who  can  pur 
chase  and  wear  qualities  worth  more  than  20  or  30  cents  by  the 
square  yard,  pays  a  duty  of  30  per  cent.,  while  he  who  must  pur 
chase  and  wear  such  qualities  as  can  be  purchased  from  6  to  10 
cents,  must  pay  three  times  that  duty.  I  cannot  better  illustrate 
the  practical  operation  of  this  description  of  tax,  upon  the  laboring 
classes,  than  to  borrow  the  illustration  of  a  witness  examined  be 
fore  a  committee  of  the  British  Parliament,  I  believe,  in  the  year 
1842.  The  witness  said,  if  the  coat  of  the  man  of  capital  was 
taxed  too  high,  he  had  only  to  take  a  coat  of  an  inferior  quality,  and 
procure  it  for  the  same  money  he  had  been  accustomed  to  pay  for 
his  coat,  though  he  would  not  have  one  quite  so  fine,  if  just  as  warm. 
Not  so  with  the  laborer.  He  wears  the  cheapest  he  can  get,  under 
any  state  of  the  taxation ;  and  that  coat  he  must  have,  be  the  tax 
what  it  may,  because  he  cannot  fall  back  upon  an  article  of  inferior 
quality,  or  less  heavily  taxed.  This  will  not  apply  to  our  woollens, 
because,  though  taxed  heavily,  they  are  taxed  equally,  by  a  uniform 
ad  valorem  duty  ;  but  it  does  apply  to  the  coarse  cottons,  and  espe 
cially  to  the  whole  class  of  fustians,  which  are  the  peculiar  clothing 
of  the  laboring  classes  of  the  cities  and  manufacturing  districts. 

I  will  now  proceed  to  examine  the  influence  of  these  high  and 
prohibitory  duties  upon  the  great  branches  of  industry  of  the  coun 
try  ;  and 

First.  Upon  manufactures.  The  manufacturers  themselves  pray 
for  stability  in  our  legislation  upon  this  subject.  They  say  that 
their  interests  are  best  promoted  by  regularity  and  permanency,  and 
that  the  fluctuations  consequent  upon  changing  legislation,  are,  al 
most,  more  injurious,  than  the  protection  they  receive  is  beneficial, 
to  their  employments.  This  is  to  say,  they  want  a  moderate  and 
reasonable  system,  not  a  prohibitory  one ;  for  they  cannot  but  know 
that  extremes  in  our  rates  of  duty,  be  they  too  high,  or  too  low, 
must  themselves  compel  change.  If  too  high,  our  commerce  must 
be  destroyed,  and  discontents  thus  engendered,  or  a  surplus  of  reve 
nue  must  be  thrown  into  the  public  treasury,  and  a  reduction  of 
duties  thus  compelled ;  while,  if  too  low,  the  necessities  of  that 
treasury  will  speedily  force  a  change  in  an  upward  direction.  It 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  319 

is  the  moderate,  reasonable,  revenue  system  alone,  which  can  be 
stable.  Based  upon  the  wants  of  the  treasury,  and  wisely  and 
justly  arranged,  with  reference  to  all  the  great  interests  of  the  coun 
try,  there  is  no  reason  why,  in  times  of  peace,  such  a  system  should 
not  be  stable  ;  because  the  wants  of  that  treasury  are  not  subject, 
at  such  periods,  to  material  changes.  The  incidental  protection  af 
forded,  by  such  a  system,  to  one  interest,  and  the  incidental  burden 
thrown  upon  another,  would  form  no  just  subject  of  complaint  to 
either.  The  tax  would  be  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  all  would  concede  to  the  justice  and  wisdom  of  so 
distributing  the  taxation,  as  to  make  it  the  least  burdensome  to  all, 
as  one  entire  whole.  Not  so  when  the  tax  is  imposed  for  protec 
tion,  and  not  for  revenue.  Then  it  is  a  burden  imposed  upon  one 
interest,  solely  for  the  benefit  of  another;  the  supply  of  the  com 
mon  treasury  ceasing  to  be  the  regulator  of  the  tax.  Under  such 
a  system,  contentment  cannot  be  expected,  or  even  hoped  for ;  and, 
under  a  Government  resting  upon  the  popular  will,  constant  chan 
ges,  and  extreme  fluctuations,  must  and  will,  be  its  fruit. 

To  the  manufacturing  interest,  then,  if  stability  be  the  most  im 
portant  element  in  its  protection,  the  revenue  arrangement  of  duties 
presents  the  most  important  and  desirable  system.  It  alone  presents 
a  national,  instead  of  a  sectional,  basis  for  the  arrangement  of  our 
duties  upon  imports ;  it  alone  presents  an  object — the  supply  of  the 
national  treasury — equally  interesting  to  all,  and  equally  controlling 
with  all ;  it  alone  appeals  to  the  whole  public  mind  for  approbation, 
and  alone,  therefore,  can  assure  the  promise  of  contentment  and 
stability.  It  offers  to  this  interest  that  degree  of  protection  which 
the  collection  of  revenue,  for  the  support  of  the  common  Govern 
ment,  will  afford,  and  leaves  the  discriminations,  within  that  limit, 
to  the  common  Legislature,  but  rejects  prohibitions,  destructive  to 
itself,  to  favor  any  interest.  Is  this  right  ?  Is  it  best  for  all  ?  If 
so,  is  it  not  the  best  system  for  the  manufacturing  interest  itself  ? 

I  have,  in  the  preceding  remarks,  treated  the  duty  upon  imports 
as  a  tax,  and  I  have  intended  by  the  term,  a  tax  upon  the  consumer, 
in  this  country,  of  the  article  of  import  upon  which  the  duty  is  im 
posed.  I  have  not  been  unaware  that  this  raises  the  question,  who 
must  pay  this  duty  ?  This  question  I  do  not  intend  to  avoid,  nor  do 
I  intend  to  discuss  it.  I  have  heard  too  many  discussions,  upon 
legislation  of  this  sort,  not  to  know  that  this  point  presents  an  inter 
minable  field  for  argument.  That  broad  field  I  have  not  the  quali- 


320  SPEECH-  ON  THE  TARIFF- 

fications,  even  if  I  had  the  disposition,  to  enter ;  and  my  object, 
therefore,  is  rather  to  make  one  or  two  inquiries,  to  elicit  informa 
tion,  than  to  controvert  any  position  which  has  been,  or  which  may 
be,  taken  in  the  course  of  the  debate. 

I  will  merely  premise  that  it  is  claimed,  in  favor  of  the  protection 
to  the  manufacturing  interests  of  this  country,  which  it  is  supposed 
to  be  the  duty  of  Congress  to  extend,  that  the  foreign  producer,  and 
not  the  domestic  consumer,  will  be  the  real  payer  of  our  duty. 
That  position  I  will  assume  to  be  the  true  one,  and  will  illustrate 
my  inquiry  by  taking  a  supposed  case,  based  upon  it. 

I  will  suppose,  for  the  sake  of  the  illustration,  that  our  trade,  for 
the  year  1842,  was  perfectly  free  of  all  duties  upon  imports;  that 
A.  B.,a  merchant  of  the  city  of  New  York,  imported,  during  that 
year,  50,000  yards  of  woollen  cloths,  which  cost  him,  delivered  at 
the  custom-house  in  New  York,  $100,000.  He  sold  these  cloths  in 
that  market,  during  that  year.  In  consequence  of  his  low  sales,  the 
manufacturers  of  woollens  of  this  country  came  to  Congress,  and 
prayed  a  duty  upon  woollen  cloths,  to  protect  their  interests  ;  and 
Congress,  considering  their  prayer  reasonable  and  proper,  and 
requiring  a  revenue  from  this  importation,  imposed  a  duty  upon 
the  importation  of  woollen  cloths,  of  the  year  1843,  of  25  per  cent. 
_The  same  merchant  goes  to  Liverpool,  in  the  year  1843,  and  tells 
his  English  manufacturer,  "I  want  the  same  quantity  of  cloth 
which  I  purchased  of  you  last  year  ;  but  I  cannot  pay  you  the  same 
price  for  it,  because  my  Government  has  imposed  a  duty  of  25  per 
cent,  upon  its  value,  which  I  must  pay  to  its  custom-house,  before  I 
can  offer  the  cloths  in  my  market.  Last  year,  you  gave  me  50,000 
yards  for  $100,000,  and  the  operation  was  a  fair  one  in  my  trade ; 
but,  as  I  must  pay,  this  year,  $25,000  in  duties  upon  the  same  pur 
chase,  I  cannot  give  you  but  $75,000  for  the  50,000  yards."  The 
English  manufacturer  replies,  "  Very  well,  sir,  we  cannot  lose  your 
market ;  and,  if  your  Government  has  taxed  our  cloths,  as  you  say, 
we  must  assume  the  tax.  We  must  let  you  have  the  same  50,000 
yards  of  cloth  for  $75,000,  this  year,  which  we  sold  to  you  last  year 
for  $100,000."  The  merchant  takes  the  cloth,  pays  the  $75,000, 
brings  it  to  New  York,  pays  his  $25,000  of  duties  at  the  custom 
house  there,  and  offers  his  cloths  in  the  same  market  as  last  year. 
How  can  he  sell  ?  The  cost  to  him  last  year  was  $100,000,  paid 
to  the  foreign  manufacturer.  The  cost,  this  year,  is  $75,000  paid 
to  the  manufacturer,  and  $25,000  paid  to  our  custom-house  making 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  321 

$100,000  in  all ;  and  can  he  not  sell  at  the  same  prices  as  last  year? 
Most  certainly  he  can  ;  arid,  in  that  case,  what  protection  does  the 
manufacturer  of  cloths  in  this  country  derive  from  the  duty  ?  Cer 
tainly  none.  If  the  foreign  article  can  be  brought  here,  and  sold 
in  our  markets  as  cheap  as  before  the  duty,  he  derives  no  direct 
benefit  from  the  tax.  It  is  a  diminution  of  the  profits  of  the  foreign 
manufacturer,  or  his  loss,  if  you  please  ;  but  the  domestic  manu 
facturer  takes  nothing  by  it,  if  the  price  of  his  product  is  not  raised 
in  our  markets,  or  if  the  foreign  competing  product  is  not  excluded. 
And  in  the  supposed  case,  where  the  foreign  producer  pays  the  duty, 
beyond  question  neither  of  these  consequences  follow  from  it,  as 
direct  protection.  It  will  not  do,  then,  as  a  principle,  to  say  that  we 
can  impose  duties  upon  the  foreign  producer  to  protect  our  manu 
facturers,  if  commerce  survives  and  imports  continue  ;  because  the 
case  supposed  demonstratively  shows  that,  while  the  foreign  pro 
ducer  pays  the  duty  and  sends  the  goods,  the  cost  in  our  market, 
and  to  our  consumer,  is  not  enhanced,  and  that  the  market  itself  is 
as  open  to  the  foreigner  as  it  was  before  the  duty.  In  these  cases 
there  is  no  effective  protection  to  the  domestic  manufacturer.  Pro 
hibition  must  take  place,  or  the  price  must  be  raised  in  our  markets, 
as  effects  of  the  duty,  or  our  manufacturer  derives  no  benefit 
from  it. 

I  will  make  another  illustration  upon  the  other  side  of  the  argu 
ment.  Take  the  same  supposed  case,  except  to  assume  that  the 
consumer,  in  our  country,  pays  the  whole  duty.  Then  the  New 
York  merchant  pays  the  British  manufacturer  the  $100,000  for  his 
cloths,  as  he  did  the  previous  year.  In  addition  to  this,  he  pays  the 
$25,000  duties  at  the  New  York  custom-house,  and  places  his  cloths 
upon  his  shelves  for  sale  at  the  cost  of  $125,000,  instead  of 
$100,000,  as  in  the  last  year.  The  duty  has  raised  the  price  in  our 
markets  to  its  extent,  and  the  merchant  finds  ready  purchasers  at 
the  enhanced  price.  Is  our  manufacturer  then  protected  ?  What 
is  to  hinder  that  same  British  manufacturer  from  sending  to  New 
York  as  many  cloths  as  he  can  sell  ?  and  how  does  the  duty  injure 
him  ?  He  is  compelled  to  pay,  at  our  custom-house,  the  $25,000  of 
duties  upon  the  $100,000  worth  of  cloths ;  but  as  he  sells  for 
$125,000,  he  can  do  this  and  still  take  his  $100,000  home  with 
him,  which  was  all  he  asked  before  the  duty.  At  this  price,  then, 
there  is  no  protection  to  the  domestic  manufacturer ;  but  as  soon 
is  the  price  recedes  from  the  $125,000,  for  the  supposed  quality  of 

14* 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

cloths,  he  is  protected,  because  the  foreigner  must  pay  the  $25,000 
of  duties,  while  he  pays  nothing.  If  both  sell  an  equal  lot  of  cloths 
for  $120,000,  as  the  duty  remains  the  same,  the  foreigner  must  pay 
$25,000  of  his  purchase  money  to  the  custom-house  for  duties,  and 
gets  but  $95,000  for  his  cloths ;  while  the  domestic  manufacturer 
gets  the  whole  $120,000,  no  tax  having  been  imposed  upon  his  pro 
duction.  The  protection  is,  therefore,  an  effective  protection  to  him 
of  25  per  cent.,  a  part  of  the  tax  falling  upon  the  foreign  producer, 
and  the  remainder  upon  the  domestic  consumers. 

Upon  these  illustrations,  I  wish  to  propound  the  following  inqui 
ries,  to  be  answered  by  those  who  have  studied  this  subject  more 
deeply  than  myself.  Do  they  not  show,  beyond  the  power  of  ques 
tion,  that  while  the  foreigner  would  consent  to  pay  the  whole  duty, 
his  goods  could  be  sold  hi  our  markets  as  cheap  as  before  any  duty 
was  imposed ;  and  that,  although  he  might  fill  our  treasury,  there 
was  no  direct  protection  to  the  domestic  manufacturer  ?  That, 
upon  the  other  side,  if  the  whole  duty  fell  upon  the  domestic  con 
sumer,  and  the  price  of  the  goods  were  raised  in  our  markets  to  the 
extent  of  the  duty,  the  foreigner  could  afford  to  send  his  goods  here, 
pay  our  duty,  and  supply  our  market,  as  well  as  when  there  was  no 
duty,  thus  presenting  no  effective  protection,  at  this  point  ?  And 
does  it  not  necessarily  follow,  from  these  two  positions,  that  the 
effective  protection  to  our  manufacturer  is  only  when  the  payment 
of  the  duty  is  divided  between  the  foreign  producer  and  the  domestic 
consumer?  and  that  the  larger  the  share,  less  than  the  whole, 
which  the  market  imposes  upon  the  consumer,  the  better  for  his 
interest,  because  that  is  the  government  of  his  price,  and  the  meas 
ure  of  his  direct  protection  ?  Is  it  not  true,  that  he  has  no  other 
benefit  from  that  portion  of  the  duty  paid  by  the  foreign  producer, 
than  as  it  makes  our  markets  less  desirable,  and  less  profitable  to 
him,  because  that  goes  to  depress  the  price  here,  and  only  that  por 
tion  paid  by  the  consumer  is  added  to  it  ? 

Is  not  this  a  clear  illustration  of  the  protection  afforded  by  a 
revenue  duty  ?  and  does  it  not  show  that  such  protection  is,  and 
must  be,  effective,  unless  so  light  that  the  foreigner  can  afford  to 
pay  the  whole  of  it,  and  thus  keep  exclusive  possession  of  our  mar 
kets  ?  These  appear  to  me  to  be  unavoidable  conclusions  from  the 
reasoning,  while  the  measure  I  have  prescribed  for  revenue  duties 
seems  to  be  such  as  would  enable  the  Legislature  to  keep  the  com 
petition  open  and  healthful  upon  both  sides,  without  granting  pro- 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  323 

hibition  to  one,  and  visiting  exclusion  upon  the  other,  or  giving 
monopoly  to  either. 

I  am  aware  that  human  wisdom,  without  practical  experience, 
cannot  tell  what  is  the  extreme  revenue  point,  as  to  any  rate  of  duty, 
much  less  as  to  the  arrangment  of  an  entire  tariff;  but  I  believe  an 
approximation  can  be  made  from  the  information  already  within 
our  reach,  which  may  be  corrected,  after  the  operations  of  trade 
shall  have  pointed  out  its  errors,  without  causing  changes  seriously 
detrimental  to  any  interest.  My  examinations  have  satisfied  me, 
that  a  range  of  duties  from  25  to  33  per  cent,  are  as  high  as  most 
articles  of  import  will  bear,  consistently  with  the  revenue  principle. 
There  may  be  exceptions,  and  I  think  if  there  are,  that  iron  and 
sugar  are  the  principal  articles.  These  have  for  a  long  time,  under 
our  legislation,  borne  very  heavy  duties,  and  continue  to  be  largely 
imported,  and  to  be  very  prolific  of  revenue.  Still  I  think  the  ex 
aminations  I  have  made  have  conclusively  shown  that  the  rates  of 
duty,  under  the  present  law,  are  too  prohibitory  upon  these  impor 
tant  articles  for  revenue  duties.  The  trade  in  the  former  has  fallen 
off,  upon  an  average,  about  65  per  cent.,  and  in  the  latter  48  per 
cent.,  as  compared  with  the  year  preceding  the  passage  of  that  law. 
It  may  not  be  necessary  to  bring  them  down  to  the  rates  I  have 
named  to  preserve  the  revenue  principle,  but  I  am  satisfied  that  a 
material  reduction  is  demanded  for  that  purpose. 

The  rates  I  have  moved  are  a  quarter  and  a  third  of  the  value  of 
the  property  to  be  taxed  ;  and  is  not  that  taxation  enough,  as  a  gen 
eral  rule,  for  reasonable  protection  ?  Will  not  as  large  a  share  of 
that  tax  fall  upon  the  consumers,  the  whole  people  of  the  country, 
as  they  ought  to  pay  to  sustain  the  manufacturing  interest  ? 

Second,  upon  commerce.  The  influence  of  high  and  proliibitory 
duties  upon  this  great  and  essential  interest,  cannot  be  otherwise 
than  deeply  injurious.  They  act  directly  upon  trade,  and  tend  to 
force  it  from  its  natural  channels,  and  to  diminish  its  volume  and 
expansion ;  and,  in  that  way,  to  the  extent  of  their  influence,  strike 
at  the  life  of  commerce. 

Stability  is  most  essential  to  healthful  commerce,  and  fluctuations 
interrupt  its  channels,  increase  its  hazards,  and  render  it  fitful  and 
sickly.  Very  high  duties  occasion  extreme  fluctuations,  and  pro 
hibitory  duties  destroy  trade  and  put  an  end  to  commerce.  The 
examinations  I  have  made,  and  the  results  I  have  exhibited,  of  the 


324  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

influence  of  the  present  law  upon  trade — upon  the  importations- 
are  an  exhibition  of  its  influence  upon  the  commercial  interest. 

The  imposition  of  all  duties  operates  directly  upon  trade  and  com 
merce,  and  cannot  benefit  either.  Upon  them  the  tax  is  more  di 
rectly  felt  than  upon  any  other  interests ;  because  by  them  the  cap 
ital  must  be  raised  to  first  meet  the  payment,  and  upon  them  the 
whole  influence  is  concentrated,  whoever  may  eventually  refund  to 
them  the  duties  paid.  Still  I  do  not  believe  that  moderate,  reason 
able,  stable  duties,  such  as  would  be  imposed  within  a  wise  and  just 
revenue  arrangement,  would  be  severely  oppressive  upon  the  com 
mercial  interest,  or  would  be  seriously  complained  of  by  it.  This 
interest  should  bear  its  share  of  the  common  burdens,  and,  fairly 
treated,  it  is  as  able,  and,  I  believe,  as  willing  to  bear  it,  as  any  other 
interest.  It  has  a  right,  however,  to  claim  exemption  from  the  op 
pression  of  duties  not  required  for  revenue,  and  not  imposed  to  col 
lect  it;  and  from  prohibitions,  which  are  its  destruction.  Under 
any  stable,  well  and  wisely  arranged  revenue  system,  it  can  bear 
the  burden  of  collecting  the  revenue,  which  the  country  shall  re 
quire  from  customs,  and  can  preserve  health,  activity,  and  vigor ; 
but  under  a  system  of  prohibitions,  and  strongly  prohibitory  duties, 
injurious  both  to  revenue  and  trade,  it  must  be  sickly,  fitful,  feebles 
and  hazardous.  Constant  changes  from  extreme  to  extreme,  and 
constant  agitation,  are  no  better  for  commerce — perhaps  much  worse. 
That  system  of  duties  which  will  produce  general  contentment  with 
all  interests,  and  can  therefore  be  stable,  is  alone  consistent  with 
the  prosperity  of  commerce  ;  and  that,  I  believe,  would  be  found  in 
a  fair  revenue  system. 

Third,  upon  agriculture.  The  influence  of  the  present  tariff  law 
'upon  the  agricultural  interest  is  the  most  important  consideration, 
because  it  is  the  basis  of  all  the  other  interests,  and,  in  our  country, 
more  important  than  all  others.  The  great  mass  of  our  people  are 
engaged  in  this  interest,  are  dependent  upon  it  for  their  subsistence 
and  their  comforts,  and  cannot  fail  to  suffer  from  whatever  is  inju 
rious  to  it.  Indeed,  none  of  our  other  great  interests  can  long  flour 
ish  under  any  system  from  which  it  materially  suffers.  Its  firm 
prosperity  is  indispensable  to  their  continued  health ;  and  its  lan- 
guishnYent  must  soon  be  followed  by  their  decline,  in  spite  of  the 
power  of  partial  legislation. 

The  situation  of  our  country  most  invites,  and  its  true  interests 
most  require,  the  wide  extension  and  firm  advancement  of  this  great 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  325 

interest.  Our  vast  unsettled  domain  is  an  unproductive  waste, 
no  matter  how  naturally  fertile  the  soil,  until  agricultural  labor 
reaches  and  subdues  it,  and  changes  that  waste  into  fruitful  fields. 
Hence,  the  influence  of  our  legislation  of  this  character  upon  the 
interests  of  agriculture  becomes  doubly  important,  and  has  a  na 
tional,  as  well  as  an  individual,  consequence,  paramount  to  that 
which  attaches  to  any  other  of  the  great  interests. 

Under  this  sense  of  the  importance  of  the  examination  I  am  pros 
ecuting,  I  hope  the  Senate  will  bear  with  me,  while  I  make  a  de 
tailed  and  somewhat  minute  inquiry  into  the  influences  of  this  legis 
lation  upon  the  products  of  agriculture. 

I  will  take  first  the  article  of  wool  This  is  an  important  produc 
tion  of  agriculture,  over  a  very  large  extent  of  the  country,  and  a 
principal  staple  in  several  of  the  states.  The  extent  and  impor 
tance  of  the  interest,  as  well  as  the  great  worth  of  the  wool-grow 
ers  as  a  class  of  our  citizens,  entitles  this  article  to  all  the  con 
sideration  and  protecting  care  which  Congress  can  justly  give  to 
any  article,  or  any  interest. 

How,  then,  is  the  value  of  wool  in  this  country,  at  the  present 
time,  compared  with  the  value  of  similar  qualities  of  the  same  arti 
cle  in  other  wool-growing  countries.  I  do  not  refer  to  South  Ame 
rica,  Smyrna,  and  like  regions,  where  the  sheep  is  permitted  to  range 
uncontrolled  and  without  care,  and  where  the  principal  value  given 
to  the  wool  is  the  cost  of  taking  the  animal  and  cutting  off  the 
fleece ;  but  to  England,  Spain,  Saxony,  and  other  countries,  where 
wool-growing  is  made  a  business  of  careful  cultivation.  I  cannot 
answer  the  question  I  have  asked,  as  applicable  to  the  present  time ; 
but  I  hold  in  my  hand  a  volume  of  testimony,  taken  before  the  com 
mittee  on  manufacturers  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  during 
the  session  of  Congress  of  1827-28,  from  which  it  appears  that 
wool  of  the  same  quality  was,  then,  from  50  to  70  per  cent,  higher 
in  this  country  than  in  England. 

[Mr.  Wright  here  referred  to  the  evidence,  and  read  from  the 
testimony  of  several  witnesses  to  sustain  his  assertion.] 

My  examinations  have  established  another  fact,  which  is,  that 
Spain,  Saxony,  and  all  the  other  wool-growing  countries  of  the 
continent  of  Europe,  export  wool  to  England ;  showing  that  they 
produce  the  article  cheaper  than  it  is  produced  in  England,  and  can 
afford  to  sell  in  the  English  markets.  These  importations  it  has 
not  been,  at  any  time,  the  policy  of  England  to  prohibit,  and,  for  the 


326  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

benefit  of  her  manufactures,  they  have  usually  b3en  permitted  en 
tirely  free,  or  at  a  very  light  duty. 

Wool,  then,  is  higher  in  our  markets  than  in  those  of  any 
other  country  where  the  article  is  cultivated,  and  where  the  finer 
and  richer  qualities  are  produced.  What  is  now  the  difference  be 
tween  the  prices  of  fine  wools  in  our  markets  and  in  those  of  Eng 
land,  I  do  not  know ;  but  I  do  not  suppose  it  is  anything  like  as 
much  as  the  witnesses  referred  to  stated  it  to  be  in  1828.  Indeed, 
I  doubted,  at  that  time,  whether  the  witnesses  had  not  made  a  high 
estimate  of  that  difference,  because  it  appeared  to  me  that  importa 
tions  would  have  been  greater  if  the  difference  in  price  had  remained, 
for  any  considerable  period,  as  great  as  they  supposed  it  to  be. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  my  object  in  making  these  references,  and 
stating  these  facts,  is  to  inquire  whether  any  senator  supposes  we 
can,  by  our  legislation,  maintain  wool  at  a  valuation  in  this  coun 
try  from  50  to  70  per  cent,  above  that  of  ail  other  wool-growing 
countries  ?  and  whether  any  senator  believes  we  ought  to  do  that, 
if  we  can  do  it  ?  I  do  not  think  we  should  do  this,  if  we  could ;  bo- 
cause,  if  we  give  wool  that  artificial  value  above  the  markets  of  the 
world,  we  must  give  the  same  increased  value  to  woollen  clothes 
and  other  manufactures  of  wool,  or  otherwise  we  shall  make  the 
destruction  of  its  manufacture  in  the  country  certain ;  and  there 
will  be  no  market,  and  no  price  for  our  wool  but  the  exporting 
price ;  and  if  we  must  add  from  50  to  70  per  cent,  to  the  cost  of  all 
the  manufactures  of  wool,  beyond  what  they  might  be  purchased 
for  abroad,  merely  to  keep  the  price  of  wool  in  this  country  up  to 
this  high  mark,  I  think  the  tax  will  be  too  heavy  for  the  object ; 
because  all  must  wear  woollen  goods,  while  few,  in  the  comparison, 
will  grow  wool.  I  do  not,  however,  think  we  could  accomplish  this 
object,  if  we  should  try  to  do  it.  There  is  no  portion  of  the  stock  of 
the  farmer  which  can  be  so  easily  and  so  rapidly  increased  as  his 
flocks  of  sheep,  and  with  so  little  outlay  of  capital ;  and  there  is 
scarcely  an  improved  county  in  the  whole  Union  where  sheep  cannot 
be  well  and  easily  grown.  If,  therefore,  we  should  give  to  this  branch 
of  agricultural  industry  this  great  advantage,  and  these  exorbitant 
profits,  how  very  soon  would  domestic  competition  overstock  the 
market,  and  bring  down  the  price  ?  It  is  impossible  in  a  country 
like  this,  by  the  power  of  legislation,  or  by  any  other  power,  to 
maintain  any  one  branch  of  human  industry  in  the  possession  and 
enjoyment  of  such  an  advantage.  It  is  fortunate  that  it  is  so ;  or 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  327 

otherwise,  the  temptations  to  unjust  and  partial  legislation  would 
be  too  fearful,  and  the  oppressions  from  it  might  become  wholly  in 
supportable. 

I  am  willing  to  extend  to  the  American  wool-grower  such  fair 
and  reasonable  protection  as  our  necessities  for  revenue  will  war 
rant — say  30  per  cent. ;  and  is  not  that  reasonable  protection  to  our 
farmers,  who  choose  the  business  of  wool-growing  ?  Is  not  $30  in 
every  $100  a  reasonable  advantage,  compared  with  those  engaged 
in  other  branches  of  farming,  who  cannot  be  protected  at  all  ?  Is 
it  not  as  high  a  tax  for  their  benefit  as  the  public  will  be  contented 
to  bear  ?  Is  it  not  as  strong  encouragement  as  the  business  will 
warrant,  without  inviting  so  many  to  it  as  to  overstock  our  markets 
and  render  the  protection  useless  ? — for  all  will  see  that,  when  they 
shall  be  compelled  to  seek  an  export  market,  our  duty  will  not  aid 
them.  I  am  compelled  to  say  I  think  this  degree  of  protection 
would  better  promote  the  interests  of  our  wool-growers  than  a  high 
er,  or  more  prohibitory  duty ;  because  it  would  be  stable,  the  reve-' 
nue  being  necessary ;  and  because,  admitting  a  moderate  foreign 
competition  at  the  great  disadvantage  of  $30  in  the  $100,  it  would 
not  invite  that  flood  of  domestic  competition,  which  perfect  prohibi 
tion  would  be  almost  certain  to  bring  upon  them,  and  the  conse 
quent  extreme  fluctuation  which  over-competition  never  fails  to  pro 
duce.  I  believe  our  wool-growers  will  be  satisfied  with  this  degree 
of  protection ;  if  the  taxes  upon  the  articles  they  are  compelled  to 
purchase  and  consume  are  proportionately  reduced. 

Hemp.  This  is  another  agricultural  production  within  the  reach 
of  protection,  or  which  has  been  hitherto  so  considered.  Yet  it  will 
be  seen  that  the  present  duty  upon  this  article,  upon  the  actual  im 
portations  for  the  three  quarters  of  1843,  is  only  equal  to  an  ad  va 
lorem  rate  of  32  per  cent.,  and  if  put,  therefore,  at  30  per  cent.,  the 
reduction  cannot  be  material.  The  present  duties  upon  some  of 
the  manufactures  of  hemp  are  enormous,  while  others  are  low  reve 
nue  duties.  The  duties  actually  paid  upon  untarred  cordage  and 
yarn  are  174  and  199  per  cent.,  while  those  paid  upon  sail  duck  are 
but  22  per  cent.  These  are  inequalities  for  which  there  can  be  no 
reason,  connected  with  a  proper  protection  to  the  agricultural  pro 
duction. 

I  am  not  acquainted  with  this  branch  of  agriculture,  but  I  have 
understood  that  the  difficulty  does  not  arise  in  the  growing  of  hemp ; 
that  our  soils  are  as  rich  and  suitable,  and  produce  the  crop  as  easily 


328  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

and  abundantly,  as  those  of  any  other  country ;  but  that  we  either 
do  not  possess  the  skill,  or  are  not  willing  to  use  it,  because  it  is  in 
jurious  to  health,  properly  to  rot  the  hemp  for  exposed  uses.  Our 
hemp-growers  practise  the  dew-rotting,  while  the  water-rotting  is 
said  to  be  indispensable  for  durability,  when  put  to  exposed  uses, 
such  as  sails,  cordage,  and  the  like.  I  do  not  suppose  any  one  ex 
pects,  by  any  degree  of  protection,  to  force  the  dew-rotted  hemp  to 
these  uses  ;  and  I  have  never  been  able  to  perceive  how  any  duty 
we  may  impose  is  to  give  us  the  skill,  if  we  have  it  not,  to  water-rot 
our  hemp ;  or,  if  we  have  the  skill,  and  will  not  use  it,  because  the 
process  is  an  unhealthy  one,  how  an  increase  of  duty  is  to  change 
that  disposition.  I  have  never  understood  that  the  question  was  one 
of  expense,  and,  for  that  reason,  requiring  protection  ;  and  I  am 
nappy  to  learn  that  some  experiments  have  been  recently  made  to 
export  hemp  from  this  country,  with  some  promise  of  success.  In 
any  way,  therefore,  in  which  I  have  been  able  to  view  the  interests 
of  agriculture,  as  connected  with  this  product,  I  am  forced  to  con 
sider  a  duty  of  30  per  cent,  a  sufficient  protection,  and  I  think  the 
hemp-growers  will  so  consider  it. 

Sugar.  This  is  an  agricultural  production,  which  has  grown 
into  importance  in  our  country,  within  a  few  years,  comparatively 
speaking ;  and  yet  it  has  already  become  the  great  staple  of  one 
section,  and  the  cultivation  and  production  are  rapidly  increasing. 
[  am  wholly  unacquainted  with  this  branch  of  agriculture,  and  can 
not,  therefore,  form  any  opinion  as  to  the  extent  of  protection  re 
quired  for  it.  The  article  is  one  which  has  been  very  heavily  taxed, 
under  almost  all  our  tariff  laws ;  formerly,  much  more  as  a  rich 
source  of  revenue,  than  from  any  object  of  protection  to  the  domes 
tic  production.  It  has  proved  to  be  an  article  which  will  bear  a 
higher  rate  of  revenue  duty  than  almost  any  other  considerable  arti 
cle  of  import  in  our  whole  list.  The  duty  imposed  under  the  present 
law  is  much  less  than  that  under  the  tariff  of  1816,  or  any  interme 
diate  law,  other  than  the  gradual  reductions  under  the  compromise 
act;  and  yet  the  rates,  as  have  been  seen,  are  from  67  to  101  per 
cent,  under  this  law.  It  will  be  also  observed,  that  the  falling  off 
in  the  trade,  in  this  article,  upon  a  comparison  with  the  six  years, 
has  been  55  per  cent. ;  and  with  the  single  year  1842,  but  48  per 
cent. ;  much  less,  in  both  cases,  than  most  of  the  other  articles  sub 
ject  to  such  extreme  rates  of  duty.  These  facts  are  referred  to,  for 
the  purpose  of  showing  that  the  article  will  bear  a  very  high  revenue 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  329 

July,  and  I  do  not  doubt  that  all  the  protection  required,  and  cer- 
ainlyall  which  it  would  be  reasonable  to  impose  upon  an  article  of 
such  universal  consumption,  could  be  afforded  without  a  violation 
of  the  revenue  principle. 

Of  the  principal  agricultural  staples  of  this  country,  the  three 
named  are  all  which  have  occurred  to  me  as  asking  protection,  or 
being  within  its  reach.  Of  all  our  other  great  staples,  we  are  ex 
porters,  and  not  importers ;  and  the  markets  of  other  countries,  the 
open  market  of  the  world,  are  our  markets  for  these  products,  and 
must  govern  our  prices.  Protection,  therefore,  by  impost  duties  im 
posed  by  us,  is  wholly  illusory  and  useless.  Any  duty  imposed  by 
us  upon  the  foreign  articles  in  our  markets  cannot  raise  the  price  of 
our  articles  in  a  foreign  market. 

Take  the  article  of  flour.  This  is  an  important  product  of  agri 
culture  over  a  very  large  portion  of  the  Union ;  and,  of  it,  the  coun 
try  exports  largely.  I  am  aware  that  a  high  duty  is  imposed  upon 
the  importation  of  foreign  wheat  and  flour,  by  the  present  law  ;  but 
does  that  duty  benefit  the  wheat-grower?  Where  is  his  price 
made  ?  Certainly  in  our  commercial  and  exporting  cities.  There 
the  surplus  of  our  wheat  must  go,  and  does  go,  to  fmd  its  market : 
and  there  the  market  price  is  established  which  governs  the  sales 
throughout  the  country.  What  controls  the  price  in  those  cities  ? 
Supply  and  demand,  which  control  the  price  of  everything  in  every 
market.  What  demand  ?  The  whole  demand  for  flour,  no  matter 
whether  to  be  consumed  at  home  or  to  be  exported.  All  purchasers 
in  the  same  market  pay  the  same  price,  without  reference  to  the 
purpose  for  which  they  buy.  There  is  always,  as  a  general  rule, 
a  surplus  of  flour  in  our  commercial  markets,  beyond  the  demand 
for  domestic  consumption ;  that  surplus  must  seek  a  foreign  mar 
ket,  and  the  price  it  will  command  for  exportation  controls  the  price 
of  the  whole  mass.  Our  duty,  therefore,  is  wholly  inoperative,  and 
cannot  exert  the  slightest  influence  upon  the  price  of  flour,  thus 
controlled,  even  in  our  own  markets.  Flour,  then,  cannot  be  pro 
tected,  because  we  export  flour,  and  the  open  markets  of  the  world 
are  our  markets,  and  must  control  our  prices. 

The  argument  in  favor  of  the  prohibitory  system  upon  manufac 
tured  articles,  is,  that  by  forcing  a  larger  proportion  of  our  laborers 
into  manufacturing  employments,  we  shall  withdraw  them  from 
agriculture,  and  thus  diminish  its  productions,  while  they  will  be 
come  consumers,  instead  of  producers  of  its  products,  and  thus  the 


330  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

agricultural  interest  will  receive  a  double  benefit  from  the  policy. 
I  shall  by-and-by,  have  occasion  to  inquire  how  far  labor  is  likely  to 
be  benefited  by  a  policy  which  is  designed  and  calculated  to  make 
dear  bread.  But,  passing  that  consideration  for  the  present,  I  will 
examine  this  argument  as  applicable  to  the  profits  of  grain-growing 
as  an  agricultural  pursuit.  In  just  so  far  as  the  manufacturing 
employments  of  this  country  increase  the  general  demand,  in  the 
markets  of  the  world,  to  precisely  that  extent  is  the  wheat-grower 
benefited  by  the  policy,  in  the  single  article  of  the  sale  of  his 
wheat.  Beyond  that,  this  effect  cannot  be  experienced  so  long  as 
our  wheat  and  flour  market  is  an  exporting  market.  If  the  policy 
could  be  carried  so  far  as  to  force  a  sufficient  portion  of  our  laborers 
into  manufactories,  to  consume  all  our  flour,  and  leave  no  surplus 
for  exportation,  then  might  the  wheat  of  our  farmer  come  within  the 
reach  of  protection ;  because,  then,  a  prohibitory  duty  upon  foreign 
wheat  would  give  him  the  monopoly  of  our  markets,  and  enable  him 
to  control  the  price  in  them.  Until  that  state  of  things  can  be  pro 
duced,  our  wheat  and  flour  cannot  be  benefited  by  an  impost  duty. 
So  long  as  we  are  exporters,  and  foreign  markets  are  our  markets 
for  these  articles,  the  price  of  the  wheat  of  our  farmer  cannot  be 
benefited  by  our  duty.  The  increased  home  demand  would  benefit 
him  so  far  as  it  should  affect  the  price  of  his  wheat  in  the  export 
market,  but  no  farther ;  and  beyond  that  he  could  derive  no  benefit, 
while  our  country  should  export  wheat. 

Does  any  senator  hope  to  see  the  time  when  this  country  will  nx 
export  breadstufFs  ?  I  do  not  hope  to  see  that  time.  I  think  the 
masses  of  the  people  of  this  country  will  find  speedy  cause  to  regret 
such  a  period,  if  it  shall  ever  occur.  They  will  be  likely  to  find 
that  a  monopoly  of  bread  is  anything  but  a  protection  to  their  com 
forts. 

The  articles  of  beef,  pork,  butter  and  cheese,  agricultural  produc 
tions  of  the  North  and  West,  stand  in  the  same  relation  to  this 
policy  with  wheat  and  flour.  They  are  great  staples  of  these  sec 
tions  of  the  Union,  and  they  are  all  articles  of  export.  Their  mar 
ket  is  the  market  of  the  world,  and  the  prices  they  command  are 
measured  by  the  wants  of  the  world,  not  merely  of  our  Union. 
Import  duties  upon  all  these  articles  are  dead  letters  upon  the 
statute  book,  so  far  as  the  interests  of  our  farmers  are  concerned. 
They  afford  no  revenue  to  the  public  treasury  to  lighten  his  taxes, 
and  add  nothing  to  the  price  of  his  products.  I  speak  com- 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  331 

paratively.  There  are  imports  under  all  these  heads,  but  not  of 
that  character  which  conflict  with  the  farmer's  market.  Delica 
cies,  luxuries,  bearing  these  general  names,  are  imported  in  very 
small  quantities,  for  the  uses  of  those  who  regard  their  appetites 
more  than  their  pockets.  Take  the  article  of  cheese  as  an  example. 
The  value  of  the  importations,  for  the  three  quarters  of  1843,  was 
$3,850,  the  quantity  being  30,033  pounds.  This  showed  a  foreign 
cost  of  more  than  12  J  cents  per  pound,  and  the  duty  was  9  cents  per 
pound,  bringing  the  article,  to  the  consumer,  up  to  a  price  probably 
not  less  than  25  cents  per  pound,  while  the  market  cheese  of  this 
country  commanded  about  5  cents  per  pound  in  our  largest  com 
mercial  markets.  So  with  wheat.  Choice  seed  wheat  is  occa 
sionally  imported,  which  gives  the  article  a  place  upon  the  list  of 
imports,  while  the  quantity  brought  into  the  country  does  not,  in  the 
least,  affect  the  market  price  of  the  wheat  of  our  farmer.  So  with 
the  other  articles  named. 

The  manufactories  are  spoken  of  as  furnishing  valuable  mar 
kets  to  the  farmer  for  these  articles  of  his  produce.  Where  do  the 
manufacturers  purchase  their  supplies  ?  In  the  great  commercial 
markets,  where  they  sell  their  manufactured  goods.  By  what  price 
do  they  purchase  ?  By  the  same  which  others  paid  in  the  same 
markets.  New  York  and  Boston  are  the  great  exporting  markets 
for  the  flour  of  this  country.  Did  any  one  ever  think  of  going  to 
Lowell,  the  largest  manufacturing  village  in  the  country,  to  learn 
the  market  price  of  flour  ?  Certainly  not ;  but  the  manufacturer 
of  Lowell  goes  to  the  Boston  or  New  York  market,  both  to  learn 
that  fact,  and  to  purchase  the  flour  for  the  consumption  of  his  fac 
tory  ;  and  when  there,  he  purchases  for  the  same  price  which  the 
merchant  pays,  who  purchases  to  export  to  England,  France,  South 
America,  or  any  other  foreign  market.  The  former  gets  no  more 
from  the  manufacturer  than  from  the  exporting  merchant.  So 
with  all  other  like  articles  of  supply  for  the  manufacturing  estab 
lishments. 

It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  these  establishments  open  a  limited 
retail  trade  to  the  farmers  in  their  immediate  vicinage,  for  fresh  pro 
visions  and  temporary  supplies,  which  are  both  convenient  and  lucra 
tive  ;  but  this  is  a  benefit  too  narrowly  circumscribed  to  be  taken 
into  the  account,  when  discussing  the  great  and  general  interests 
of  agriculture  throughout  this  wide  country. 

Cotton,  rice  and  tobacco,  are  great  agricultural  staples  of  the 


332 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 


southern  and  southwestern  states,  which  are  ajso  compelled  to  seek 
foreign  markets,  and  are  therefore  beyond  the  reach  of  protection 
from  import  duties.  Of  these  articles,  the  cotton  is  by  far  the  most 
important,  as  it  is  much  the  most  important  article  of  export  from 
our  country.  I  believe  the  estimates  are,  that  about  one-fifth  of  the 
ordinary  annual  crop  is  consumed  at  home  ;  the  remaining  four- 
fifths  being,  of  courso,  compelled  to  seek  a  foreign  market.  What 
proportions  of  the  tobacco  and  rice  find  a  home  market,  and  what 
proportions  are  exported,  I  am  unable  to  say.  It  is  enough  that  the 
interests  of  all  these  branches  of  agriculture  are  in  much  better  anJ 
abler  hands  than  mine  here ;  and  in  those  "hands  I  shall  cheer 
fully  leave  them. 

Not  to  go  further  in  this  examination  of  agricultural  productions, 
here  are  eleven  principal  articles,  three  only  of  which  can  be  mate 
rially  and  practically  benefited  by  protecting  duties ;  and  it  is  for 
the  wisdom  and  the  justice  of  Congress  to  decide  how  far  the  great 
public  and  private  interests  of  all  will  be  consulted  by  taxing  the 
eight  for  the  benefit  of  the  three,  beyond  that  degree  of  taxation 
which  a  supply  of  the  public  treasury  shall  demand,  and  the  proper 
rates  of  duties  for  raising  revenue  shall  warrant. 

If  such  the  relative  advantages  and  burdens,  flowing  to  the  manu 
facturing,  commercial,  and  agricultural  interests,  from  the  prohib 
itory  system  of  duties,  what  are  the  relative  claims  of  these  several 
interests  to  the  favors  and  bounties  of  the  Government,  growing  out 
of  the  actual  profits  of  capital  now  invested  in  them  respectively  ? 
Upon  this  point  I  pretend  to  no  extent  or  accuracy  of  information, 
and  my  object  is  to  throw  out  the  crude  impressions  I  have  imbibed, 
rather  to  elicit  information  from  others,  than  under  any  expectation 
of  communicating  information  myself. 

In  agriculture  the  great  mass  of  the  capital  of  the  country  is 
employed ;  and  what  does  it  yield,  in  net  annual  proceeds  ?  The 
senator  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  McDuffie]  has  said  he  did  not  be 
lieve  the  net  profits  of  the  planters  of  his  state  exceeded,  upon  the 
average,  5  per  cent,  upon  the  capital  invested.  I  was  surprised,  at 
the  time,  to  hear  the  gentleman  make  so  high  an  estimate.  I  have 
reflected  much  upon  the  subject,  and  taken  some  pains  to  make 
inquiries  from  others,  and  do  not  believe  that  the  net  profits  of  the 
capital  invested,  upon  a  fair  appraised  value  of  the  property  in  the 
market,  in  any  agricultural  county  in  my  state,  taking  an  average 
"jf  years,  will  exceed  3  per  cent.,  and  I  should  not  feel  surprised  to 


SPEECH    ON    TIJE    TARIFF.  333 

know  that  it  did  not  exceed  2  per  cent.  I  know  that  the  moderate 
but  independent  fanners  of  my  section  of  the  Union,  worth  from 
$3,000  to  $8,000,  and  $10,000,  as  industrious  and  frugal  as  any 
class  of  the  citizens  of  this  country  are,  or  can  be ;  who  can  pay 
oif  their  expenses  and  lay  up  from  $100  to  $200,  at  the  close  of 
the  year,  not  counting  the  labor  of  themselves  and  their  families 
upon  the  one  side,  or  their  living  upon  the  other,  consider  them 
selves  as  doing  well.  The  investments  of  capital  are  more  secure 
in  this  branch  of  industry,  and  to  that  extent  should  yield  less  re 
turns.  I  do  not  doubt  that  many  will  think  me  wild  in  the  judg 
ment  I  have  pronounced,  and  perhaps  I  am  ;  but  if  gentlemen  will 
institute  careful  inquiries,  I  have  no  doubt  they  will  be  surprised  at 
the  very  moderate  profits  derived  from  the  capital  employed  in  agri 
culture,  as  a  general  average  for  the  country. 

In  commerce  the  case  is  very  different.  Here  the  hazards  are 
extreme,  and  success  usually  brings  extreme  profits.  There  appears 
to  be  an  attraction  in  this  pursuit,  growing  out  of  the  very  hazards 
which  surround  it.  "Vast  fortunes  are,  sometimes,  suddenly  accu 
mulated,  and,  like  the  lotteries,  men  are  prone  to  look  at  the  prizes, 
not  at  the  blanks  which  are  drawn.  Still  I  very  much  doubt  whe 
ther,  as  a  whole,  the  net  profits  of  the  capital  invested  are  not  less 
in  this  than  in  either  of  the  other  great  divisions  of  business.  I  have 
often  thought  that,  were  any  branch  of  human  industry  presented, 
however  lucrative  the  compensation  promised,  where  the  hazards  to 
life  and  health  were  seen  to  be  as  great  as  are  the  hazards  which 
attend  the  employment  of  capital  in  commerce,  and  where  so  many 
wrecks  could  be  seen  along  its  shore,  no  human  being  would  be 
found  to  engage  in  it.  I  have  heard  calculations  of  the  rate  per 
cent,  of  commercial  men  who  fail  in  business,  and  it  was  fearfully 
great,  though  my  memory  will  not  permit  me  to  state,  with  confi 
dence,  what  the  rate  was. 

How,  then,  is  it  in  the  manufacturing  and  mechanical  branches 
of  industry  ?  Here,  more  than  in  the  other  branches,  forecast  and 
calculation  can  be  employed.  The  agriculturalist  must  take  the 
chances  of  the  seasons,  the  merchant  the  peril  of  the  seas,  and 
both  the  changes  of  the  markets ;  while  the  latter  is  the  only  hazard 
of  the  manufacturer  and  mechanic,  whose  employments  do  not  rest 
upon  artificial  and  changing  legislation.  I  can  speak  from  an 
acquaintance  somewhat  extensive  as  to  the  mechanics  of  the  coun- 
iry  as  a  class  of  citizens ;  and  where  industry  and  prudence  arc 


334  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

carefully  observed,  no  class  of  men  in  our  country  are  more  Certain 
to  reach  comfortable  independence.  Among  the  most  useful,  inde 
pendent,  and  respectable  citizens,  wherever  I  have  enjoyed  a  per- 
Bonal  acquaintance,  I  have  always  found  the  mechanics,  as  a  class, 
holding  a  very  prominent  place.  Hence  I  have  been  led  to  believe 
that  the  profits  of  capital  and  the  fruits  of  industry  in  their  employ 
ments  are  as  good  as  in  any  others  I  have  known,  as  a  general 
remark. 

With  the  large  manufacturing  establishments  I  have  scarcely 
any  acquaintance.  I  must  speak  of  them,  therefore,  from  report, 
and  I  shall  do  so  principally  from  what  has  been  said  of  the  profits 
of  their  capital,  in  the  course  of  this  debate.  And  what  has  been 
said  upon  this  point?  Their  dividends  have  been  spoken  of  as 
ranging  from  6,  7,  14,  and  20  percent,  up  to  30  and  40  per  cent, 
per  annum.  These  latter  rates,  I  am  compelled  to  suppose,  must 
be  somewhat  exaggerated.  I  have,  however,  been  informed,  from 
sources  upon  which  I  place  strong  reliance,  that  some  of  the  estab 
lishments  engaged  both  in  the  cotton  and  the  woollen  manufacture, 
are  able  to  divide  to  their  stockholders  7  per  cent,  upon  their  capital 
stock,  half-yearly,  and  to  accumulate  a  surplus  amply  sufficient  to 
cover  all  contingent  losses.  This  is  too  much  for  interests  sus 
tained  by  the  universal  taxation  of  all  other  branches  of  industry. 
Tf  this  is  so,  it  proves  conclusively  to  rny  mind,  that  the  present  pro 
hibitory  duties  should  be  modified,  and  fair  revenue  duties  substi 
tuted,  that  a  healthful  competition  may  moderate  these  profits,  by  a 
reduction  of  the  prices  of  the  manufactured  articles  to  the  consu 
mers.  This  is  far  beyond  the  profits  of  capital  in  other  branches  of 
industry,  and  too  much  to  be  sustained  by  burdens  imposed  upon 
them. 

It  remains  for  me  to  consider  the  influence  of  the  system  of  pro 
hibitions,  and  prohibitory  duties,  upon  labor  as  a  distinct  interest ; 
the  labor  of  those  operatives,  in  all  the  great  departments  of  indus 
try,  which  is  compensated  by  stipulated  wages,  and  has  no  other  or 
further  interest  in  the  capital  which  employs  it,  or  in  the  profits  or 
losses  arising  from  the  employment  of  that  capital. 

This  division  of  the  subject,  and  the  careful  consideration  of  this 
head,  is  rendered  more  appropriate  and  important,  because  the  advo 
cates  of  the  system  of  high  and  prohibitory  duties  place  its  defence 
and  justification  mainly — nay,  I  may  say  almost  exclusively — upon 
the  ground  of  protection  to  this  labor.  To  give  it  more  constant 


SPEECH  ON  THE  TARIFF.  335 

and  more  profitable  employment  is  their  great  avowed  object ;  and 
some  of  the  most  earnest  of  those  advocates,  in  this  debate,  have 
gone  so  far  as  to  say  that,  if  this  ground  could  not  be  sustained,  the 
system  itself  could  not  be  defended  and  justified. 

This  avowed  object  is  a  worthy  one.  No  great  interest  in  any 
country  more  justly  demands  or  deserves  the  watchful  regard  of 
legislators  than  this  labor,  and  no  member  of  this  body  feels  more 
earnestly  anxious  than  I  do  to  shape  all  our  legislation  so  as  to 
bring  the  fewest  burdens  upon,  and  the  greatest  benefits  to  it.  Un 
der  the  influence  of  this  disposition,  I  shall  enter  upon  the  examina 
tion  of  what  I  think  are,  and  must  be,  the  influences  of  such  a  policy 
upon  this  description  of  labor  in  our  country. 

One  position  cannot  fail  to  be  admitted.  If  the  high  duties  raise 
the  price  of  the  necessaries  of  life  to  our  laborer,  the  cost  of  his 
food,  his  clothing,  and  his  comforts,  to  that  extent,  they  are  a  tax 
upon  him,  and  lay  him  under  the  necessity  of  having  more  constant 
employment,  or  higher  wages,  or  both,  to  meet  the  increased  ex 
penses  of  his  living.  And  this  consequence  must  attach  to  him  in 
whichever  of  the  great  branches  of  industry  he  may  be  employed. 
The  tax  he  must  pay  upon  these  necessaries  must  be  equal,  whether 
he  be  engaged  in  manufactures,  commerce,  or  agriculture. 

While  the  high  duties  remain,  and  are  effective  to  raise  the  price 
and  extend  the  market  for  manufactured  articles,  those  engaged  in 
the  manufacturing  branches  of  industry  may  be  able  to  employ  more 
labor,  and  to  pay  better  prices,  in  consequence  of  the  duties ;  but  it 
has  been  already  shown  that  duties,  imposed  for  protection  and  not 
for  revenue,  never  have  been,  and  never  can  be,  sustained  at  a  sta 
ble  point ;  that,  as  soon  as  they  shall  have  the  effect  to  give  artificial 
values  to  the  protected  articles,  the  burden  of  the  tax  will  be  felt 
by  all  other  interests,  the  disproportionate  profits  to  the  protected 
interests  will  be  seen,  discontents  will  be  engendered,  and  the  duties 
will  be  reduced.  This  will  suspend  employment  at  the  high  rates 
of  wages,  and  the  laborer  will  be  thrown  wholly  out  of  employment. 

Again  :  If  too  prohibitory,  commerce  will  be  destroyed,  the  col 
lection  of  revenue  defeated,  and  reduction  of  the  duties  back  to  the 
revenue  point  will  become  compulsory.  This  will  have  the  same 
effect  to  render  the  employment  of  the  laborer  inconstant  and  fitful, 
as  well  as  to  unsettle  the  rate  of  his  wages.  And  if  these  two 
almost  unavoidable  consequences  do  not  follow,  the  increased  profits, 
arising  from  the  artificial  values  given  to  the  products,  will  produce 


336  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

domestic  competidon,  break  down  the  monopoly,  reduce  the  busi 
ness  to  the  level  of  other  pursuits,  and  thus  destroy  the  effect  of 
the  duties  upon  the  wages  of  labor.  In  either  of  these  events,  the 
influence  upon  the  wages  of  the  laborer  must  be  temporary,  and 
the  consequence  of  the  temporary  increase  of  his  compensation 
must  be  inconstant  employment  at  any  rate  of  compensation. 

In  this  aspect  of  the  case,  it  is  important  to  examine  the  nature 
of  the  connection  between  this  labor  and  the  capital  which  employs 
it,  in  the  manufacturing  branches.  And  it  should  be  premised,  that, 
in  any  state  of  duties,  any  advance  in  the  rates  of  wages  will  only 
be  a  consequence  of  an  advance  in  the  products  of  that  labor,  and 
so  far  from  keeping  pace  with  the  latter,  be  the  enhancement  of  the 
value  of  the  products  what  it  may,  the  only  increase  in  the  com 
pensation  to  labor  will  be  what  is  required  to  command  the  requi 
site  amount  of  it  from  the  other  great  branches  of  industry.  If 
the  goods  of  the  manufacturer  should  be  doubled  in  value,  it  by  no 
means  follows  that  he  would  double  the  wages  of  the  labor  he  em 
ploys.  That  would  depend  upon  the  rates  of  wages  which  his 
agricultural  and  commercial  neighbors  were  able  to  pay,  and  the 
rate  of  wages  he  would  establish  would  only  be  such  as  to  take 
from  them  the  l.ibor  he  should  require.  An  advance  of  5  percent, 
would  effect  this  object,  and  he  certainly  would  not  go  beyond  its 
accomplishment.  This  principle  is  not  only  true  when  applied  to 
labor  employed  in  manufacturing,  but  is  equally  applicable  to  the 
wages  of  labor  in  all  the  pursuits  of  industry.  No  capitalist,  what 
ever  may  be  his  employment,  pays  more  for  labor  than  will  com 
mand  such  as  he  requires,  be  the  profits  of  his  business  what  they 
may.  If  the  wheat  of  the  farmer,  or  his  wool,  or  his  beef,  double 
in  value,  he  does  not,  in  consequence,  double  the  wages  of  his 
laborers.  If  the  adventure  of  the  merchant  double  his  capital 
invested,  he  does  not,  in  consequence,  double  the  wages  of  his  sailors 
and  cartmen.  A  permanent  advance  in  products  generally  draws 
after  it  an  advance  in  the  wages  of  labor,  but  always  as  a  conse 
quence  ;  the  labor  is  the  last  to  advance,  and,  when  the  enhance 
ment  of  the  value  of  products  is  extreme,  labor  never  keeps  pace 
with  them.  The  ordinary  wages  of  the  able-bodied  day  laborer  of 
the  North,  in  the  hay  and  harvest  season,  is  $1,  in  money,  or  one 
bushel  of  wheat ;  but  let  wheat  advance  to  $2.50  per  bushel,  as  it 
sometimes  does,  and  the  wages  of  the  laborer  may  be  $1.50,  never 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  337 

more,  and  more  likely  $1.25.     The  operation  of  this  rule  is  uni 
versal. 

Let  the  usual  revulsion  come,  after  one  of  these  periods  of  high 
prices,  as  it  always  must  come,  and  what  is  the  effect  upon  labor  ? 
Employment,  at  any  rate  of  wages,  almost  ceases.  The  farmer 
and  the  merchant  curtail  their  operations  within  the  narrowest  pos 
sible  limits ;  and  the  manufacturer  closes  his  factory,  and  stops 
altogether.  This  compels  the  laborer,  at  once,  to  work  for  any  rate 
of  wages  he  can  get,  when  any  employment  at  all  is  offered.  Such 
are  the  fruits  of  extreme  fluctuations  upon  labor ;  and  it  has  been 
seen  that  fluctuations  must  be  a  consequence  of  high  and  prohib 
itory  duties,  and  a  consequent  artificial  standard  of  value,  in  any 
branch  of  industry. 

Again  :  The  manufacturer  can  make  his  business  the  subject  of 
very  accurate  estimate  and  calculation ;  and  hence  he  is  able  to 
establish  the  rates  of  his  laborers'  wages  so  as,  with  a  very  great 
degree  of  certainty,  to  protect  himself  from  loss.  He  is  about  to 
make  a  certain  quantity  of  a  certain  description  of  goods,  say  cotton 
or  woollen  cloths.  He  can  tell  precisely  what  the  materials  will 
cost  him,  how  long  it  will  take  his  mills  to  work  them  up,  what  will 
be  the  ordinary  wear  and  tear  of  his  machinery,  what  his  allowance 
for  accidents,  what  the  interest  upon  his  capital,  and,  from  tho 
prices  current  of  the  day,  what  the  cloths  will  sell  for  in  the 
market.  He  knows,  then,  what  he  can  afford  to  pay  for  the  labor, 
his  only  risk  being  a  change  in  the  market,  before  his  cloths  can 
be  placed  there.  Will  he  exceed  in  his  rate  of  wages  what  he 
thus  ascertains  he  can  afford  to  pay  ?  Never.  He  will  sooner 
close  his  mills,  and  let  his  capital  remain  idle.  Will  he  pay  for  his 
labor  all  which  this  calculation  shows  him  he  can  afford  to  pay  ? 
That  does  not  follow,  if  that  be  more  than  will  command  from 
others  the  labor  he  wants.  Hence,  in  this  branch  of  industry,  the 
laborer  must  work  for  the  ordinary  rate  of  wages,  be  the  profits  of 
the  manufacturer  what  they  may ;  while,  if  prices  are  low,  he  must 
work  for  what  the  manufacturer  can  afford  to  give  without  loss  to 
himself,  or  the  factory  is  closed,  and  he  finds  no  employment  there 
at  all.  In  other  words,  the  profits  upon  his  capital  are  the  whole 
object  of  the  proprietor  of  the  manufactory ;  and  he  will  not  work 
it  to  his  own  loss,  knowing  it  to  be  so.  If.  therefore,  fluctuations 
come,  which  he  can  foresee — if  prices  fall  below  a  healthful  line — 
the  weight  is  thrown  from  himself  on  to  the  shoulders  of  the  laborer, 

15 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF- 

and  he  must  bear  the  loss  in  a  reduction  of  his  compensation,  or  ho 
must  be  thrown  out  of  employment  altogether. 

Another  consideration,  I  suppose  must  materially  affect  manufac 
turing  labor.  I  am  not  personally  acquainted  with  the  subject,  but 
I  suppose  that  labor  is  rendered  more  dependent  than  labor  in  the 
other  branches  of  industry,  because  the  laborer,  by  long  employ 
ment  in  a  manufacturing  establishment  is,  to  a  great  extent,  un 
fitted  to  perform  profitable  labor  in  any  other  calling.  Is  this  not 
so  as  to  the  great  body  of  manufacturing  laborers  ?  and  does  not, 
therefore,  the  sudden  closing  of  the  factories,  and  the  entire  arrest 
of  their  employment,  reduce  them  to  peculiar  dependence,  unknown 
to  any  other  classes  of  laborers  in  our  country  ?  Such  are  my 
impressions,  and  if  they  are  well  founded,  they  will  show  the  great 
power  which  the  manufacturing  capitalist  must  hold  over  the  em 
ployment,  and,  by  necessary  consequence,  over  the  living,  the  com 
forts,  and  the  independence  of  the  manufacturing  laborer.  Is  it 
wise  or  politic,  in  reference  to  the  labor  of  this  country,  to  endeavor 
to  shape  our  laws  so  as  to  force  it  into  these  dependent  situations, 
from  the  more  free,  and  equally  comfortable  and  respectable  em 
ployments  of  agriculture  and  commerce  ?  I  cannot  tliink  so. 

I  have  admitted  that,  while  the  high  duties  shall  be  effective  to 
the  manufacturing  interest,  it  can  afford  to  make  a  better  compen 
sation  to  labor,  although  the  rates  of  compensation,  so  artificially 
improved,  as  well  as  the  entire  labor  under  the  system,  must  there 
by  be  rendered  unstable,  fluctuating,  fitful,  and  uncertain  ;  yet  how 
will  the  same  system  of  duties  and  prohibitions  affect  the  commer 
cial  branch  of  our  industry  ?  I  have  before  attempted,  and  I  believe 
successfully,  to  show  that  this  whole  policy  must  be  a  direct  burden 
upon  commerce.  Upon  this  interest  it  is  that  the  tax  is  directly  felt. 
Here  the  capital  must  be  raised  to  pay  the  duties.  Here  the  hazards 
of  the  markets,  at  the  enhanced  prices,  must  be  encountered.  And 
can  this  great  branch  of  industry  make  better  and  higher  compen 
sation  for  its  labor  under  such  a  system  ?  Palpably  not ;  and  yet 
its  labor  is  equally  taxed,  and  equally  demands  increased  compen 
sation.  Suppose  the  duties  are  prohibitory.  To  that  extent  com 
merce  is  destroyed,  and  the  call  for  labor  to  carry  on  its  operations 
is  also  destroyed.  Its  whole  operations,  too,  under  such  a  system, 
must  be  unsteady,  uncertain,  changeful,  and  fluctuating ;  and  so 
must  be  its  demand  for  labor,  and  its  ability  to  compensate  it ;  and 
yet  its  labor,  under  all  these  disadvantages,  must  bear  its  full  share 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  339 

of  the  burdens  of  the  system.  Its  food,  and  clothing,  and  comforts, 
must  bear  the  same  taxation  with  the  other  branches  of  labor,  and 
be  injured  in  the  rate  of  its  compensation,  in  the  steadiness  of  ita 
employment,  and  in  the  extent  of  the  demand  upon  which  it  relies. 
Need  I  say  more  to  prove  that  moderate,  reasonable,  stable  revenue 
duties  are  infinitely  more  advantageous  to  the  labor  employed  in 
commerce,  than  a  system  of  prohibitions  even  intended  to  protect 
labor? 

How  is  it,  then,  with  the  labor  employed  in  agriculture  ?  The 
wool-grower,  while  the  protective  duties  shall  have  the  effect  to 
raise  the  price  of  his  wool,  may  be  able  more  fully  to  compen 
sate  the  labor  he  is  called  upon  to  employ ;  but  what  is  his  de 
mand  for  labor  ?  Nothing  like  that  of  the  man  who  tills  the  soil, 
and  makes  grain-growing  his  business.  Upon  this  point  I  speak 
with  some  confidence,  as  I  believe  I  possess  accurate  personal  in 
formation.  That  portion  of  the  country  in  which  I  resided  from  in 
fancy  to  manhood  was  then  a  grain-growing,  and  is  now  a  wool- 
growing  district.  The  consequence  has  been  a  vast  change  in  the 
hired  labor  employed  by  the  farmers.  Their  hay-cutting  season  is 
now  the  only  one  in  which  the  demand  for  labor  is  extensive,  most 
of  the  farmers  intending  to  tend  their  flocks  of  sheep,  and  manage 
their  limited  tillage,  with  small  additions  to  the  labor  of  their  own 
families ;  and  the  mass  of  the  labor  of  their  hay-fields  is  now  per 
formed  by  transient  laborers  from  the  neighboring  British  province 
of  Canada.  The  rate  of  wages  is  high,  but  the  employment  very 
temporary ;  and  in  consequence,  that  class  of  native  laborers  which, 
when  I  was  a  boy,  depended  upon  employment  from  those  farmers, 
is  not  now  found  there.  They  have  gone  west  to  the  grain-grow 
ing  sections. 

The  hemp  and  sugar-growers  of  the  southwest  may  require  the 
same,  or  even  more  labor,  in  consequence  of  their  protection ;  and 
may  also  be  able  to  pay  better  prices,  so  long  as  the  duties  shall 
have  the  effect  to  enhance  the  value  of  their  products  in  the  market. 
Of  these  agricultural  employments  I  cannot  speak  from  personal 
acquaintance,  and  I  am  therefore  disposed  to  indulge  the  most  fa 
vorable  presumptions  in  regard  to  the  labor  employed  in  them. 

What  is  the  influence  upon  the  labor  employed  in  tillage,  in  rais 
ing  the  wheat  and  other  grains  of  the  North  and  West,  and  in 
making  the  beef,  pork,  butter,  and  cheese  of  those  sections,  and  in 
cultivating  the  cotton,  rice,  and  tobacco  of  the  South  ?  They  will 


340  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

require  the  same  labor  in  proportion  to  their  productions.  Their 
labor  is  equally  taxed  with  that  in  the  other  branches ;  and  their 
own  clothing  and  other  necessaries  and  comforts,  save  the  provis 
ions  which  they  produce,  bear  the  same  burdens  with  those  con 
sumed  by  their  fellow-citizens  in  other  employments.  Will  the 
system  of  high  and  prohibitory  duties  enable  them  to  pay  more  for 
their  labor  ?  It  has  been  seen  that  their  products  must  seek  the 
open  markets  of  the  world,  and  that  our  duties  cannot  affect  their 
price.  If  the  duties  shall  be  so  high  as  to  break  up,  or  materially 
interrupt  the  exchanges  of  commerce,  to  that  extent  their  markets 
must  be  injured  and  the  value  of  their  products  depressed.  How, 
then,  can  they  afford  to  pay  higher  wages  for  labor,  under  such  a 
system,  than  under  one  of  stable  revenue  duties,  which  leaves  their 
markets  open,  commerce  healthful,  and  themselves  and  their  labor 
but  moderately  taxed,  and  that  to  supply  the  national  treasury, 
which  they  must,  in  some  form,  contribute  to  supply  ?  They  can 
not.  They  cannot  so  well  afford  to  compensate  labor  for  its  toil ; 
and  yet  these  employments  are  the  great  resource  of  at  least  nine- 
tenths  of  the  labor  of  this  whole  country. 

Entertaining,  most  deeply,  these  impressions  in  relation  to  the  in 
fluences  of  the  prohibitory  system  of  duties  upon  the  labor  of  this 
country,  I  have  expended  a  good  deal  of  time  and  research  to  inform 
myself  as  to  the  results  of  a  like  policy  upon  this  great  and  vital 
interest  in  countries  where  the  system  is  much  older,  and  has  been 
much  more  rigidly  enforced,  than  as  yet  with  us.  One  natural  and 
necessary  consequence  of  the  system  has  appeared  to  me  to  be  to 
increase  the  power  of  capital  over  labor,  by  forcing  it  into  artificial 
channels,  and  thus  increasing  its  dependence ;  to  increase  the  profits 
of  capital  at  the  expense  of  labor,  and  finally  to  give  to  the  former 
a  monopoly  to  impoverish  and  oppress  the  latter. 

As  England  is  the  country  to  which  we  are  most  usually  referred 
for  lessons  of  wisdom  upon  this  subject,  and  the  British  Government 
is  the  one  which  claims  and  receives  the  credit  of  having  most  per 
fectly  protected  its  domestic  interests,  and  especially  its  labor,  I  have 
referred  to  British  history  to  satisfy  my  inquiries  upon  this  point. 
The  examination  has  been  a  tedious  one,  and  briefly  and  imperfectly 
as  I  intend  to  exhibit  it  to  the  Senate,  I  shall  be  compelled  to  be 
tedious  in  the  performance  of  that  task. 

And  first,  as  to  wool.  The  export  of  wool  from  Great  Britain 
was  prohibited  by  law  from  1660  down  to  1825,  while  the  article 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  341 

was  permitted  to  be  imported  free  of  duty  down  to  the  year  1802. 
Here  the  agricultural  interest  was  made  subservient  to  the  manu 
facturing1,  by  the  strongest  provisions  of  law.  The  British  wool- 
grower  was  compelled  to  sell  his  wool  in  the  markets  of  his  own 
country,  and  all  the  world  were  at  liberty  to  compete  with  him  there 
upon  equal  terms.  In  1802,  a  very  light  revenue  duty  of  2s.  3d. 
sterling  per  cwt.  was  imposed  upon  imported  wool,  which  was  raised 
in  1813,  to  6s.  8d.,  and  in  1819,  to  56s.,  equal  to  6d.  per  pound. 
This  high  duty  was  continued  but  for  a  short  period  ;  whe'n,  to  favor 
the  manufacture,  the  import  duty  was  brought  back  to  1  farthing 
Der  pound  upon  wool  costing  Is.  sterling  per  pound  or  under,  and 
Id.  per  pound  upon  all  other  wool,  where  it  now  remains. 

In  1337  Parliament  passed  a  law,  "  prohibiting  the  wear  of  any 
cloth  made  beyond  sea,  and  interdicting  the  export  of  English 
wool." 

In  1525  the  manufacture  of  wool  was  domestic,  and  pretty  equally 
distributed  over  the  kingdom. 

In  1533  a  law  was  passed,  reciting  "  that  the  city  of  York  afore 
this  time  had  been  upholden  principally  by  making  and  weaving  of 
coverlets,  and  the  poor  thereof  daily  set  on  work  in  spinning,  card 
ing,  dyeing,  weaving,  &c. ;"  that  the  manufacture,  having  spread 
into  other  parts,  was  "  thereby  debased  and  discredited  ;"  and  enact 
ing,  as  a  remedy  for  this  evil,  that  henceforth  "  none  shall  make 
coverlets  in  Yorkshire  but  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  York." 

About  the  same  time  an  act  was  passed  to  restrain  the  manufac 
ture  in  Worcestershire  to  the  town  of  Worcester  and  four  other 
towns. 

Here  was  protection  to  the  woollen  manufacture,  carried  not 
merely  to  the  prohibition  of  all  imports  of  woollen  goods,  and  the 
wear  within  the  realm  of  all  cloths  made  beyond  sea,  but  to  the  pro 
hibition  of  the  manufacture,  in  certain  branches,  by  any  of  the  in 
habitants  of  the  country,  except  in  certain  specified  towns ;  in  other 
words,  protection  by  law  against  domestic  as  well  as  foreign  com 
petition. 

In  1677  a  law  was  passed,  declaring  upon  its  face  that  it  was  for 
the  encouragement^ of  the  woollen  manufacture,  which  required 
that  all  persons  should  be  buried  in  woollen  shrouds,  and  that  the 
coffins  should  be  lined  with  woollen  cloth,  if  lined  with  cloth  at  all. 
Heavy  penalties  were  imposed  for  any  violation  of  this  act,  which 
went  to  the  clergyman  of  the  parish,  whose  duty  it  was  made  to 


342  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

prosecute  for  the  penalties  when  incurred  ;  and  he  was  to  read  the 
act  to  his  congregation  on  a  specified  Sabbath  in  each  year.  This 
law  the  historian  says  was  enforced,  and  remained  a  statute  of  the 
realm  for  more  than  one  hundred  and  thirty  years. 

As  early  as  the  year  1700,  manufactures  of  wool  were  exported 
from  Great  Britain  to  the  amount  of  more  than  £3,000,000  sterling 
per  annum.  In  1787  the  average  exports  were  about  three  and  a 
half  millions,  up  to,  and  until  after,  at  which  date  all  importations 
were  entirely  prohibited.  In  1819  importations  were  permitted  at  a 
duty  of  50  per  cent. ;  which  duty  was  subsequently  reduced,  and  in 
1834,  was  but  15  per  cent,  upon  goods  not  made  up,  and  20  per 
cent,  upon  those  made  up,  or  partly  so. 

In  1834,  the  entire  manufactures  of  wool  in  the  kingdom  were 
valued  at  £21,000,000,  a  little  less  than  one-third  of  which  were 
exported. 

This  brief  sketch  will  show  with  what  minuteness  and  rigid  care 
this  interest  has  received  legislative  protection  in  England,  and  how 
readily  and  perfectly  even  the  agricultural  interest  is  subjected  to 
its  advancement ;  and  under  that  government,  where  the  will  of 
Parliament  is  the  constitution  and  the  only  limit  of  power,  they  are 
not  compelled  to  resort  to  prohibitory  duties  to  reach  such  an  ob 
ject,  but  prohibitions  in  terms,  as  well  of  exportations  as  of  importa 
tions,  are  readily  and  freely  resorted  to,  when  thought  to  be  more 
efficient. 

The  duty  upon  bar-iron,  in  1787,  was  £2  16s.  2d.  per  ton,  and 
upon  iron  in  pigs  27i  per  cent. ;  but  iron  castings  and  manufactures 
of  iron  were  prohibited.  At  this  period,  the  exports  of  iron  were 
very  small,  only  some  eleven  or  twelve  thousand  tons  per  year. 
In  1819,  the  duty  upon  bar-iron  had  been  raised  to  £6  10  0,  and 
upon  iron  in  pigs  to  17s.  6d,  while  the  importation  of  iron  castings 
was  permitted  at  a  duty  of  20  per  cent.,  and  wrought  iron  and  the 
manufactures  of  iron  at  50  per  cent.  In  1834  the  duty  upon  bar- 
iron  had  been  reduced  to  £l  10  0,  upon  iron  in  pigs  to  10s,  upon 
castings  to  10  per  cent.,  and  upon  wrought-iron  and  the  manufac 
tures  to  20  per  cent.  In  this  year,  the  exports  of  iron  were 
145,000  tons,  and  in  1838,  255,317  tons.  The  substitution  of  pit 
for  wood  coal,  about  a  century  ago,  gave  a  wonderful  impetus  to 
this  manufacture  in  Great  Britain,  and  reduced  the  price  of  iron 
one  half  in  a  comparatively  short  period. 

The  manufacture  of  cottons  to  any  considerable  extent  in  Great 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  343 

Britain,  is  comparatively  of  recent  origin.  It  is  supposed  to  have 
existed  to  some  extent  in  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century; 
bat  down  to  a  period  as  late  as  1773,  cotton  was  only  used  for  fill 
ing  upon  a  linen  warp.  This  manufacture  was  also  at  first  domes 
tic,  and  very  generally  scattered  over  the  country.  The  weavers 
purchased  their  linen  warp  of  the  Irish,  their  cotton  wool  in  their 
own  markets,  and  from  these  materials  made  their  cloth  in  their  own 
houses,  and  sold  it  where  they  could  find  purchasers.  About  1760, 
the  merchants  of  Manchester  commenced  to  purchase  the  warp  and 
cotton,  and  send  agents  into  the  country  to  hire  the  weavers  to  man 
ufacture  cloth  for  them.  At  this  time  the  whole  value  of  the  man 
ufacture  in  the  kingdom  was  but  £200,000  per  annum.  In  1767, 
Hargrave  invented  the  spinning-jenny,  and  soon  after  Arkwright 
invented  the  spinning-frame.  About  1785  Compton  invented  the 
mule-jenny,  and  Cartwright  the  power-loom.  After  these  improve 
ments  the  manufacture  extended  itself  with  unexampled  rapidity, 
although  this  has  never  been  an  interest  so  peculiarly  favored  by 
British  legislation  as  the  woollens  interest.  At  an  early  period  this 
branch  of  manufacture  was  directly  discouraged,  and  almost  pro 
hibited  by  law.  In  1721  a  law  was  passed  imposing  a  penalty  of 
£5  upon  the  weaver,  and  £20  upon  any  person  who  should  sell  a 
piece  of  cotton  calico  within  the  realm.  This  was  to  protect  iha 
woollen  and  linen  manufactures ;  and  fifteen  years  after  this  time, 
this  legislation  was  so  modified  that  calicoes  manufactured  in  Great 
Britain  were  permitted  to  be  worn,  "  provided  the  warp  thereof  was 
entirely  of  linen  yarn." 

At  this  early  period  importations  of  cotton  wool  were  permitted 
free  of  duty  ;  and  as  early  as  1788,  the  manufacturers  were  pro 
tected  by  an  import  duty  of  from  44  to  50  per  cent.  In  1819,  these 
duties  were  raised  to  50  and  67i  per  cent. ;  and  in  1834  were  re 
duced  to  10  and  20  per  cent. 

Nothing  can  exhibit  more  forcibly  the  advance  of  the  cotton  man 
ufacture  in  Great  Britain,  or  of  the  production  of  cotton  wool  in  this 
country,  than  a  brief  reference  to  our  exports  of  that  article  to  that 
country.  In  1791,  the  first  cotton  wool  was  imported  into  England 
from  the  United  States,  and  the  quantity  was  189,316  pounds.  In 
1792,  the  quantity  was  less,  being  only  138,328  pounds.  In  1793» 
Whitney  invented  the  cotton-gin,  and  in  1794  we  sent  to  Great 
Britain  1,601,760  pounds  of  cotton;  in  1795,  5,276,300  pounds; 
and  in  1837,  (forty-two  years,)  this  export  had  reached  the  enor- 


344  srEEca  ox  THE  TAHIFF. 

mous  amount  of  444,211,537  pounds.  Previous  to  1831,  the  im 
port  duty  into  Great  Britain  did  not  exceed  six  per  cent.  It  was 
then  raised  to  10s.  sterling  per  cwt.,  which  duty  was  found  too 
burdensome  to  the  British  manufacture,  and  in  1833  it  was  reduced 
to  2s.  lid.  per  cwt.  At  about  this  period,  the  estimated  value  per 
annum  of  the  manufactures  of  cotton,  in  the  realm,  was  £34,000,000 
sterling,  more  than  a  third  beyond  the  value  of  the  manufactures  of 
wool  at  the  same  period.  Of  this  amount  of  manufactures^  about 
one-half  are  annually  exported,  and  find  their  market  out  of  the 
kingdom. 

Such  is  a  very  brief  sketch  of  these  three  important  branches  of 
manufacture,  wool,  iron,  and  cotton,  in  Great  Britain,  from  their  in 
fancy,  until  they  became  extensive  and  important  exporting  inter 
ests  ;  and  it  deserves  remark,  that  that  one  of  the  three  which  de 
pends  entirely  upon  a  foreign  material,  and  which  has  been  the  least 
favored  by  legislation,  had  become  by  far  the  most  important  of  the 
three,  and  much  the  most  extensive  and  important  manufacturing 
interest  in  the  kingdom.  Another  remark  should  also  be  made,  and 
it  is  that  all  these  interests  have  long  since  advanced  beyond  the 
reach  of  protecting  duties,  by  becoming  exporting  interests,  and  be 
ing  compelled  to  seek  the  open  markets  of  the  world  for  a  very 
large  share  of  their  productions.  The  present  import  duties,  being 
low  revenue  dudes,  is  conclusive  proof  upon  this  point. 

This  brief  history  shows  a  further  fact  connected  with  the  argu 
ments  urged  in  support  of  the  prohibitory  policy  of  this  country.  It 
is  that  Great  Britain  has  reached  that  condition  which  the  advo 
cates  of  that  system  here  seem  to  suppose  is  so  very  desirable,  and 
will  be  such  a  source  of  wealth,  happiness,  and  independence  to 
this  country — the  condition  when  the  population  of  the  country  re 
quire  all  its  produce  of  provisions  for  their  own  sustenance.  There 
the  agriculturalist  has  that  home  market,  the  exclusive  benefits  of 
which  hold  so  conspicuous  a  place  in  these  arguments. 

What  has  been,  and  what  is  now,  the  influence  upon  the  labor 
of  Great  Britain  of  this  home  monopoly  of  food  ?  This  is  the  point 
I  am  at  present  discussing,  and  it  is  in  reference  to  the  influence 
upon  labor  that  I  now  propose  to  examine  the  protective  and  prohib- 
jtory  system  of  that  Government,  and  its  general  legislative  policy 
in  respect  to  the  agricultural  interest.  Here,  again,  I  shall  be  com 
pelled  to  be  tedious,  but  to  myself  the  examination  is  not  without 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  345 

deep  and  exciting  interest.  I  propose  to  confine  myself  principally 
to  breadstuffs,  and  mostly  to  the  article  of  wheat. 

I  find  that,  from  the  conquest  in  the  eleventh  century  down  to 
1436,  (nearly  four  hundred  years,)  the  exportation  of  breadstuffs 
from  England  was  entirely  prohibited,  while  I  find  no  notice  of  any 
restraint  upon  importation.  The  declared  policy  during  this,  period 
was  to  secure  an  abundance  of  provisions,  and  low  prices.  In 
other  words,  it  was  a  system  of  protection  to  labor  at  the  expense 
of  capital. 

In  the  year  last  named,  a  law  was  passed  to  permit  the  exporta 
tion  of  breadstuffs  when  the  home  price  should  have  fallen  to  a  cer 
tain  specified  point.  For  wheat  it  was  about  36  cents  per  bushel, 
and  other  grains  in  proportion.  The  policy  of  this  legislation  was 
to  relieve  agriculture  from  the  depression  of  its  own  overstocked 
markets,  but  under  the  restriction,  that  exportation  must  cease 
when  the  domestic  price  should  rise  above  the  point  named. 

Laws  were  also  passed  to  regulate  and  restrain  the  domestic  trade 
in  breadstuffs.  These  laws  made  it  highly  penal  for  purchasers  10 
buy  up  and  engross  the  stocks  in  grain,  and  prohibited  purchasing 
in  one  part  of  the  kingdom  to  sell  in  another. 

In  1562,  exportation  was  permitted  when  the  domestic  price 
should  fall  to  about  54  cents  the  bushel  of  wheat;  and  in  1571, 
the  permission  was  extended  to  the  price  of  about  $1  07;  but  an 
export  duty  of  about  101  cents  was  imposed,  to  be  paid  to  the  public 
treasury. 

In  1624,  the  laws  imposing  restraints  upon  the  internal  trade  in 
breadstuffs  were  materially  modified. 

In  1670,  the  point  of  exportation  was  extended  to  the  price  of 
about  $1  47  per  bushel  for  wheat,  the  same  export  duty  being  im 
posed.  The  same  law  prohibited  importations  when  the  home 
price  should  be  at  or  below  the  point  of  exportation,  and  imposed  an 
import  duty  of  22  1-5  cents  per  bushel  until  the  home  price  should 
rise  to  $2  22  cents,  when  importations  could  be  made  free  of  duty. 

This  appears  to  be  the  first  law  adapting  the  policy  of  direct  pro 
tection  to  agriculture  by  prohibitions  and  import  duties. 

In  1673  only  three  years  after,  all  the  laws  restraining  the  in 
ternal  trade  in  grain  were  wholly  repealed,  evidently  in  furtherance 
of  the  same  policy  of  removing  the  restrictions  upon  agriculture  and 
extending  its  privileges. 

In  1689,  sixteen  years  later,  the  policy  on  the  subject  of  the  ex- 


346  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

portation  of  breadstuff's  was  precisely  reversed.  The  export  duty 
of  101  cents  per  bushel  was  repealed,  and  a  bounty  allowed  of 
about  14  cents  per  bushel,  to  be  paid  from  the  public  treasury,  upon 
the  exportation  of  wheat,  when  the  home  price  should  be  at  or  be 
low  Si  33  per  bushel.  This  swept  away  the  last  remaining  vestige 
of  legislation,  designed,  or  calculated,  to  make  bread  plenty  or 
cheap ;  and  adopted  fully  the  policy  of  legislating,  as  our  system 
proposes  to  do,  to  make  it  scarce  and  dear. 

From  this  period  until  1773,  almost  a  century,  the  legislation 
fluctuated — at  some  periods  exportation  being  wholly  prohibited, 
and  at  others  the  sums  paid  in  bounties  upon  exportation  being  very 
large.  In  the  single  year  1750  these  bounties  paid  amounted  to 
$1,062,270.  At  the  early  part  of  this  interval,  the  import  duty  was 
increased  to  about  45f  cents  per  bushel  upon  wheat,  when  the  home 
price  was  at  or  below  $1  52  per  bushel ;  and  half  that  duty  above 
that  price  and  below  $2  30,  when  importations  were  permitted  free. 
In  1699,  1703,  1704,  and  1747,  additions  were  made  to  this  duty, 
the  last  law  fixing  it  at  63  cents  per  bushel  when  the  domestic 
price  was  at  or  below  $1  25,  and  continuing  very  heavy  duties  until 
that  price  chould  rise  to  the  former  limit  of  $2  30. 

In  1773  a  great  change  was  made.  Importations  were  allowed 
at  a  merely  nominal  duty,  when  the  home  price  should  rise  to  $1  37 
per  bushel  for  wheat,  and  exportation  was  entirely  prohibited  when 
that  price  should  be  above  $1  22.  This  law  also  first  allowed  im 
portations  of  wheat  in  bond.  Here  was  an  extensive  remission  of 
the  former  protective  policy  in  favor  of  the  consumers  of  bread- 
stuffs,  and  consequently  in  favor  of  labor.  From  this  time  until 
1791  no  material  change  took  place  in  the  general  policy  of  the 
legislation,  though  several  laws  were  passed  increasing  the  import 
duty  when  the  price  of  wheat  was  at  or  below  the  limit  before  fixed 
of  $1  37  per  bushel,  the  last  bringing  that  duty  up  to  69  cents  per 
bushel. 

In  1791  new  demands  were  made  for  further  protection  to  the 
agricultural  interest.  Deep  fears  were  expressed  that  the  country 
would  be  brought  to  a  dependence  upon  foreign  wheat  for  its  bread, 
unless  greater  encouragement  was  given  to  the  domestic  wheat 
grower.  The  duty  was  then  69  cents  per  bushel,  but  that  duty 
ceased  when  the  home  price  should  rise  above  $1  37.  The  conse 
quence  of  this  agitation  was  the  continuance  of  that  duty  until  the 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  317 

home  price  should  rise  above  $1  43,  and  the  addition  of  heavy  du 
ties  between  that  price  and  $1  54  per  bushel. 

In  this  legislation  is  furnished  the  clearest  evidence  that  the  con 
sumption  of  bread-stuffs  in  the  kingdom  was  exceeding  its  fair  nat 
ural  production,  and  the  brief  sketch  I  have  given  of  the  advance  of 
the  manufacturing  interests  will  show  that  at  this  period  it  was  that 
the  manufactures  of  woollens,  iron,  and  cotton,  were  making  their 
most  rapid  extensions,  forced  along  by  very  high  protecting  duties 
or  positive  prohibitions.  The  consequence  of  this  farther  protection 
to  the  grain-growing  interests  was  a  forced  movement  in  that  direc 
tion.  Lands  much  more  suited  to  grazing  were  taken  in  and  put  to 
tillage  under  the  artificial  encouragement  and  the  necessities  of  the 
country  for  bread,  and  mark  the  first  consequence. 

In  1793,  at  the  expiration  of  but  two  years,  the  bounties  upon  the 
Exportation  of  wheat  from  the  realm  were  revived.  The  domestic 
markets  had  become  so  soon  overstocked,  and  as  the  land-owners 
could  not  sustain  the  consequent  fall  in  the  home  price,  a  bounty 
must  be  paid  to  them,  from  the  public  treasury,  for  exporting  their 
surplus  to  foreign  countries,  and  selling  it  there  cheaper  than  they 
were  willing  to  sell  it  in  the  markets  of  their  own  country. 

In  1797  the  Bank  of  England  suspended  specie  payments,  price.* 
of  commodities  and  of  bread-stuff*  with  others  rose  greatly,  and  de 
mands  for  further  protection  to  the  grain-growers  was  the  speedy 
consequence ;  and  in  this  year,  and  also  in  1803  and  1804,  moderate 
additions  were  made  to  the  import  duty. 

A  second  law,  in  1804,  fixed  the  import  duty  at  861  cents  per 
bushel,  when  the  price  should  be  at  or  below  $>1  80,  and  a  moderate 
duty  between  that  price  and  $1  89.  This  act  continued  the  boun 
ties  on  exportation  when  the  home  price  should  fall  to  $1  35. 

In  1805,  1806,  1809,  and  1813,  laws  were  passed  increasing  the 
import  duty ;  the  last  fixing  it  at  $1  13  per  bushel,  when  the  price 
in  the  domestic  market  should  be  at  or  below  $1  80. 

In  1814,  all  restrictions  upon  exportation  were  taken  off,  and  all 
bounties  upon  exportation  repealed. 

In  1815,  after  a  desperate  struggle  in  the  country  and  in  Parlia 
ment,  a  law  was  passed  prohibiting  importations  for  domestic  con 
sumption,  when  the  price  of  wheat  was  at  or  below  $2  30  per 
bushel,  and  allowing  them,  free  of  duty,  when  the  price  rose  above 
that  point. 

Here  this  branch  of  British  legislation  reached  its  climax,  and 


348  SPEECH  ON  THE  TARIFF. 

between  that  time  and  1827,  several  acts  were  passed  permitting 
importations  of  bread-stuffs,  for  specified  periods,  or  in  limited  quan 
tities,  or  under  special  orders  from  the  crown  or  the  board  of  trade, 
at  very  moderate  duties  ;  and  upon  one  occasion  the  lords  commis 
sioners  of  trade  actually  admitted  the  importation  of  a  considerable 
quantity  of  bread-stuffs,  in  the  face  of  the  law,  and  subsequently 
sought  and  received  the  sanction  of  Parliament  for  their  act. 

In  1827  a  modification  of  this  extreme  protection  took  place.  The 
import  duty  was  fixed  at  57  cents  per  bushel  when  the  price  of 
wheat  should  be  at  or  below  $1  72 ;  and  for  every  fall  from  that 
price  of  22  cents,  44  cents  were  added  to  the  duty  ;  and  for  every 
rise  in  the  price  of  22  cents  above  the  point  fixed,  ($1  72,)  44  cents 
were  to  be  taken  from  the  duty,  until  wheat  should  come  to  be  about 
$2  per  bushel,  when  the  duty  was  to  be  stationary,  and  merely 
nominal — only  equal  to  about  2f  cents  per  bushel.  This  act  was 
limited  upon  its  face,  and  was  to  expire  on  the  1st  of  May,  1828. 
This  was  the  first  direct  introduction  of  the  sliding-scale  of  duties, 
which  still  characterizes  the  British  corn  laws ;  and  these  modifica 
tions  of  the  law  of  1815  were  predicated  upon  the  admission  that  the 
protection  to  this  interest  had  been  carried  to  excess  under  that  law. 

In  1828  a  general  law  fully  adopting  the  sliding-scale,  so  called, 
gave  again  permanent  regulation  to  these  duties.  The  point  fixed 
for  importations  at  a  merely  nominal  duty,  was  a  domestic  price  a 
trifle  above  $2  per  bushel.  For  a  fall  of  Is.  sterling  below  this 
price,  2s.  8d.  were  added  to  the  duty  per  quarter  of  eight  bushels ; 
for  a  fall  of  a  second  shilling  per  quarter,  four  shillings  more  were 
added  to  the  duty  ;  and  so  on,  irregularly  increasing  the  duty  as  the . 
home  price  of  wheat  should  fall,  until,  at  the  price  of  $1  85,  the 
duty  should  be  57  cents  per  bushel ;  and  from  that  point  the  duty 
was  to  increase  exactly  as  the  price  should  fall. 

After  this  period  no  material  change  is  believed  to  have  taken 
place  until  the  now  existing  law,  which  fixes  the  duty  at  55^  cents 
per  bushel  when  the  price  of  wheat  is  $1  41 J,  and  diminishes  the 
duty  exactly,  or  almost  exactly,  as  the  price  rises,  until  it  reaches 
$2,  when  the  duty  becomes  fixed,  and  merely  nominal — Is.  per 
quarter  of  eight  bushels. 

Such  is  a  brief  and  very  imperfect  sketch  of  the  protection  which 
British  legislation  has  given,  first  to  the  consumers,  and  then  to  the 
producers,  of  bread-stuffs. 

A  mere  glance  at  the  legislation  in  reference  to  a  few  other  arti- 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  349 

cles  of  provisions  will  close  this  review.  In  1787,  the  import  duty 
upon  hams  and  bacon  was  $10  43  per  cwt. ;  that  duty  in  1819  was 
raised  to  $12  43,  and  is  now  just  half  that  amount,  $621  per  cwt. 
The  importation  of  salted  beef  and  pork  was  prohibited  in  1787  and 
in  1819,  and  now  the  duty  is  $2  66  per  cwt.  In  1787,  the  import 
duty  upon  butter  was  but  55i  cents  per  cwt.,  and  in  1819,  and  at 
the  present  time,  it  is  $4  44.  Upon  cheese,  the  duty  in  1787  was 
33i  cents  per  cwt.,  and  in  1819,  and  at  the  present  time,  it  is  $2  31. 
Such  has  been  the  protection  extended  to  these  important  agricul 
tural  productions,  which  are  equally  necessary  articles  of  food. 

Such  has  been  the  British  system  of  protection  to  domestic  in 
terests,  as  the  terms  are  used  in  this  debate — to  great  branches  of 
manufacture,  and  to  the  great  and  leading  interests  of  agriculture — 
and  what  have  been  the  fruits  to  the  British  population,  to  the  British 
masses,  to  British  labor  ? — for  this  last  is  my  present  point  of  inquiry. 

Need  I  refer  to  the  present  condition  of  the  laboring  masses  of 
Great  Britain  to  answer  this  question  ?  Are  authorities  required 
to  establish  and  illustrate  the  condition  of  that  portion  of  the  British 
population  ?  I  shall  not  attempt  to  adduce  thorn.  The  very  argu 
ment  upon  which  the  present  tariff  law  is  sustained,  and  its  policy 
justified,  by  its  most  intelligent  as  well  as  most  distinguished  advo 
cates  here,  admits  all  I  wish  to  infer,  as  the  fruits  of  the  British  sys 
tem.  What  is  that  argument  ?  That  our  manufactures,  our  agri 
culture,  our  every  interest,  require  to  be  protected  against  "  the  pau 
per  labor  of  Europe"  and  of  what  country  in  Europe  so  much  as 
Great  Britain  ?  What  other  country  holds  such  stern  competition 
with  us  in  almost  all  our  manufacturing  interests,  and  especially  in 
wool,  iron,  and  cotton  ?  Not  one,  and  not  all  the  countries  of  Eu 
rope  combined.  Protection,  then,  is  demanded  most  emphatically 
against  the  pauper  labor  of  England,  of  Great  Britain.  And  hence 
my  argument  drawn  from  the  practical  workings  of  the  British  sys 
tem,  cannot  be  inapplicable  or  inappropriate. 

Again,  I  will  repeat,  I  am  examining  the  influence  of  this  pro 
hibitory  and  monopolizing  system  upon  labor,  upon  the  condition 
and  comforts  of  the  laboring  classes,  and  upon  the  wages  of  labor. 

What,  then,  is  the  present  condition  of  the  day-laborer  in  Great 
Britain  ?  What  in  England  itself?  That  of  poverty,  want,  and 
hunger.  Poverty  in  his  dwelling,  in  his  clothing,  in  his  food.  I 
remember  to  have  seen,  within  one  or  two  years,  extracts  from  some 
public  document,  I  believe  some  examination  before  a  committee  of 


350  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

Parliament,  in  which  it  was  stated  that  the  agricultural  laborer  of 
England  did  not  consume  as  much  wholesome  bread  by  about  one- 
fourth  as  the  same  description  of  laborers  in  France,  and  nearly  one 
half  less  than  the  same  laborer  in  this  country ;  that  he  did  not  have, 
on  the  average,  to  exceed  one  full  meal  of  butcher's  meat  per  week ; 
and  that  the  laborers  in  the  manufactories  were  not  as  well  fed  as 
those  employed  in  agriculture.  The  same  document  stated  that  the 
laborer  in  Ireland  was  scarcely  acquainted  with  the  articles  of  meat 
and  bread,  as  articles  of  his  own  food,  the  potato  being  almost  his 
exclusive  living. 

Such  have  been  the  fruits  of  this  system  of  prohibitions  and  mo 
nopoly  of  bread  to  labor,  in  Great  Britain,  and  such  is  the  condition 
to  which  a  rigid  adherence  to  it  for  many  centuries  has  reduced  the 
common  laborer  of  that  country.  It  has  produced  an  impassable 
separation  between  labor  and  capital,  and  an  examination  of  the 
official  documents  upon  which  the  modern  British  legislation  is  pre 
dicated  will  show  that  the  great  inquiry  is,  how  will  any  proposed 
measure  affect  capital ;  the  rente  of  land ;  the  revenues  of  the 
wealthy  classes ;  the  credit  of  the  stocks  ? — not  how  it  will  affect 
the  working  man  or  his  comforts.  The  tendency  there  has  been  to 
benefit  capital  at  the  expense  of  labor,  until  it  has  made  the  capital 
ist  an  aristocrat,  rolling  in  wealth,  holding  the  labor  of  the  country 
under  his  feet,  by  his  monopoly  over  all  the  pursuits  of  industry,  and 
the  Government  of  the  country  and  the  control  of  its  policy,  in  his 
hands,  by  the  power  of  the  loans  which  the  profits  of  his  capital 
arising  from  this  legislation  has  enabled  him  to  make  to  it.  It  has 
made  the  Government  a  proud,  splendid,  and  powerful  bankrupt, 
buried  under  a  mountain  of  debt  which  it  never  hopes  to  pay ;  and 
it  has  made  the  working  man  a  starving  beggar — a  legalized  pauper. 

Can  a  like  policy  and  like  measures  fail  to  produce  like  results 
upon  the  laboring  man  of  this  country  ?  They  have  produced  them 
to  an  almost  equal  extent  in  France,  Spain,  Austria,  and  every  other 
country  where  the  monopolizing  policy  has  controlled  the  legislation. 
In  Great  Britain  they  have  been  produced  most  perfectly,  because 
there  the  policy  has  been  adopted  most  extensively  and  pursued 
most  rigidly ;  but  everywhere  the  marked  effect  has  been  to  sepa 
rate  capital  and  labor,  and  to  place  the  latter  entirely  in  the  power 
of  the  former ;  and  an  invariable  consequence  has  been  to  increase 
the  profits  of  capital,  and  diminish  the  wages,  the  comforts,  and  the 
independence  of  labor.  Ireland  affords  the  most  striking  example 


SPEECH  ON  THE  TARIFF.  351 

of  the  extent  to  which  the  power  and  oppression  of  capital  over 
labor  can  be  carried.  There  even  the  landlord  is  a  permanent  ab 
sentee,  not  simply  from  his  estate,  but  from  the  country,  and  every 
thing  which  will  sell  is  carried  away  to  extinguish  his  rents  and 
swell  his  gains,  while  that  which  will  not,  remains  to  subsist  an 
almost  naked  and  almost  starving  tenantry,  suffering  under  the  op 
pressions  of  a  merciless  agent  of  their  absentee  landlord. 

I  have  letters,  informing  me  that  persons  are  now  engaged,  in 
various  parts  of  the  country,  endeavoring  to  prejudice  the  minds  of 
our  honest  Irish  laborers  against  those  who  seek  to  modify  the  pres 
ent  tariff  law,  alleging  that  it  is  done  to  benefit  British  labor,  at  the 
expense  of  the  labor  of  this  country.  Do  they  hope  to  convince 
these  warm-hearted  sons  of  oppression,  who  have  fled  from  this 
system  at  home,  that  it  will  be  a  blessing  to  confer  it  upon  them 
here  ?  Are  they  to  be  made  to  believe  that  the  British  policy,  which 
has  brought  the  laborer  in  Great  Britain  to  absolute  starvation,  is  a 
policy  which  is  to  promote  their  happiness  in  this  country  ?  They 
will  pay,  as  cheerfully  as  any  portion  of  our  population,  such  taxes 
as  the  support  of  the  Government  may  require,  but  their  experience 
at  home  will  not  be  likely  to  make  them  easily  believe  that  taxation 
will  bring  them  either  comforts  or  independence. 

Still,  it  is  said,  we  require  protection  against  the  pauper  labor  of 
their  country,  and  of  other  European  countries.  This  is  not  the 
ground  assumed  at  an  earlier  stage  of  this  policy.  Then  it  was, 
that  our  manufacturers  required  protection  against  the  increased 
cost  of  the  raw  materials  for  their  manufacture  in  this  country  over 
that  cost  in  the  manufacturing  countries  of  Europe.  I  hold  in  my 
hand  the  minutes  of  testimony  taken  before  the  committee  on  man 
ufactures  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  during  the  session  of 
Congress  of  1827-28,  and  previous  to  the  passage  of  the  tariff  law 
of  1828.  The  testimony  to  which  I  refer  related  to  the  manufacture 
of  wool ;  and  every  witness  who  answered  the  interrogatory  agreed 
in  stating  that  wool  could  be  manufactured  as  cheap  in  this  country 
as  in  England,  the  manufacturer  here  having  the  wool  and  other 
materials  at  the  same  price. 

[Mr.  Wright  here  read  the  testimony  of  several  witnesses,  among 
which  were  the  following  : — 

Col.  James  Shepherd,  of  Northampton,  Massachusetts,  witness, 
was  asked  the  following  question,  and  gave  the  following  answer: 

"  Question.  Of  an  equal  quality  of  wool,  at  present  prices,  in  Eng- 


352  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

land  and  the  United  States,  can  the  English  manufacturer  make  a 
cheaper  fabric  than  can  be  made  in  the  United  States  ?  If  so,  how 
much  cheaper  ? 

"  Answer.  The  difference  in  the  price  of  the  fabric  would  be  the 
difference  of  the  price  of  the  wool,  in  my  opinion,  as  I  think  we  can 
manufacture  it  as  cheap  as  they  can  !" 

Mr.  W.  read  the  testimony  of  Abraham  Marland  of  Andover, 
Massachusetts  ;  William  W.  Young,  of  Wilmington,  Delaware ; 
James  Walcott,  Jr.,  of  Southbridge,  Massachusetts ;  and  Joshua 
Clapp,  of  Boston,  Massachusetts,  to  the  same  purport. 

He  then  read  the  testimony  of  Joshua  W.  Pierce,  of  Somers- 
worth,  New  Hampshire,  as  follows : — 

"  Question.  Without  reference  to  the  price  of  wool,  can  the 
fabric  be  manufactured  as  cheap  in  the  United  States  as  in  Eng 
land  ? 

"  Answer.  I  think  it  can.  All  my  information  brings  me  to  this 
conclusion  ;  and  one  reason  I  would  assign  is,  that  we  substitute  a 
much  larger  share  of  the  labor  of  females  than  they  do  in  Eng 
land,  in  the  woollen  manufacture." 

He  also  read  the  testimony  of  Elenterre  Irene  Dupont,  of  New 
Castle  county,  Delaware,  as  follows : — 

"  Question.  Without  reference  to  the  difference  in  the  price  of 
wool,  can  the  fabric  be  manufactured  as  cheap  in  the  United  States 
as  in  England  ? 

"  Answer.  The  woollen  manufactory  is  not  fairly  established  in 
this  country,  but  I  kn»w  no  reason  why  we  cannot  manufacture  as 
well,  and  as  cheap,  as  they  can  in  England,  except  the  difference 
in  the  price  of  labor,  for  which,  in  my  opinion,  we  are  fully  com 
pensated  by  other  advantages.  Our  difficulties  are  not  the  cost  of 
manufacturing,  but  the  great  fluctuations  in  our  home  market, 
caused  by  the  excessive  and  irregular  foreign  importations.  The 
high  prices  we  pay  for  labor  are,  in  my  opinion,  beneficial  to  the 
American  manufacturer,  as  for  those  wages  he  gets  a  much  better 
selection  of  hands,  and  those  capable  of,  and  willing  to,  perform  a 
much  greater  amount  of  labor  in  a  given  time.  The  American 
manufacturer,  also,  uses  a  larger  share  of  labor-saving  machinery 
than  is  used  in  the  English  manufactories,  which  very  much  dimin 
ishes  the  effect  of  the  higher  rates  of  wages  upon  the  actual  cost  of 
our  goods."] 

Here  is  the  sworn  testimony  of  practical  manufacturers  in  1828. 


SfEECH  ON  THE  TARIFF.  353 

They  did  not,  then,  suppose  that  they  required  protection  against 
"  the  pauper  labor"  of  England.  Whether  time  has  changed  their 
interests,  in  this  respect,  I  am  unable  to  say.  I  do  not  suppose  it 
has  materially,  as  I  am  not  aware  that  the  wages  of  labor  have 
risen  in  this  country,  or  fallen  in  England,  so  as  to  widen  the  dis 
parity  between  the  two  countries,  very  essentially,  since  1828. 

Whether  these  witnesses  were,  at  the  time,  laboring  under  a  mis 
take  in  judgment  upon  this  point,  is  another  question  which  I  am 
not  able  to  decide.  I  will  confess  that  I  had  some  doubts,  when  the 
testimony  was  given ;  and  yet  it  satisfied  me  that  the  disparity,  if 
any,  must  be  much  less  than  seemed  to  be  generally  supposed. 

Another  remark  is  suggested  here,  from  the  answer  of  the  last 
witness.  Our  cotton  and  woollen  manufactures  must  now  cer 
tainly  be  fully  and  firmly  established ;  and  I  suppose  the  skill  pos 
sessed  in  these  branches  must  be  as  perfect,  as  to  the  qualities  and 
kinds  of  goods  manufactured,  as  that  possessed  by  manufacturers 
elsewhere.  In  1828,  this  was  one  of  the  principal  grounds  upon 
which  protection  was  sought.  It  was  contended  that  our  manu 
facturers  wanted  time  to  establish  their  business,  and  acquire  the 
skill  necessary  to  compete  with  foreign  establishments.  Has  suffi 
cient  time  to  accomplish  these  objects  been  allowed,  that  now  the 
ground  is  changed  upon  which  continued  protection,  beyond  that 
which  the  collection  of  the  revenue  will  afford,  is  still  demanded  ? 
I  suppose  that  must  be  so,  and  hence  it  is  necessary  to  examine 
this  new  ground,  and  more  especially  as  to  its  influence  upon 
labor. 

If  we  are  to  adopt  the  prohibitory  system  to  protect  our  manu 
facturing  interests  against  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe,  when  is  the 
ground  for  that  protection  to  cease  ?  Certainly  not  until  one  of  two 
events  can  be  brought  about.  It  must  continue  either  until  pauper 
labor  shall  cease  to  exist  in  Europe,  or  until  the  .system  shall  pro 
duce  pauper  labor  here,  which  can  compete  upon  equal  terms,  with 
the  pauper  labor  of  other  manufacturing  countries.  Who  ever 
expects  to  see  the  time  when  there  will  not  be  pauper  labor  in  Eng 
land,  and  the  other  European  countries  ?  Certainly  no  one,  while 
the  present  institutions,  and  systems,  and  policy,  of  those  Govern 
ments  continue.  The  first  event,  therefore,  is  not  to  take  place,  and 
thus  relieve  our  manufacturers  from  their  demands  for  protection 
against  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe. 

How  is  it  as  to  the   second  of  these  events?    Will  the   pro- 


354  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

hibitory  system,  fully  introduced  and  rigidly  adhered  to,  reduce 
the  labor  of  this  country  to  a  similar  state  of  pauperism,  and 
therefore  of  equal  competition,  with  the  labor  of  Europe  ?  It  has 
been  seen  that  such  has  been  one  of  its  fruits,  in  every  country 
where  it  has  been  rigidly  enforced.  Suppose  the  system  to  be  car 
ried  to  the  British  extent  in  this  country,  and  that  a  sufficient  por 
tion  of  our  population  be  induced  by  it  to  resort  to  manufacturing 
and  the  mechanic  arts  to  consume  all  our  agricultural  productions : 
can  that  portion  of  the  population  which  continues  in  agricultural 
pursuits  consume  all  the  manufactured  products  of  the  portion  en 
gaged  in  that  branch  ?  Certainly  not  the  one  half  of  them.  As 
one  man  employed  in  agriculture  can  feed  several  engaged  in  other 
pursuits,  so  one  man  employed  in  manufactures  can  clothe  several 
engaged  in  agriculture.  What,  then,  is  to  become  of  the  surplus 
of  manufactures  ?  Now  there  is  a  surplus  of  agricultural  produc 
tions,  and  that  surplus  is  and  must  be  exported  ;  and  hence  those 
productions  are  beyond  the  reach  of  protection  from  our  duties.  So 
must  the  surplus  of  manufactures,  in  the  assumed  case,  be  exported ; 
and  then  will  manufactures  be  beyond  the  reach  of  our  protection, 
while  the  agricultural  productions,  being  all  consumed  at  home, 
will  be  brought  within  the  reach  of  protection  from  our  duties. 

Such  is  precisely  the  present  condition  of  Great  Britain,  and  her 
agricultural  interests  prove  as  ready  to  demand  her  legislative  pro 
tection,  and  a  monopoly  of  her  home  markets,  as  did  her  manufac 
turing  interests,  in  their  infancy,  while  the  latter  have  passed  be 
yond  the  reach  of  benefit  from  the  policy,  by  having  become  her 
exporting  interests. 

Suppose  this  revolution  accomplished  in  our  country,  and  that  all 
our  agricultural  products  are  consumed  at  home,  and  all  our  ex 
ports  are  made  to  consist  of  our  manufactured  products :  how  will 
then  be  our  manufacturing  labor  ?  It  will  be  beyond  the  reach  of 
protecting  duties,  because  its  products  would  have  to  be  sold  in  the 
open  markets  of  the  world,  and  to  meet  the  competition  of  the  world, 
the  pauper  labor  of  Europe  and  all.  No  import  duties  of  ours  can 
enhance  the  value  of  their  products,  or  give  to  them  the  monopoly 
of  a  market.  They  must  meet  competition,  as  the  great  mass  of 
our  agricultural  productions  now  do,  wherever  a  market  can  be 
found.  Then,  however,  our  agriculture,  like  that  of  England  at  the 
present  time,  will  <Jaim  the  protection  within  its  reach,  the  exclu 
sive  possession  of  the  markets  of  its  own  country.  It  will  com- 


SPEECH  ON  THE  TARIFF.  355 

mand  and  secure  that  protection,  for  it  is,  and  will  be,  the  com 
manding  interest.  It  will  here,  as  in  other  countries,  draw  the 
capital  of  the  nation  to  itself,  for  the  security  of  the  investment, 
when  the  control  of  the  national  policy  shall  enable  that  capital, 
thus  invested,  to  dictate  its  own  profits. 

When  such  a  state  of  things  shall  have  been  produced  by  a  pro 
hibitory  policy  on  the  part  of  this  Government,  what  will  measure 
the  compensation  to  labor  ?  and  what,  especially,  to  manufacturing 
labor  ?  The  manufacturer  can  make  his  calculations  as  well  then 
as  now.  He  can  tell  the  cost  of  his  materials,  the  interest  upon  his 
capital  invested,  the  wear  and  tear  of  his  machinery,  and  the  promise 
of  his  market,  as  well  under  such  a  system  as  under  the  present ; 
and,  consequently,  he  will  know  as  certainly  what  he  can  afford  to 
pay  for  labor,  and  when  his  interests  will  be  better  served  by  closing 
his  factory  than  by  employing  laborers  to  run  it.  What  will  he  do  ? 
Will  he  not  pay  such  rates  of  wages  for  labor  as  he  can  afford  to 
pay,  or  employ  no  laborers  at  all  ?  Most  certainly  he  will.  What 
will  be  his  movable  item  of  cost  in  deciding  the  question  whether 
he  shall  work  his  mills  or  suffer  them  to  remain  idle  ?  Most  cer 
tainly  the  wages  of  his  labor.  He  cannot  control  the  cost  of  the 
materials  of  his  manufacture,  or  the  cost  of  the  provisions  and 
other  necessaries  of  the  laborers  he  is  to  employ ;  and  he  will  not 
abate  the  profits  upon  his  capital ;  but  he  can  and  will  control  the 
wages  of  his  labor. 

If,  then,  pauper  labor  in  Europe  meets  him  in  the  foreign  market, 
he  must  and  will  have  pauper  labor  at  home  to  compete  with  it,  or 
he  will  close  his  mills  and  employ  no  labor.  And  suppose  he  does 
that,  what  is  this  mass  of  unemployed  manufacturing  labor  to  do  ? 
Where  is  it,  to  resort  ?  Will  agriculture  take  it  up  ?  Certainly 
not ;  because  that  will  extend  its  productions  beyond  a  supply  for 
the  home  market,  and  destroy  its  monopoly  and  high  prices,  by  com 
pelling  it  to  export. 

This  is  precisely  the  result  of  the  experience  of  Great  Britain,  as 
before  shown,  and  of  all  other  countries  which  have  pursued  the 
monopolizing  policy.  The  result  in  all  has  been  dear  bread  and 
cheap  labor ;  the  prosperity  of  capital  and  the  subjection  of  the 
masses ;  the  triumph  of  the  power  of  money  over  the  moral  and 
physical  power  of  men.  It  must  be  so  in  this  country,  if  ever  the 
time  shall  arrive  that  its  manufacturing,  rather  than  its  agricul 
tural,  becomes  its  exporting  interest.  Then  the  laborer  will  be  fet- 


356  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

tered  and  bound  down  to  such  fixed  employment  as  capital  shall 
find  it  for  its  interest  to  give,  and  the  wages  of  labor  must,  as  in 
England  now,  be  controlled  by  the  prices  at  which  the  products  of 
manufacture  can  be  sold  abroad.  I  will  make  a  brief  reference  to 
testimony  taken  before  a  committee  of  the  House  of  Commons  of 
the  British  Parliament  in  184'2,  to  show  the  working  of  the  system 
upon  the  wages  of  labor  there.  The  witness  was  a  Mr.  Joseph 
Walker,  an  extensive  manufacturer,  at  Wolverhampton,  England. 
Speaking  of  the  duties  upon  the  foreign  iron  used  in  their  manufac 
tories,  and  the  effect  of  that  duty  upon  the  wages  they  are  able  to 
pay  for  labor,  he  says,  "that  difference  must  come  out  of  the  wages 
of  labor  here ;  for  we  actually  export  the  goods  that  we  make  of 
foreign  iron ;  and  when  we  export  them,  we  must  sell  them  at  the 
price  the  foreigner  does." 

"  Question.  You  mean  to  say  that  that  burden  compolls  you  to 
reduce  the  wages  so  as  to  enable  you  to  compete  with  the  foreigner  ? 
Answer.  It  has  the  effect  of  reducing  them  the  whole  amount  of  the 
duty." 

Again :  speaking  of  duties  upon  articles  of  provisions,  the  wit 
ness  says :  "  Undoubtedly  all  the  duties  put  upon  the  importation 
of  food  of  all  descriptions — on  coffee,  sugar,  corn,  and  everything 
of  that  sort — are  a  direct  disadvantage  to  the  laboring  man  of  Eng 
land;  because  it  is  evident  that  the  manufacturer  must  sell  his 
goods  at  the  price  at  which  the  foreigner  sells  his  ;  and,  in  order  to 
do  that,  he  must  reduce  his  wages  to  the  workmen."  Again  : 

"  Question.  Do  the  wages  of  the  workmen  at  Wolverhampton  rise 
and  fall  with  the  price  of  food,  and  other  articles  of  necessity  ?  An 
swer.  No :  I  think  not.  I  do  not  think  it  operates.  The  wages  of 
labor  depend  upon  the  demand  for  the  goods,  not  upon  the  price  of 
the  provisions.  We  witness,  now,  low  wages  and  a  high  price  of 
provisions ;  high  prices  of  bread,  meat  and  groceries."  Again  : 
"  Question.  Unless  the  price  of  your  manufactures  was  lower,  how 
would  you  be  better  able  to  meet  the  foreign  manufacturer  than 
you  now  are  ?  Answer.  We  are  now  compelled  to  fall  back  upon 
a  reduction  of  wages  to  meet  the  foreign  manufacturers,  because 
the  cost  of  the  raw  material  is  the  same  to  them  and  to  us ;  and  it 
is,  therefore,  the  workmen  who  suffer.  If  we  do  not  get  10s.  for  a 
piece  of  goods  in  a  foreign  market,  and  we  are  obliged  to  take  8s., 
we  must  then  either  cease  to  send  the  goods  there,  or  fall  back 
upon  the  wages  to  reduce  it  to  8s." 


' 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  357 

Here  is  the  sworn  testimony  of  an  intelligent  manufacturer  of 
goods  in  England  for  an  export  market,  and  here  his  exposition  of 
the  influence  upon  the  wages  of  labor,  of  the  condition  I  have 
assumed ;  when  the  productions  of  agriculture  find  consumers  at 
home  to  their  full  extent,  and  when  the  manufacturing  has  become 
the  exporting  interest. 

I  have  said  I  do  not  wish  to  see  the  time  when  this  country  shall 
cease  to  export  the  bread-stuffs  and  other  articles  of  food.  Here 
are  my  reasons.  This  witness  has  stated  them  from  a  practical 
experience.  I  do  not  wish  to  see  the  time  when  our  duties  will  fall 
upon  the  hungry  laborer,  because  he  must  have  food ;  and  this  tes 
timony  shows  that  the  capitalist  will  not  let  them  fall  upon  him.  If 
compelled  to  pay  a  duty  upon  his  iron,  he  will  deduct  the  amount 
from  the  wages  of  his  laborer  ;  and  the  laborer  must  work  for  such 
wages  as  he  can  get,  or  he  cannot  eat  his  highly-taxed  food.  Such 
are  my  views  of  the  unavoidable  final  fruits  of  the  prohibitory  sys 
tem  upon  labor  and  the  laboring  man. 

So  much  has  been  said,  in  the  course  of  this  debate,  about  the 
present  prosperity  of  the  country,  and  the  agency  of  the  present 
tariff  law  in  producing  the  prosperous  change,  that  I  feel  compelled 
to  offer  a  remark  or  two  upon  that  subject.  And,  in  the  first  place, 
it  is  my  duty  to  inquire  to  what  extent  the  country  can  now  be  said 
to  be  in  a  prosperous  state.  It  is  important  to  settle  the  fact,  before 
it  will  become  necessary  to  seek  for  the  cause. 

The  commercial  exhibition,  which  I  have  presented  for  the  year 
1843,  certainly  does  not  furnish  much  ground  for  exultation,  so  far 
as  that  great  interest  is  concerned.  I  am  aware  that  trade  is  hold 
ing  out  a  somewhat  better  promise  for  the  present  year ;  though 
nothing  I  have  yet  seen  indicates  very  abundant  importations  for 
this  year.  I  suspect  that  gentlemen  have  rather  looked  at  the  du 
ties  collected,  under  the  present  very  high  rates,  than  at  the  value 
of  the  importations ;  for  they  will  remember,  if  the  imports  should 
rise  up  to  what  has  been  considered  in  former  years  a  healthful  and 
prosperous  state  of  commerce,  with  the  present  very  limited  free  list, 
the  revenue  collected  must  be  enormous  under  the  present  rates  of 
duty. 

How  is  it  with  agriculture  ?  Is  that  interest  prosperous  ?  I  can 
speak  within  my  own  limited  acquaintance,  and  not  beyond  it.  In 
the  county  of  my  residence,  the  beef  and  pork  and  butter  and  cheese 
of  the  farmer,  during  the  last  fall,  which  was  the  season  for  the 


358  SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF. 

sale  of  those  productions,  found  one  of  the  dullest  markets  which 
that  section  of  the  country  has  ever  known,  and  at  prices  at  least, 
from  15  to  20  per  cent,  reduced  from  the  previous  very  low  year. 
Such  is  the  state  of  agricultural  prosperity  there,  and  1  am  informed 
and  believe  that  all  the  northern  and  western  counties  of  my  state 
have  met  the  same  experience.  Bread-stuffs,  and  especially  wheat, 
I  believe  did  a  little  better  last  fall,  and  found  ready  markets  at 
moderately  fair  prices. 

The  manufacturers,  it  is  said,  have  been  doing  a  very  lucrative 
business  under  this  law,  and  I  presume  that  interest  may  be  called 
prosperous ;  and  I  think  the  prosperity  derivable  from  this  legisla 
tion,  must  be  limited  mainly  to  that  interest. 

I  do  believe  that  the  law  has  exerted  some  influence  in  the  resto 
ration  of  the  public  credit ;  and  the  belief  that  it  would,  operated 
strongly  in  inducing  me  to  vote  for  it ;  but  a  much  more  moderate 
law,  and  one  arranged  upon  fair  revenue  principles,  while  it  would 
have  had  at  least  an  equal  effect  in  that  direction,  would  have  less 
embarrassed  agriculture  and  commerce,  and  laid  a  more  safe  and 
healthful  foundation  for  the  lasting  prosperity  of  our  manufactures. 

In  speaking  of  our  prosperity,  senators  seem  to  forget  our  con 
dition  at  the  time  the  law  passed.  The  evils  of  our  bloated  credit 
system  had  passed  over  the  country,  blighting  everything  like  pros 
perity,  and  leaving  only  debt  and  distrust.  Time  has  measurably 
restored  confidence  where  it  was  deserved,  and  the  sponge  of  the 
bankrupt  law  has  wiped  away  the  hopeless  load  of  debt.  In  this 
condition,  the  country  is  as  certain  to  rise  into  a  state  of  prosperity, 
as  the  young  and  sound  constitution,  to  recover  health,  after  the 
seeds  of  the  disease  which  has  prostrated  it  have  been  eradicated. 
Here  is  the  great  and  resistless  cause  of  the  moderate  degree  of 
prosperity  which  has  yet  appeared,  and  it  will  be  scarcely  in  the 
power  of  bad  legislation  to  prevent  its  onward  progress,  though  it 
may,  as  I  believe  this  law  will,  if  not  properly  modified,  materially 
retard  it. 

Finally,  I  will  ask,  can  a  system  of  taxation  be  made  a  system 
of  blessings  to  a  whole  people  ?  Is  it  possible  that  a  country  can 
be  taxed  into  prosperity,  and  wealth,  and  happiness?  If  the  tax- 
collector  be  benefited,  must  not  the  tax-payer  feel  the  burden  ?  If 
one  interest  is  positively  promoted  by  the  arrangement  of  the  tax, 
must  uot  some  other  one  be  burdened  by  it  ?  It  is  a  tax,  and  must 
be  paid,  and  all  therefore  cannot  receive,  and  none  pay.  Would 


SPEECH    ON    THE    TARIFF.  359 

Congress  think  of  imposing  taxes,  if  revenue  were  not  wanted  ? 
Would  any  one  think  of  imposing  high  duties  if  there  were  no  ex 
penses  of  the  Government  to  provide  for  ?  I  suppose  not ;  and  hence 
it  seems  to  me  that  the  duties  we  do  impose  should  be  imposed  to 
raise  the  means  to  meet  those  expenses,  aot  to  defeat  revenue  by 
prohibiting  importations. 

Let  me  not  be  misunderstood.  My  argument  is  not  between  pro 
tection  and  no  protection.  It  is  between  that  degree  of  protection 
which  is  incident  to  revenue  and  consistent  with  it,  and  prohibition, 
destroying  revenue  and  conferring  monopoly.  I  am  willing  to  throw 
the  whole  mass  of  the  revenue  from  customs — from  sixteen  to 
twenty  millions  of  dollars  a  year — between  the  domestic  and  foreign 
competing  interests,  for  the  protection  of  the  former ;  but  I  am  not 
willing  to  shut  out  competition,  break  up  our  commerce,  and  destroy 
our  revenue,  to  favor  any  interest.  I  believe  such  a  policy  unequal 
and  unjust ;  that  it  will  unreasonably  burden  the  exporting  interests, 
and  must  finally  fall  with  crushing  weight  upon  the  working  man. 


AGRICULTURAL  ADDRESS. 


[Read  by  JOHN  A.  Dix,  at  the  Exhibition  of  the  New  York  State  Agricultural 
Society,  held  at  Saratoga,  September  16th,  1847.] 

Before  proceeding  to  read  the  Address,  Mr.  Dix  made  the  follow 
ing  remarks : — 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  ike  Society: — I  have  come 
here,  at  your  request,  to  perform  a  melancholy  duty — to  read  to 
you  and  to  this  assembly,  the  Annual  Address  prepared  for  the  oc 
casion  by  Silas  Wright.  In  the  order  of  your  proceedings  it  was 
to  have  been  delivered  by  himself.  The  providence  of  God  has 
overruled  your  arrangements.  The  voice  which  was  to  have  been 
heard  by  the  thousands  assembled  here,  is  silenced  forever.  He 
who  was  to  have  stood  before  you  where  I  now  stand,  and  to 
have  borne  a  prominent  part  in  your  proceedings,  has  gone  down 
in  the  fulness  of  health  and  strength,  to  the  tomb.  The  large 
space  which  Mr.  Wright  rilled  in  the  public  eye,  his  great  talents 
and  the  moral  elevation  of  his  character,  render  that  bereave 
ment  a  national  calamity.  The  general  gloom  which  the  intel 
ligence  of  his  death  carried  with  it,  attests  the  profound  respect  in 
which  he  was  held  by  his  countrymen,  and  the  strong  impression 
which  his  character  and  services  had  wrought  in  the  public  mind. 

The  admonition  contained  in  these  hidden  dispensations  of  Prov 
idence  is  the  more  solemn,  when  those  who  are  conspicuous  for 
their  intellect  and  their  virtue,  are  called  from  the  field  of  their 
labor,  while  they  are  yet  fresh  and  vigorous,  and  when  the  path 
they  tread  seems  but  an  avenue  to  higher  distinction.  It  is  thus 
that  the  career  of  Mr.  Wright  has  been  terminated,  while  his 
faculties  were  in  full  vigor,  and  while  much  of  the  high  promise 
of  his  life  was  yet  to  be  fulfilled.  His  death  is  the  more  im 
pressive  at  this  time,  and  in  this  place,  from  the  peculiar  circum 
stances  by  which  his  name  is  connected  with  the  proceedings  of 


AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS.  361 

the  day.  The  intellectual  labor  in  which  he  had  been  engaged, 
at  the  invitation  of  the  society,  was  performed.  The  address  he 
was  to  have  delivered,  was  completed  during  the  veiy  last  hours 
of  his  life.  Thus,  the  accomplishment  of  the  task  he  had  under 
taken  for  the  society,  may  be  said  to  have  been  coincident  with 
the  termination  of  his  earthly  career. 

I  am  not  here,  Mr.  President  and  gentlemen,  to  pronounce  a 
<sulogy  on  the  character  or  public  services  of  Mr.  Wright;  but 
to  perform  the  more  humble  part  of  reading  to  you  the  address, 
which  lies  before  me — the  last  labor  of  his  life — and  which  seems 
to  come  as  a  legacy  to  the  society,  to  his  friends,  and  to  his  coun 
trymen.  At  the  same  time,  I  have  thought  it  might  not  be  inap 
propriate  or  unsatisfactory  to  refer  briefly  to  some  of  the  circum 
stances  attending  his  decease. 

It  is  well  known  that  Mr.  Wright  for  the  last  twenty  years  has 
held,  without  interruption,  various  public  trusts  requiring  inces 
sant  mental  labor,  and  leading  to  a  habitually  sedentary  life.  In 
the  intervals  of  his  service  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
from  1833  to  1845,  a  portion  of  his  time  was  devoted  to  the  cul 
tivation  of  his  garden  and  a  few  acres  of  land,  by  his  own  hands. 
While  governor  of  the  state  he  purchased  an  additional  truantity 
of  land,  and  when  relieved  from  the  duties  of  the  executive  of 
fice,  he  applied  himself  writh  great  diligence  and  zeal  to  the  im 
provement  of  it.  His  labor  was  not  merely  that  of  superintend 
ence.  He  was  himself  a  principal  laborer  in  all  his  agricultural 
operations.  He  hired  an  able-bodied,  hard-working  man,  and 
went  with  him  into  the  field,  ploughing,  mowing  and  harvesting, 
performing  himself  a  full  share  of  labor ;  and,  after  the  fatigues 
of  the  day,  retiring  to  his  study  and  passing  his  evenings  in  read 
ing  and  in  correspondence.  To  these  excessive  exertions  of  body 
and  of  mind,  and  to  the  too  rapid  transition  from  a  life  of  compar 
ative  bodily  inactivity  to  one  of  severe  manual  labor,  is  doubtless 
to  be  traced  the  sudden  attack,  which  terminated  his  existence. 
I  need  not  dwell  upon  details,  which  have  been  so  widely  circu 
lated,  and  are  now  so  generally  kno\m.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  on 
the  morning  after  he  had  revised  the  address,  which  I  am  about 
to  read,  and  after  having  made  a  few  corrections,  leaving  it 
word  for  word  as  it  now  is,  and  probably  precisely  what  it  would 
have  been  if  he  had  lived  to  deliver  it  himself,  he  was  seized  with 
a  severe  pain  in  the  breast  at  the  village  post-office, — walked 

16 


362  AGBICULTURAL    ADDRESS. 

calmly  to  his  house  with  a  few  friends,  and  in  two  hours  he  had 
as  calmly  breathed  his  last. 

Such,  gentlemen,  were  the  last  hours  of  Silas  Wright  1  The 
same  calmness  which  distinguished  him  throughout  all  the 
changes  of  his  life,  accompanied  him  at  its  close.  From  the  first 
moment  of  his  attack  he  appeared  to  understand  its  fatal  char 
acter,  and  he  submitted  to  it  without  a  struggle  or  a  murmur. 

In  him  perished  one  of  the  purest  models  of  a  citizen  and  a 
statesman  the  country  contained.  He  may  be  said,  indeed,  to 
have  been  an  impersonation  of  the  true  character  and  spirit  of 
her  institutions.  In  the  traditions  and  legends  of  early  ages,  be 
fore  these  eras  of  legitimate  history,  their  periods  are  markedly 
the  lines  and  actions  of  distinguished  personages,  invested  with 
the  ruling  characteristics  of  the  communities  of  which  they  were 
intended  to  be  the  types.  The  spirit  of  the  political  system  is  thus 
illustrated  by  the  individual  example.  Mr.  Wright  might  have 
been  copied  without  any  coloring  of  the  imagination,  as  an  exempli 
fication  of  the  genius  of  ours — of  what  it  is,  arid  what  it  ought  to  be 
— of  its  simplicity,  its  purity  and  its  strength.  Plain  and  unosten 
tatious  in  his  manners,  serene  amid  all  the  agitations  of  life,  un 
ambitious  of  wealth  and  honors,  singularly  courteous  and  kind  in 
his  intercourse  with  others,  equally  dignified — whether  dealing 
with  the  most  complex  questions  of  public  policy  in  the  Senate 
chamber,  or  when  tilling,  with  Roman  simplicity,  his  own  field — 
he  recalled  to  mind  those  classical  examples  of  distinguished  pa 
triotism  and  virtue,  which  gave  lustre  to  the  times  in  which  they 
existed,  and  which  have  come  down  to  us  consecrated  by  tho 
memory  of  ages.  '•  v 

The  close  of  his  life  was  in  harmony  with  its  whole  course.  It 
was  appropriate  that  the  last  labors  of  his  hands  should  have  been 
performed  with  the  implements  of  husbandry,  and  that  the  last 
effort  of  his  mind  should  have  been  given  to  the  cause  of  agricul 
ture,  a  pursuit  to  which  the  great  mass  of  his  countrymen  are  de 
voted,  and  on  which  the  purity  of  the  body  politic,  and  the 
durability  of  our  social  system,  pre-eminently  depend. 

With  these  remarks,  which  I  could  not  forbear  to  make,  and 
for  which  I  trust  the  occasion  will  furnish  my  apology,  I  proceed 
to  read  the  address. 


AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS.  363 

Mr.  President,  and  Gentlemen  of  the  State  Agricultural  So 
ciety  : — 

Had  it  been  ray  purpose  to  entertain  you  with  a  eulogium  upon 
the  great  interest  confided  to  your  care,  the  Agriculture  of  the 
State,  I  should  find  myself  forestalled  by  the  exhibition  which 
surrounds  us,  and  which  has  pronounced  that  eulogy  to  the  eye, 
much  more  forcibly,  impressively,  eloquently,  than  I  could  com 
mand  language  to  pronounce  it  to  the  ear  of  this  assembly. 

Had  I  mistakenly  proposed  to  address  to  you  a  discourse  upon 
agricultural  production,  this  exhibition  would  have  driven  me 
from  my  purpose,  by  the  conviction  that  I  am  a  backward  and 
scarcely  initiated  scholar,  standing  in  the  presence  of  masters,  with 
the  least  instructed  and  experienced  of  whom,  it  would  be  my 
duty  to  change  places. 

The  agriculture  of  our  state,  far  as  it  yet  is  from  maturity  and 
perfection,  has  already  become  an  art,  a  science,  a  profession,  in 
which  he  who  would  instruct  must  be  first  himself  instructed  far 
beyond  the  advancement  of  him  who  now  addresses  you. 

The  pervading  character  of  this  great  and  vital  interest,  how 
ever;  its  intimate  connection  with  the  wants,  comforts,  and  inter 
ests  of  every  man  in  every  employment  and  calling  in  life ;  and 
its  controlling  relations  to  the  commerce,  manufactures,  substan 
tial  independence,  and  general  health  and  prosperity  of  our  whole 
people,  present  abundant  subjects  for  contemplation  upon  occa 
sions  like  this,  without  attempting  to  explore  the  depths  or  to  de 
fine  the  principles  of  a  science  so  profound,  and,  to  the  unitiated, 
so  difficult,  as  is  that  of  agriculture. 

Agricultural  production  is  the  substratum  of  the  whole  super 
structure  ;  the  great  element  which  spreads  the  sail  and  impels 
the  car  of  commerce,  and  moves  the  hands  and  turns  the  ma 
chinery  of  manufacture.  The  earth  is  the  common  mother  of  all, 
in  whatever  employment  engaged,  and  the  fruits  gathered  from 
its  bosom,  are  alike  the  indispensable  nutriment  and  support  of 
all.  The  productions  of  its  surface  and  the  treasures  of  its  mines, 
are  the  material  upon  which  the  labor  of  the  agriculturist,  the 
merchant,  and  the  manufacturer,  are  alike  bestowed,  and  are  the 
prize  for  which  all  alike  toil. 

The  active  stimulus  which  urges  all  forward,  excites  industry, 
awakens  ingenuity,  and  brings  out  invention,  is  the  prospect  or 


364  AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS. 

hope  of  a  market  for  the  productions  of  their  labor.  The  far 
mer  produces  to  sell ;  the  merchant  purchases  to  sell ;  and  the 
manufacturer  fabricates  to  sell.  Self-consumption  of  their  re 
spective  goods,  although  an  indispensable  necessity  of  life,  is  a 
mere  incident  in  the  mind  impelled  to  acquisition.  To  gain  that 
•which  is  not  produced  or  required,  by  the  sale  of  that  which  is 
possessed,  is  the  great  struggle  of  laboring  man. 

Agricultural  production  is  the  first  in  order,  the  strongest  in 
necessity,  and  the  highest  in  usefulness,  in  this  whole  system  of 
acquisition.  The  other  branches  stand  upon  it,  are  sustained  by 
it,  and  without  it,  could  not  exist.  Still  it  has  been  almost  uni 
formly,  as  the  whole  history  of  our  state  and  country  will  show, 
the  most  neglected.  Apprenticeship,  education,  a  specific  course 
of  systematic  instruction,  has  been,  time  out  of  mind,  considered 
an  indispensable  pre-requisite  to  a  creditable  or  successful  engage 
ment  in  commercial  or  mechanical  pursuits  ;  while  to  know  how 
to  wield  the  axe,  to  hold  the  plough,  and  to  swing  the  scythe,  has 
been  deemed  sufficient  to  entitle  the  possessor  of  that  knowledge 
to  the  first  place  and  the  highest  wages  in  agricultural  employ 
ment. 

A  simple  principle  of  production  and  of  trade,  always  prac 
tically  applied  to  manufactures  and  commerce,  that  the  best  and 
cheapest  article  will  command  the  market,  and  prove  the  most 
profitable  to  the  producer  and  the  seller,  because  most  beneficial 
to  the  buyer  and  consumer,  is  but  beginning  to  receive  its  appli 
cation  to  agriculture.  The  merchant,  who,  from  a  more  exten 
sive  acquaintance  with  his  occupation,  a  more  attentive  observa 
tion  of  the  markets,  better  adapted  means,  and  a  more  careful 
application  of  sound  judgment,  untiring  energy  and  prudent  in 
dustry,  can  buy  the  best  and  sell  the  cheapest,  has  ahvays  been 
seen  to  be  the  earliest  and  surest  to  accomplish  the  great  object  of 
his  class,  an  independence  for  himself.  So  the  mechanic,  who,  from 
a  more  thorough  instruction  in  the  principles  and  handicraft  of 
his  trade,  or  a  more  intense  application  of  mind  and  judgment 
with  labor,  can  improve  the  articles  he  fabricates,  or  the  ma 
chinery  and  modes  of  their  manufacture,  and  can  thus  produce 
the  best  and  sell  the  cheapest,  has  always  been  seen  to  reach  the 
same  advantage  over  his  competitors,  with  equal  readiness  and 
certainty ;  and  that  these  results  should  follow  these  means  and 
efforts,  has  been  considered  natural  and  unavoidable. 


AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS.  365 

Still  the  agriculturist  has  been  content  to  follow  in  the  beaten 
track,  to  pursue  the  course  his  fathers  have  ever  pursued,  and  to 
depend  on  the  earth,  the  seasons,  good  fortune  and  Providence, 
for  a  crop,  indulging  the  hope  that  high  prices  may  compensate 
for  diminished  quantity  or  inferior  quality.  It  has  scarcely  oc 
curred  to  him,  that  the  study  of  the  principles  of  his  profession, 
had  anything  to  do  with  his  success  as  a  farmer,  or  that  what  he 
had  demanded  from  his  soils  should  be  considered  in  connection 
with  what  he  is  to  do  for  them,  and  what  he  is  about  to  ask  them 
to  perform.  He  has  almost  overlooked  the  vital  fact,  that  his 
lands,  like  his  patient  teams,  require  to  be  fed  to  enable  them  to 
perform  well  ;  and  especially  has  he  neglected  to  consider,  that 
there  is  a  like  connection  between  the  quantity  and  quality  of  the 
food  they  are  to  receive,  and  the  service  to  be  required  from  them. 
Ready,  almost  always,  to  the  extent  of  their  ability,  to  make  ad 
vances  for  the  purchase  of  more  lands,  how  few  of  our  farmers, 
in  the  comparison,  are  willing  to  make  the  necessary  outlays  for 
the  profitable  improvement  of  the  land  they  have? 

These,  and  kindred  subjects  are  beginning  to  occupy  the  minds 
of  our  farmers,  and  the  debt  they  owe  to  this  society  for  its  efforts 
to  awaken  their  attention  to  these  important  facts,  and  to  supply 
useful  and  practical  information  in  regard  to  them,  is  gradually 
receiving  a  just  appreciation,  as  the  assemblage  which  surrounds 
us,  and  the  exhibitions  upon  this  ground,  most  gratifyingly  prove. 

Man}'  of  our  agriculturists  are  now  vigorously  commencing  the 
study  of  their  soils,  the  adaptation  of  theirmanures  to  the  soil  and 
the  crop,  the  nature  of  the  plants  they  cultivate,  the  food  they  re 
quire,  and  the  best  methods  of  administering  that  food  to  pro 
duce  health  and  vigor  and  fruit ;  and  they  are  becoming  con 
vinced  that  to  understand  how  to  plough  and  sow  and  reap,  is  not 
the  whole  education  of  a  farmer ;  but  that  it  is  quite  as  impor 
tant  to  know  what  land  is  prepared  for  the  plough,  and  what  seed 
it  will  bring  to  a  harvest  worthy  of  the  labors  of  the  sickle.  Ex 
perience  is  steadily  proving  that,  by  a  due  attention  to  these  con 
siderations,  a  better  article,  doubled  in  quantity,  may  be  produced 
from  the  same  acre  of  ground,  with  a  small  proportionate  in 
crease  of  labor  and  expense,  and  that  the  farmer  who  pursues 
this  improved  system  of  agriculture,  can,  like  the  merchant  and 
mechanic  referred  to,  enter  the  market  with  a  better  production, 
at  a  cheaper  price,  than  his  less  enterprising  competitor. 


366  AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS. 

The  change  in  the  agriculture  of  our  state  and  country,  opens 
to  the  mind  reflections  of  the  most  cheering  character.  If  carried 
out  to  its  legitimate  results,  it  promises  a  competition  among  our 
farmers,  not  to  obtain  the  highest  prices  for  inferior  productions, 
but  to  produce  the  most,  the  best,  and  the  cheapest  of  the  neces 
saries  of  human  life.  It  promises  agricultural  prosperity,  with 
cheap  and  good  bread,  furnished  in  abundance  to  all  who  will  eat 
within  the  rule  prescribed  to  fallen  man,  in  the  sacred  volume  of 
the  Divine  law. 

Steady  resolution  and  persevering  energy,  are  requisite  to  carry 
forward  these  improvements  to  that  degree  of  perfection  dictated 
alike  by  interest  and  by  duty ;  and  the  stimulus  of  a  steady  and 
remunerating  market  will  rouse  that  resolution,  and  nerve  that 
energy.  Without  this  encouragement  in  prospect,  few  will  per 
severe  in  making  improvements  which  require  close  and  constant 
mental  application,  as  well  as  severe  physical  labor.  Agriculture 
will  never  be  healthfully  or  profitably  prosecuted  by  him  whose 
controlling  object  is  his  own  consumption.  The  hope  of  gain  is 
the  motive  power  to  human  industry,  and  is  as  necessary  to  the 
farmer  as  to  the  merchant  or  manufacturer.  All  who  labor  are 
equally  stimulated  by  the  prospect  of  a  market  which  is  to  remu 
nerate  them  for  their  toil,  and  without  this  hope,  neither  mental 
activity,  nor  physical  energy,  will  characterize  their  exertions. 
True  it  is  that  the  farmers  of  our  country,  as  a  class,  calculate 
less  closely  the  profits  of  their  labor  and  capital,  than  men  en 
gaged  in  most  other  pursuits,  and  are  content  with  lower  rates  of 
gain.  The  most  of  them  own  their  farms,  their  stock  and  farm 
ing  implements,  unincumbered  by  debt.  Their  business  gives  but 
an  annual  return.  They  live  frugally,  labor  patiently  and  faith 
fully,  and  at  the  close  of  the  year,  its  expenses  are  paid  from  its 
proceeds,  the  balance  remaining  being  accounted  the  profits  of 
the  year.  Although  a  moderate  sum.  it  produces  contentment, 
without  a  computation  of  the  rate  per  cent,  upon  the  capital  in 
vested,  or  the  wages  it  will  pay  to  the  proprietor  and  the  mem 
bers  of  his  family.  The  result  is  an  advance  in  the  great  object 
of  human  labor,  and,  if  not  rapid,  it  is  safe  and  certain.  It  is  a 
surplus  beyond  the  expenses  of  living,  to  be  added  to  the  estate, 
and  may  be  repeated  in  each  revolving  year.  ^  , 

If,  however,  this  surplus  is  left  upon  the  hands  of  the  farmer,  in 
his  own  products,  for  which  there  is  no  market,  his  energies  are 


AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS.  367 

paralyzed,  his  spirits  sink,  and  he  scarcely  feels  that  the  year  has 
added  to  his  gains.  He  sees  little  encouragement  in  toiling  on, 
to  cultivate  beyond  his  wants,  productions  which  will  not  sell; 
and  the  chances  are,  that  his  farm  is  neglected,  his  husbandry  be 
comes  bad,  and  his  gains  in  fact  cease. 

To  continue  a  progressive  state  of  improvement  in  agriculture, 
then,  aud  to  give  energy  and  prosperity  to  this  great  and  vital 
branch  of  human  industry,  a  healthful  and  stable  market  becomes 
indispensable,  and  no  object  should  more  carefully  occupy  the  at 
tention  of  the  farmers  of  the  United  States. 

Deeply  impressed  with  the  conviction  of  this  truth,  benevolent 
minds  have  cherished  the  idea  that  a  domestic  market,  to  be  in 
fluenced  only  by  our  own  national  f.olicy,  would  be  so  far  pref 
erable,  in  stability  and  certainty,  to  the  open  market  of  the  com 
mercial  world,  as  to  have  persuaded  themselves  that  a  sufficient 
market  for  our  agricultural  products  is  thus  attainable.  It  is  not 
designed  to  discuss  the  soundness  of  this  theory,  where  it  can  be 
reduced  to  practice ;  but  only  to  inquire  whether  the  state  of  this 
courtry,  the  condition  of  its  society,  and  the  tendency  and  incli 
nation  of  its  population,  as  to  their  industrial  pursuits,  are  such, 
at  the  present  time,  or  can  be  expected  to  be  such,  for  generations 
yet  to  come,  as  to  render  it  possible  to  consume  within  the  coun 
try,  the  surplus  of  the  productions  of  our  agriculture.  The  the 
ory  of  an  exclusively  domestic  market,  for  this  great  domestic 
intertst,  is  certainly  a  very  beautiful  one,  as  a  theory,  and  can 
scarcely  fail  to  strike  the  mind  favorably  upon  a  first  impression. 
Still  examination  has  produced  differences  of  opinion  between 
statesmen  of  equal  intelligence  and  patriotism,  as  to  its  influences 
upon  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  a  country  and  its  population. 
Any  examination  of  this  question  would  lead  to  a  discussion,  prop 
erly  considered,  political,  if  not  partisan ;  and  all  such  discus 
sions  it  is  my  settled  purpose  to  avoid,  as  inappropriate  to  the 
place  and  the  occasion. 

I  simply  propose  to  inquire  as  to  a  fact,  which  must  control  the 
application  of  theories  and  principles  of  political  economy  touching 
thi.s  point,  to  our  country  and  its  agricultural  population,  without 
raising  any  question  as  to  the  wisdom  of  the  one,  or  the  soundness 
of  the  other.  Is  the  consumption  of  this  country  equal  to  its  agri 
cultural  production,  or  can  it  become  so  within  any  calculable  period 
of  years  ?  How  is  the  fact  ?  JMay  I  not  inquire  without  giving 


368  AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS. 

offence,  or  transcending  the  limits  I  have  prescribed  for  myself  in 
the  discussion  ?  Can  a  fair  examination,  scrupulously  confined  to 
this  point,  take  a  political  bearing,  or  disturb  a  political  feeling  ?  It 
is  certainly  not  my  design  to  wound  the  feelings  of  any  member  of 
the  society,  or  of  any  citizen  of  the  country ;  and  I  have  convinced 
myself  that  I  may  make  this  inquiry,  and  express  the  conclusions 
of  my  own  mind  as  to  the  result,  without  doing  either.  If  I  shall 
prove  to  be  in  error,  it  will  be  an  error  as  to  the  fact  inquired  after, 
and  not  as  to  the  soundness  of  the  principle  in  political  economy 
dependent  upon  the  fact  for  its  application,  because  as  to  the  sound 
ness  of  the  principle,  I  attempt  no  discussion  and  offer  no  opinion. 
It  will  be  an  error  as  to  the  applicability  of  a  theory  to  our  country, 
and  not  as  to  the  wisdom  or  policy  of  the  theory  itself,  because  of 
the  soundness  or  unsoundness  of  the  theory ;  when  it  can  be  prac 
tically  applied,  I  studiously  refrain  from  any  expression,  as  inappro 
priate  here.  With  the  indulgence  of  the  .society,  I  will  inquire  as 
to  the  fact. 

Our  country  is  very  wide  and  very  new.  It  embraces  every  va 
riety  of  climate  and  soil  most  favorable  to  agricultural  pursuits.  It 
produces  already  almost  every  agricultural  staple,  and  the  most  im 
portant  are  the  ordinary  productions  of  extensive  sections  of  the 
country,  and  are  now  sent  to  the  markets  in  great  abundance. 

Yet  our  agriculture  is  in  its  infancy  almost  everywhere,  and  at 
its  maturity  nowhere.  It  is  believed  to  be  entirely  safe  to  assume 
that  there  is  not  one  single  agricultural  county  in  the  whole  Union, 
filled  up  in  an  agricultural  sense — not  one  such  county  which  has 
not  yet  land  to  be  brought  into  cultivation,  and  much  more  land,  the 
cultivation  of  which  is  to  be  materially  improved,  before  it  can  be 
considered  as  having  reached  the  measure  of  its  capacity  for  pro 
duction.  If  this  be  true  of  the  best  cultivated  agricultural  county 
in  the  Union,  how  vast  is  the  proportion  of  those  counties  which 
have  entire  townships,  and  of  the  states,  which  have  not  merely 
counties,  but  entire  districts,  yet  wholly  unpeopled,  and  unreclaimed 
from  the  wilderness  state  ? 

When  to  this  broad  area  of  the  agricultural  field  of  our  country, 
we  add  our  immense  territories,  organized  and  unorganized,  who 
can  compute  the  agricultural  capacities  of  the  United  States,  or  fix 
a  limit  to  the  period  when  our  surplus  agricultural  productions  will 
increase  with  increasing  years  and  population  ?  Compare  the  cen 
sus  of  1830  and  1840  with  the  map  of  the  Union,  and  witness  the 


AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS.  369 

increase  of  population  in  the  new  states,  which  are  almost  exclu 
sively  agricultural,  and  who  can  doubt  the  strong  and  resistless  in 
clination  of  our  people  to  this  pursuit  ? 

Connect  with  these  considerations  of  extent  of  country,  diversity 
of  soils,  varieties  of  climate,  and  partial  and  imperfect  cultivatio^ 
the  present  agricultural  prospects  of  this  country.  Witness  the 
rapid  advances  of  the  last  dozen  years  in  the  character  of  our  cul 
tivation,  the  quality  and  quantity  of  our  productions  from  a  given 
breadth  of  land,  and  the  improvements  in  all  the  implements  by 
which  the  labor  of  the  farmer  is  assisted  and  applied.  Mark  the 
vast  change  in  the  current  of  educated  mind  of  the  country,  in  res 
pect  to  this  pursuit ;  the  awakened  attention  to  its  high  respectability 
as  a  profession,  to  its  safety  from  hazards,  to  its  healthfulness  to 
mind  and  body,  and  to  its  productiveness.  Listen  to  the  calls  for 
information,  for  education,  upon  agricultural  subjects,  and  to  the 
demands  that  this  education  shall  constitute  a  department  in  the 
great  and  all  pervading  system  of  our  common  school  education,  a 
subject  at  this  moment  receiving  the  especial  attention,  and  being 
pressed  forward  by  the  renewed  energies  of  this  society.  Behold 
the  numbers  of  professors,  honored  with  the  highest  testimonials  of 
learning  conferred  in  our  country,  devoting  their  lives  to  geological 
and  chemical  researches,  calculated  to  evolve  the  laws  of  nature 
connected  with  agricultural  productions.  Go  into  our  colleges  and 
institutions  of  learning,  and  count  the  young  men  toiling  indus 
triously  for  their  diplomas,  to  qualify  themselves  to  become  practical 
and  successful  farmers ;  already  convinced  that  equally  with  the 
clerical,  the  legal,  and  the  medical  professions,  that  of  agriculture 
requires  a  thorough  and  systematic  education,  and  its  successful 
practice  the  exercise  of  an  active  mind  devoted  to  diligent  study. 

Apply  these  bright  and  brightening  prospects  to  the  almost  bound 
less  agricultural  field  of  our  country,  with  its  varied  and  salubrious 
climate,  its  fresh  and  unbroken  soils,  its  cheap  lands  and  fee  simple 
titles,  and  who  can  hope,  if  he  would,  to  turn  the  inclinations  of  our 
people  from  this  fair  field  of  labor  and  of  pleasure  ?  Here  the  toil 
which  secures  a  certain  independence  is  sweetened  by  the  constant 
and  constantly  varying  exhibitions  of  nature  in  her  most  lovely 
forms,  and  cheered  by  the  most  benignant  manifestations  of  the 
wonderful  power  and  goodness  of  Nature's  God.  Cultivated  by  the 
resolute  hands  and  enlightened  minds  of  freemen,  owners  of  the 
soil,  properly  educated,  as  farmers,  under  a  wise  and  just  adminis- 

16* 


* 

370  AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS. 

tration  of  a  system  of  liberal  public  instruction,  such  as  should  and 
will  be,  and  aided  by  the  researches  of  geology  and  chemistry, 
who  can  calculate  the  extent  of  the  harvests  to  be  gathered  from 
this  vast  field  of  wisely  directed  human  industry  ? 

The  present  surplus  of  bread-stuffs  of  this  country,  could  not  have 
been  presented  in  a  more  distinct  and  interesting  aspect  than  during 
the  present  year.  A  famine  in  Europe,  as  wide-spread  as  it  has 
been  devastating  and  terrible,  has  made  its  demands  upon  American 
supplies,  not  simply  to  the  extent  of  the  ability  of  the  suffering  to 
purchase  food,  but  in  the  superadded  appeals  to  American  sympa 
thy  in  favor  of  the  destitute  and  starving.  Every  call  upon  our 
markets  has  been  fully  met,  and  the  heart  of  Europe  has  been  filled 
with  warm  and  grateful  responses  to  the  benevolence  of  our  coun 
try,  and  of  our  countrymen,  and  yet  the  avenues  of  commerce  are 
filled  with  the  productions  of  American  agriculture.  Surely  the 
consumption  of  this  country  is  not  now  equal  to  its  agricultural 
production. 

If  such  is  our  surplus  in  the  present  limited  extent  and  imperfect 
condition  of  our  agriculture,  can  we  hope  that  an  exclusive  domes 
tic  market  is  possible  to  furnish  a  demand  for  its  mature  abun 
dance  ?  In  this  view  of  this  great  and  growing  interest  can  we  see 
a  limit  to  the  period,  when  the  United  States  will  present,  in  the 
commercial  markets  of  the  world,  large  surpluses  of  all  the  varie 
ties  of  bread-stuffs,  of  beef,  pork,  butter,  cheese,  tobacco,  and  rice, 
beyond  the  consumption  of  our  own  country  ?  And  who,  with  the 
experience  of  the  last  few  years  before  him,  can  doubt  that  the 
time  is  now  at  hand,  when  the  two*great  staples  of  wool  and  hemp 
will  be  added  to  the  list  of  our  exportations  ? 

These  considerations,  and  others  of  a  kindred  character,  which 
time  will  not  permit  me  to  detail,  seem  to  me,  with  unfeigned  defer 
ence,  to  prove  that  the  agriculture  of  the  United  States,  for  an  in 
definite  period  yet  to  come,  must  continue  to  yield  annual  supplies 
of  our  principal  staples,  far  beyond  any  possible  demand  of  the  do 
mestic  market,  and  must  therefore  remain,  as  it  now  is  and  has 
ever  been,  an  exporting  interest.  As  such,  it  must  have  a  direct 
concern  in  the  foreign  trade  and  commerce  of  the  country,  and  in 
all  the  regulations  of  our  own  and  of  foreign  Governments  which 
affect  either,  equal  to  its  interest  in  a  stable  and  adequate  market. 

If  this  conclusion  be  sound,  then  our  farmers  must  surrender  the 
idea  of  a  domestic  market  to  furnish  the  demand,  and  measure  the 


AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS.  371 

value  of  their  productions,  and  must  prepare  themselves  to  meet 
the  competition  of  the  commercial  world  in  the  markets  of  the  com 
mercial  world,  in  the  sale  of  the  fruits  of  their  labor.  The  marts 
of  commerce  must  be  their  market,  and  the  demand  and  surely 
which  meet  in  those  marts  must  govern  their  prices.  The  de 
mand  for  home  consumption,  as  an  element  in  that  market,  must  di 
rectly  and  deeply  interest  them,  and  should  be  carefully  cultivated 
and  encouraged ;  while  all  the  other  elements  acting  with  it,  and 
constituting  together  the  demand  of  the  market,  should  be  studied 
with  great  care,  and,  so  far  as  may  be  in  their  power,  and  consist 
ent  with  other  and  paramount  duties,  should  be  cherished  with 
equal  care. 

Does  any  one  believe,  that  for  generations  yet  to  come,  the  agri 
cultural  operations  of  the  Ignited  States  are  to  be  circumscribed 
within  narrower  comparative  limits  than  the  present ;  or  that  the 
agricultural  productions  of  the  country  are  to  bear  a  less  ratio  to  oiu 
population  and  consumption  than  they  now  do  ?  I  cannot  suppose 
that  any  citizen,  who  has  given  his  attention  to  the  considerations 
which  have  been  suggested,  finds  himself  able  to  adopt  either  of 
these  opinions.  On  the  contrary,  I  think  a  fair  examination  must 
satisfy  every  mind  that  our  agricultural  surplus,  for  an  indefinite 
future  period,  must  increase  much  more  rapidly  than  our  population 
and  the  demand  for  domestic  consumption.  This  I  believe  would 
be  true  without  the  efforts  of  associations,  such  as  this,  to  improve 
our  agriculture.  The  condition  of  the  country,  and  the  inclination 
and  preference  of  our  population  for  agricultural  pursuits,  would 
render  this  result  unavoidable ;  and  if  this  be  so,  when  the  impetus 
given  to  agricultural  productions  by  the  improvements  of  the  day . 
the  individual  and  associated  efforts  constantly  making  to  push  for 
ward  these  improvements  with  an  accelerated  movement ;  the  mass 
of  educated  mind  turned  to  scientific  researches  in  aid  of  agricul 
tural  labor ;  the  dawning  of  a  systematic  and  universal  agricultural 
education ;  and  the  immense  bodies  of  cheap,  and  fresh,  and  fertile 
lands,  which  invite  the  application  of  an  improved  agriculture,  are 
added  to  the  account,  who  can  measure  the  extent  or  duration  of 
our  agricultural  surplus,  or  doubt  the  soundness  of  the  conclusion, 
that  the  export  trade  must  exercise  a  great  influence  upon  the  mar 
ket  for  the  agricultural  productions  of  the  country  for  a  long  series 
of  years  to  come  ? 

Such  is  the  conclusion  to  which  my  mind  is  forced,  from  an  ex- 


372  AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS. 

amination  of  this  subject,  in  its  domestic  aspect  simply ;  but  there 
is  another  now  presented  of  vast  magnitude  and  engrossing  inter 
est,  and  demanding  alike  from  the  citizen  and  the  statesman  of  this 
republic,  the  most  careful  consideration.  All  will  at  once  under 
stand  me  as  referring  to  the  changes  and  promises  of  change  in 
the  policy  of  the  principal  commercial  nations  of  the  world,  touch 
ing  their  trade  in  the  productions  of  agriculture.  By  a  single  step 
which  was  nothing  less  than  commercial  revolution,  Great  Britain 
practically  made  the  change  as  to  her  trade ;  and  subsequent  events 
have  clothed  with  the  appearance  of  almost  superhuman  sagacity, 
the  wisdom  which  thus  prepared  that  country  to  meet  the  visitation 
of  famine,  which  has  so  soon  followed,  without  the  additional  evil  of 
trampling  down  the  systems  of  law  to  minister  to  the  all-controlling 
necessities  of  hunger.  Changes  similar  in  character,  and  measur 
ably  equal  in  extent,  though  in  many  cases  temporary  in  duration, 
have  been  adopted  by  several  other  European  Governments,  under 
circumstances  which  render  it  very  doubtful  how  soon,  if  ever,  a  re 
turn  will  be  made  to  the  former  policy  of  a  close  trade  in  the  neces 
saries  of  human  life. 

New  markets  of  vast  extent  and  incalculable  value,  have  thug 
been  opened  for  our  agricultural  surplus,  the  durability  and  steadi 
ness  of  which  it  is  impossible  yet  to  measure  with  certainty.  It  is 
in  our  power  to  say,  however,  that  a  great  body  of  provocations  to 
countervailing  restrictive  commercial  regulations,  is  now  removed, 
in  some  instances  permanently,  and  in  others  temporarily  in  form ; 
and  it  would  seem  to  be  the  part  of  wisdom,  for  the  agriculture  of 
this  country,  by  furnishing  these  markets  to  the  extent  of  the  de 
mand,  with  the  best  articles,  at  the  fairest  prices,  to  show  to  those 
countries,  and  their  respective  Governments,  that  reciprocal  com 
mercial  regulations,  if  they  offer  no  other  and  higher  attractions, 
present  to  their  people  a  safeguard  against  starvation. 

Such  is  the  connection,  now,  between  our  agriculture  and  the 
export  trade  and  foreign  market,  and  these  relations  are  to  be  ex 
tended  and  strengthened,  rather  than  circumscribed  and  weakened, 
by  our  agricultural  advances.  The  consumption  of  the  country  is 
far  short  of  its  production,  and  cannot  become  equal  to  it  within 
any  calculable  period.  On  the  contrary,  the  excess  of  production 
is  to  increase  with  the  increase  of  population  and  settlement  and  the 
improvements  in  agriculture  and  agricultural  education.  These 
appear  to  me  to  be  facts,  arising  from  the  condition  of  our  country, 


AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS.  373 

and  the  tastes  and  inclinations  of  our  people,  fixed  beyond  the  power 
of  change,  and  to  which  theories  and  principles  of  political  economy 
must  be  conformed,  to  be  made  practically  applicable  to  us. 

The  American  farmer,  then,  while  carefully  studying,  as  he 
should  not  fail  to  do,  the  necessities,  the  wants,  and  the  tastes  of  all 
classes  of  consumers  of  his  productions  in  this  country,  must  not 
limit  his  researches  for  a  market  within  those  narrow  bounds.  He 
must  extend  his  observations  along  the  avenues  of  commerce,  as 
far  as  the  commerce  of  his  country  extends,  or  can  be  extended, 
and  instruct  himself  as  to  the  necessities  and  wants  and  tastes  of 
the  consumers  of  agricultural  productions  in  other  countries.  He 
must  observe  attentively  the  course  of  trade,  and  the  causes  calcu 
lated  to  exert  a  favorable  or  adverse  influence  upon  it ;  watch 
closely  the  commercial  policy  of  other  countries,  and  guard  vigi 
lantly  that  of  his  own ;  accommodate  his  productions,  as  far  as  may 
be,  to  the  probable  demands  upon  the  market,  and  understand  how 
to  prepare  them  for  the  particular  market  for  which  they  are  de 
signed.  Next  to  the  production  of  the  best  article  at  the  cheapest 
price,  its  presentation  in  market  in  the  best  order  and  most  inviting 
condition,  is  important  to  secure  to  the  farmer  a  ready  and  remune 
rating  market. 

So  long  as  our  agricultural  shall  continue  to  be  an  exporting 
interest,  these  considerations,  as  second  only  to  the  science  of  pro 
duction  itself,  will  demand  the  careful  attention  and  study  of  our 
farmers,  and  in  any  well-digested  system  of  agricultural  education, 
its  connection  with  manufactures  and  the  mechanic  arts,  with  com 
merce,  with  the  commercial  policy  of  our  own  and  other  countries, 
and  with  the  domestic  and  foreign  markets,  should  hold  a  prominent 
place.  A  thorough  and  continued  education  in  these  collateral,  but 
highly  necessary  branches  of  knowledge  to  the  farmer,  will  prove 
extensively  useful  to  the  American  citizen,  beyond  their  application 
to  the  production  and  sale  of  the  fruits  of  his  labor.  They  will 
qualify  him  the  more  safely  and  intelligently  to  discharge  the  duties 
of  a  freeman ;  and,  if  called  by  his  fellow-citizens  to  do  so,  the 
more  beneficially  to  serve  his  state  and  country  in  legislative  and 
other  public  trusts. 

I  hope  I  may  offer  another  opinion  in  this  connection,  without 
giving  offence,  or  trespassing  upon  the  proprieties  of  the  place  and 
occasion.  It  is,  that  this  education  in  the  just  and  true  connection 
between  the  agricultural,  the  commercial,  and  the  manufacturing 


374  AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS. 

interests  of  our  country,  equally  and  impartially  disseminated 
among  the  classes  of  citizens  attached  to  each  of  these  great 
branches  of  labor,  would  effectually  put  an  end  to  the  jealousies 
too  frequently  excited ;  demonstrating  to  every  mind,  so  educated, 
that,  so  far  from  either  being  in  any  degree  the  natural  antagonist 
of  the  other,  they  are  all  parts  of  one  great  and  naturally  harmoni 
ous  system  of  human  industry,  of  which  a  fair  encouragement  to 
any  part  is  a  benefit  to  all ;  and  that  all  invidious  and  partial  encour 
agement  to  any  part,  at  the  expense  of  any  other  part,  will  prove 
to  be  an  injury  to  all.  The  education  proposed  will  do  all  that  can 
be  done  to  mark  the  true  line  between  natural  and  healthful  encour 
agement  to  either  interest,  and  an  undue  attempt  to  advance  any 
one,  at  the  expense  of  the  united  system,  merely  producing  an  un 
natural  and  artificial  relation  arid  action,  which  cannot  fail  to  work 
disease  and  injury. 

The  labors  of  this  society,  and  of  kindred  associations,  have  done 
much  to  inform  the  minds  of  our  farmers  in  these  collateral  branches 
of  knowledge  useful  to  them,  and  much  remains  to  be  done.  The 
science  of  production  claims  the  first  place,  and  is  a  wide  field,  as 
yet  so  imperfectly  cultivated  as  to  afford  little  time  for  collateral 
labors.  To  secure  a  stable  and  healthful  market,  and  to  learn  how 
to  retain  and  improve  it,  also  opens  an  extensive  field  for  the  mental 
labors  and  energies  of  the  farmer.  Between  these  objects  the  rela 
tion  is  intimate  and  the  dependence  mutual.  The  production  makes 
the  market,  and  the  market  sustains  the  production.  The  prospect 
of  a  market  stimulates  to  activity  in  the  field  of  production,  and  the 
fruits  of  that  activity  urge  tiie  mind  to  make  the  prospect  real. 
Success  in  both  contributes  to  the  health  and  vigor  and  prosperity 
of  agriculture,  and  of  that  prosperity  commerce  and  manufactures 
cannot  fail  largely  to  partake. 

All  are  willing  to  promote  the  cause  of  agriculture  in  our  state 
and  country.  Most  are  ready  to  lend  an  active  co-operation,  and 
all  are  cheerful  to  see  accomplished  any  valuable  improvement  in 
this  great  branch  of  productive  industry.  The  difficulty  hitherto 
has  been  in  adopting  any  general  plan  to  effect  this  desirable  object. 
Hence,  most  usually,  when  the  public  mind  has  been  awakened  to 
the  subject,  arbitrary,  and  in  many  cases  visionary,  experiments  have 
been  introduced,  bayed  upon  no  philosophical  investigation  of  cause 
and  effect,  but  upon  some  accidental  trial,  by  a  single  individual,  of 
some  novel  mode  of  culture,  which,  under  the  circumstances  at- 


AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS.  375 

tending  the  experiment?  has  met  with  success.  ,  This  single  experi 
ment,  without  an  inquiry  into,  or  a  knowledge  of  the  cause  which, 
in  the  given  case,  has  secured  the  successful  results,  is  at  once  rec 
ommended  as  an  infallible  rule  of  husbandry.  The  publication  and 
dissemination  of  detached  experiments  of  this  character,  for  a  long 
period  constituted  the  most  material  additions  to  the  stock  of  literary 
information  connected  with  agriculture,  supplied  to  our  farmers ; 
while  many  of  the  experiments  were  too  intricate  and  complicated 
to  be  reduced  to  practice  with  any  certainty  of  accuracy,  and  others 
were  so  expensive  that  the  most  perfect  success  would  not  warrant 
the  outlay.  Unsuccessful  attempts  to  follow  the  directions  given 
for  making  these  experiments,  brought  what  came  to  be  denominated 
"  book-farming,"  into  great  disrepute  with  the  industrious,  frugal, 
and  successful  farmers  of  the  country,  and  excited  a  jealousy  of, 
and  a  prejudice  against  this  description  of  information  upon  agricul 
tural  subjects,  which  it  has  cost  years  of  patient  and  unceasing 
effort  in  any  measure  to  allay,  and  which  are  not  yet  removed. 

In  the  meantime  geological  research,  heretofore  principally  con 
fined  to  investigations  into  the  mineral  kingdom  proper,  has  been 
extended  to  its  legitimate  office,  and  has  brought  within  its  examina 
tions  the  formation  of  the  various  soils,  and  their  minute  constituent 
parts.  Chemistry  has  commenced  where  geology  closed,  and  by  a 
careful  analysis  of  these  constituents  of  the  various  soils,  of  the 
principal  agricultural  products,  and  of  the  usual  manures,  is  labor 
ing  to  establish,  upon  philosophical  principles,  the  true  relations  be 
tween  the  soil  and  the  manure  to  be  applied,  and  between  both  and 
the  crop  to  be  planted  and  produced.  It  is  seeking  out,  with  rapid 
success,  the  appropriate  food  of  the  various  vegetables  cultivated  by 
the  farmer,  the  soils  and  manures  in  which  the  food  for  each  is 
found,  and  the  way  in  which  it  may  be  most  successfully  adminis 
tered.  So  with  the  food  of  the  domestic  animals,  and  the  most 
economical  manner  of  feeding  it. 

These  investigations  are  the  reverse  of  the  former  system  of  arbi 
trary  experiments.  There  a  result  was  made  to  justify  the  arbi 
trary  means  adopted  to  produce  it.  Here  causes  are  ascertained, 
and,  being  so  ascertained,  are  relied  upon  to  produce  their  natural 
effect,  which  effect  is  the  result  sought. 

The  importance  of  this  great  subject  is  effectually  arousing  the 
attention  of  the  literary  and  scientific  men  of  the  country,  and  the 
success  already  experienced  is  drawing  to  these  researches  minds 


376  AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS. 

qualified  for  the  labor,  and  energies  equal  to  its  rapid  advancement. 
The  progress  made  is  bringing  together  the  unsettled  mind  of  the 
country,  and  producing  the  very  general  impression  that  the  time» 
has  arrived  when  the  foundations  of  a  systematic,  practical  agricul 
tural  education  should  be  laid,  and  the  superstructure  commenced. 

It  is  universally  conceded  that  agriculture  has  shared  but  lightly 
in  the  fostering  care  and  Government  patronage  which  have  been 
liberally  extended  to  commerce  and  manufactures,  nor  is  it  believed 
that  additional  public  expenditure  is  necessary  to  enable  the  state  to 
do  all  that  can  be  reasonably  required  of  it,  to  accomplish  this  great 
object.  Our  educational  funds  are  rich,  and  the  colleges,  academies 
and  common  schools  of  the  state  share  liberally  in  the  distributions 
from  them,  while  a  Normal  School  for  the  education  of  teachers,  in 
stituted  at  the  seat  of  Government,  is  also  mainly  supported  from 
these  funds.  These  institutions  present  the  organization,  through 
which,  perhaps  better  than  through  any  independent  channel,  this 
instruction  can  be  universally  disseminated  among  the  agricultural 
population  of  the  state.  The  annual  additions  to  the  school  district 
libraries  may  be  made  with  reference  to  this  branch  of  education, 
and  thus  place  within  the  reach  of  all  the  discoveries  as  they  pro 
gress,  and  the  rules  of  husbandry  deduced  from  them,  as  they  shall 
be  settled  and  given  to  the  public  from  the  pens  of  the  competent 
professors  engaged  in  pursuing  the  researches. 

This  society,  and  like  associations,  may,  through  appropriate  com 
mittees,  their  corresponding  secretaries,  public-spirited  commercial 
men,  and  otherwise,  collect  and  imbody  in  their  transactions,  facts 
and  information  respecting  the  markets,  foreign  and  domestic ;  the 
present  and  probable  supply  of  agricultural  products ;  the  mode  and 
manner  of  presenting  the  principal  productions  in  the  various  mar 
kets  in  the  most  acceptable  form ;  the  state  and  prospects  of  trade 
at  home  and  abroad,  and  the  changes  present  and  prospective  in  the 
commercial  policy  of  our  own  and  other  countries,  with  the  proba 
ble  influences  upon  the  agricultural  market.  The  commercial  and 
agricultural  press  will  doubtless  come  powerfully  to  the  aid  of  the 
associations,  in  all  efforts  of  this  character,  and  having  these  great 
objects  in  view. 

In  this  way  the  foundation  may  be  gradually  laid,  and  the  mate 
rials  collected  for  the  commencement  of  those  agricultural  studies, 
which  time  and  application,  with  the  constant  evidence  of  their 


AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS.  377 

utility  in  practice,  would  ripen  into  a  system,  to  be  ingrafted  upon 
the  course  of  regular  studies  pursued  in  the  colleges,  academies, 
and  common  schools,  and  made  a  branch  of  the  studies  of  the  male 
classes  in  the  Normal  School,  placed  under  the  superintendence  of 
an  instructor  selected  for  that  purpose,  and  qualified  to  prepare  his 
classes  for  teaching  the  studies  in  the  common  schools  of  the  state. 

Thus  a  generation  of  farmers  would  soon  come  forward,  well 
educated  in  the  great  and  essential  principles  of  agricultural  pro 
duction  ;  in  the  true  relations  existing  between  agriculture,  com 
merce  and  manufactures,  and  in  the  adaptation  and  preparation  of 
their  products  for  the  agricultural  markets.  Such  farmers,  with 
the  continued  aid  of  the  schools  in  which  they  were  taught,  would 
become  the  best  manual-labor  instructors  for  their  successors. 

The  passage  of  time  reminds  me  that  I  am  extending  these  re 
marks  beyond  the  proprieties  of  the  occasion,  and  the  patience  of 
the  audience.  A  single  reflection  shall  close  them. 

However  confidently  the  opinion  may  be  entertained,  that  other 
circumstances  and  relations  might  present  a  prospect  for  the  agri 
culture  of  our  state  and  country,  more  stable,  independent,  and 
flattering,  certain  it  is,  that  the  future  here  opened  is  full  of  cheer 
ing  promise.  We  see  in  it  the  strongest  possible  security  for  our 
beloved  country,  through  an  indefinite  period,  against  the  scourge 
of  famine.  Our  varied  soil  and  climate  and  agriculture  double  this 
security,  as  the  disease  and  failure  of  any  one  crop  will  not,  as  a 
necessary  consequence,  reduce  any  class  of  our  population  to  an 
exposure  to  death  from  hunger.  W  e  wee  also,  in  addition  to  feeding 
ourselves,  that  our  surplus  is  almost,  if  not  altogether,  sufficient,  if 
faithfully  and  prudently  applied,  even  now  to  drive  famine  from  the 
length  and  breadth  of  Europe.  And  that  it  is  in  our  power,  by 
faithful  mental  and  physical  application,  soon  to  make  it  equal  to 
the  expulsion  of  hunger  from  the  commercial  world.  We  see  that, 
dependent  upon  the  commercial  markets,  our  agriculture  may  bring 
upon  our  country  a  high  degree  of  prosperity,  and  enable  us,  when 
extraordinary  occasions  shall  call  for  its  exercise,  to  practise  a  na 
tional  benevolence  as  grateful  to  the  hearts  of  the  humane  as  to  the 
wants  of  the  destitute.  And  we  see  that,  by  the  wider  diffusion 
and  more  secure  establishment  of  a  successful  agriculture  among 
our  citizens,  as  a  permanent  employment,  we  are  laying  broadpr  and 
deeper  the  foundations  of  our  free  institutions,  the  pride  and  glory 


378  AGRICULTURAL    ADDRESS. 

of  our  country,  and  prized  by  its  freemen  as  their  richest  earthly 
blessing  ;  the  history  of  all  civil  government,  confirmed  by  the  ex 
perience  of  this  republic  furnishing  demonstrative  proof,  that  a 
well-educated,  industrious,  and  independent  yeomanry,  are  the  safest 
repository  of  freedom  and  free  institutions. 


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THE   ORACLES   OF  SHAKSPEARE. 

With  a  Selection  of  Aphorisms  fron  the  same  author.     Same 

style,       :. \.:  ..-.    ,*\-VX'. •-*.'•;•"  V/..  y.  c  Vr  ' '  "V"  /  VV  '  •     P  3'6 

THE  LOVES  OF  THE   ANGELS. 

A  Poem,  by  Thomas  Moore,  including  his  National  Airs.     Same 

style,       .      "V  -~r  yj    ;'.;.''     ..    ;   -v  :-r^;;r- V^'^  .-  '  .     038 

THE  FLORAL  WREATH 

Of  Autumnal  Flowers.     By  Mrs.  Sou  thy.     Same  style,      .         .     0  38 

THE   ODD  FELLOW'S  TOKEN 

Of  Friendship,  Love  and  Truth.    By  Kate  Barclay.    Same  style,     0  38 

THE  TEMPERANCE  TOKEN 

Of  Crystal  Drops  from  the  Old  Oaken  Bucket.     By  Kate  Bar 
clay.     Same  style,       .-^^';,k- --'te'^  «•'" ;.  '•' ."  •-;'•'***  '-:.         -     038 

THE  LADIES'  CASKET  OF  GATHERED  THOUGHTS. 

By  Miss  Colman.     Same  style,        .  ..'    ' .;        .         .         .         .     0  38 

LETTERS  OF  JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS  TO   HIS  SON, 

On  the  Bible  and  its  Teachings.     Same  style,     .       ,>-..  '^-.#4.    0  38 

THE  NEW  MINIATURE   LIBRARY, 

Comprising  the  above  thirteen  volumes,  in  a  neat  case,    >,  .      :^.    6  00 


BOOKS  RECENTLY  PUBLISHED  BY  JAMES  M.  ALDEN. 

^  X     JENKINS' 

UNITED  STATES  EXPLORING  EXPEDITIONS. 


VOYAGE  OF  THE  U.  S.  EXPLORING  SQUADRON  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Wilkes,  together  with  explorations  and  discoveries  by  D'Urville, 
Ross,  and  other  navigators  and  travellers;  and  an  account  of  the  Expe 
dition  to  the  Dead  Sea  under  Lieutenant  Lynch.  By  John  S.  Jenkins. 
Published  by  James  M.  Alden,  Auburn,  Is".  Y. 

This  valuable  work  has  already  passed  through  three  large  editions. 
It  is  beautifully  illustrated,  and  forms  a  handsome  octavo  volume  of 
617  pages.  Price,  in  cloth,  82,25 :  in  sheep,  $2,50. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  numerous  flattering  encomiums  which 
the  work  has  received  from  the  public  press  : — 

The  voyages  of  D'Urville,  Ross  and  others,  the  results  of  which  are 
here  detailed,  have  been  productive  of  great  good,  in  the  extension  of 
geographical  and  scientific  knowledge;  and  it  is  every  way  desirable 
to  possess  fuller  information  concerning  them.  The  necessary  expen- 
siveness  of  the  original  works  will,  no  doubt,  confine  them,  for  the  most 
part,  to  public  libraries,  or  to  the  shelves  of  the  wealthy;  but,  in  this 
volume,  we  are  happy  to  say,  all  that  is  of  general  interest,  and  adapted 
to  popular  reading,  may  be  found.  Mr.  Jenkins  has  manifestly  bestowed 
much  labot-  on  his  book,  and  is  an  adept  in  the  very  difficult  art  of 
condensation.  He  has  not  merely  abridged  his  materials,  nor  is  his 
"work  a  mere  selection  from  other  authors,  but  bears  every  mark  of 
being  a  faithful  digest  from  authentic  sources.  He  is  master  of  a  terse 
style,  by  which  he  is  enabled  to  avoid  all  diffuseness  and  unnecessary 
embellishment,  and  makes  his  statements  with  directness  and  precision. 

In  the  present  day,  when  most  men  must  depend  on  summaries,  like 
the  present,  for  a  great  part  of  their  knowledge  on  a  large  class  of  sub 
jects,  it  is  a  matter  of  satisfaction  to  light  upon  a  book,  which  communi 
cates  so  much,  in  a  cheap  and  compendious  form.  We  have  examined 
it  with  some  care,  and  are  persuaded  that  the  author  has  executed  his 
task  with  discretion  and  fidelity.  Our  interest  in  reading  it  has  in 
creased  to  the  end,  and  we  shut  the  volume  with  a  sense  of  gratifica 
tion  in  having  easily  acquired  much  valuable  information,  and  with  re 
gret  that  we  have  reached  the  close. —  Old  Colony  Memorial. 


BOOKS   RECENTLY   PUBLISHED    BY   JAMES    M.    ALDEN. 

The  comprehensive  octavo  of  Mr.  Jenkins  will  not  take  the  place  of 
its  original  sources,  in  the  libraries  of  men  of  wealth,  and  of  public  in 
stitutions  ;  yet  its  sale  will  by  no  means  be  confined  to  people  of  very 
limited  means.  The  mass  of  book-buyers  will  prefer  it,  not  only  be 
cause  they  will  avoid  seven  eighths  of  an  expense  otherwise  incurred, 
but  also  thus  save  an  equal  proportion  of  time.  The  book  is  not  a 
mere  abridgment,  nor  a  selection  from  the  larger  works  of  Wilkes, 
Lynch,  etc. ;  nor  are  its  gleanings  alone  from  their  fields.  We  are 
given  to  understand  that  every  line  of  the  work  is  from  the  pen  of 
Mr.  Jenkins ;  and,  in  his  preface,  he  tells  us  that  a  large  proportion  of 
his  facts  is  derived  from  other  works  than  any  of  the  above-mentioned. 
Some  twenty  books  of  travel  and  history  are  cited  as  authorities,  be 
sides  a  "  number  of  others  referred  to  in  the  notes." 

The  volume  is  truly  much  in  little — a  summary  and  closely  detailed 
review  of  all  late  explorations  in  and  around  the  Pacific.  In  five  hun 
dred  pages  we  have  the  results  of  many  thousand.  Some  idea  of  its 
compression  of  volumes  into  a  small  space  may  be  gained  from  the  fact, 
that  Lieut.  Lynch's  Expedition  to  the  Dead  Sea  is  thrown  into  fifty -five 
pages,  in  which  the  "important  results  and  actual  information"  are 
given.  At  this  day,  when  a  golden  key  is  not  the  only  one  that  un 
locks  the  treasures  of  learning;  when  all  information  must  be  laid  be 
fore  "  the  people"  in  an  accessible  shape ;  and  when,  in  the  bustle  of  tho 
age,  men  can  only  read  as  they  run ;  we  cannot  but  regard  Mr.  Jenkins's 
book,  so  cheap  and  compendious,  as  a  precious  windfall  to  the  multi 
tude.  And  we  may  remark  here,  that  some  of  our  country  friends — 
especially  the  "  poor  scholars"  who  live  at  a  distance  from  public  libra 
ries — would  be  greatly  favored  by  cheap  editions  of  such  works  as 
Ticknor's  Spanish  Literature,  Prescott's  works,  etc.  It  would  not  in 
terfere  with  the  sales  of  the  fine  edition,  and  would  rather  be  an  addi 
tional  source  of  profit  to  the  authors  and  copyright-holders. 

So  far  as  we  have  examined  it,  the  volume  before  us  is  executed 
very  understandingly.  The  style  is  close  and  perspicuous,  and  the 
screws  are  applied  to  diffuse  remark  without  the  sacrifice  of  picturesque 
elegance  of  narration. — Literary  World. 


This  is  a  handsome  octavo  volume  of  517  pages,  containing,  as  its 
title  intimates,  a  compilation  of  scenes,  incidents,  adventures,  etc.,  in, 
and  descriptions  of,  various  countries  visited  by  celebrated  navigators 
and  travellers.  It  is  divided  into  two  parts.  "Part  one  comprises  ac 
counts  of  expeditions  to  the  Pacific  and  the  South  Seas:  Part  two  em 
braces  a  narrative  of  the  voyage  of  Lieutenant  Lynch  to  the  Dead  Sea, 
together  with  scenes  and  incidents  in  the  Holy  Land,  from  the  writings 
of  various  travellers. 

The  work  contains  copious  and  interesting  descriptions  of  the  most 
important  places  and  localities  visited  by  the  several  travellers,  from 
whose  writings  the  book  lias  been  prepared.  The  information  it  con 
tains  is  arranged  in  an  attractive  form,  well  suited  to  popular  reading, 
and  the  work,  as  a  whole,  is  admirably  adapted  to  impart  valuable 
knowledge. — Boston  Daily  Journal. 


BOOKS  RECENTLY  PUBLISHED  BY  JAMES  M.  ALDEN. 

Now  these  Exploring  Expeditions  gave  a  vast  amount  of  new  infor 
mation,  and  Mr.  Jenkins  has  sought  to  present  it  in  an  attractive  and 
condensed  form.  For  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the.  places  and  locali 
ties  described — of  the  Pacific  and  the  Jordan — it  will  be  found  service 
able.  Indeed,  Mr.  J.  has  not  strictly  followed  his  authors.  He  has 
gone  outside  of  them,  and  obtained  information  gathered  since  their 
works  were  published — an  anachronism  for  which  the  reader  will  not 
scold  him. 

To  show  the  extent  of  Mr.  Jenkins'  labor,  we  may  mention  that  the 
important  results  and  actual  information  obtained  by  Lieut.  Lynch,  in 
his  Dead  Sea  Expedition,  are  compressed  in  some  forty-five  pages. 
Yet  nothing  material  is  omitted  !  This  is  real  service  rendered.  For 
Lieut.  Lynch  was  verbose  to  a  fault — right  in  his  spirit;  bold  as  an 
adventurer;  truthful;  but  no  writer. 

We  do  not  see  why  such  books  could  not  be  introduced  into  our 
schools,  so  that  while  scholars  are  taught  to  read,  they  may  be  taught, 
also,  living  information.  What  lad  is  not  interested  in  the  Jordan  and 
the  Dead  Sea  ?  What  scholar  not  anxious  to  know  more  about  the 
Pacific  and  its  wonders  ? — These  are  living  topics.  The  one  is  hallowed 
by  every  association  of  the  Past,  and  the  other  made  alive  by  every 
interest  of  the  Present.  If  boys  in  our  schools — the  more  advanced, 
certainly — could  have  put  in  their  hands  books  more  to  interest  and 
instruct — <xnild  not  the  intelligent  teacher  do  more  towards  making 
them  good  readers  and  well-informed  men? — "  The  Daily  True  Demo 
crat"  Cleveland. 


The  account  of  the  United  States  Exploring  Expedition,  as  detailed 
by  Lieut.  Wilkes,  though  highly  interesting,  is  much  too  prolix  for  com 
mon  readers. — Five  octavo  volumes  require  more  patience  and  perse 
verance  than  ordinarily  fall  to  the  lot  of  individuals.  There  are  also 
many  young  people  who  have  not  time  to  read,  nor  money  to  purchase 
extensive  work?,  but  who  could  profit  much  by  a  cheap,  judicious  synop 
tical  class  of  publications.  This  is  precisely  the  course  adopted  in  schools 
— first  rudiments,  and  then  more  expansive  views  in  ample  volumes. 
Mr.  Jenkins  has  not  barely  abridged  the  works  referred  to  in  the  title 
page ;  he  has  written,  or  rather  compiled,  a  new  work,  making  use  of 
the  authors  referred  to,  and  introducing  considerable  valuable  matter 
from  other  sources.  The  reader  may  purchase  here,  for  two  dollars, 
all  that  is  of  consequence  in  volumes  costing  elsewhere  from  five  to  ten 
times  that  sum. — Northern  Christian  Advocate. 


We  are  indebted  to  the  publisher  for  a  copy  of  the  above  work, 
which  gives,  in  an  attractive  and  condensed  form,  an  account  of  the 
expedition-*  to  the  Pacific  and  the  South  Seas,  together  with  a  variety 
of  interesting  information  in  relation  to  the  localities  described  in  its 
pages.  *  *  *  It  is  a  volume  of  over  500  pages,  handsornelv  executed, 
and  will  no  doubt  meet  a  quick  demand. — Rochester  Democrat. 


One  of  the  most  valuable  and  attractive  books  of  the  present  year. 
*  *  No  library  can  be  complete  without  it. — American.  Citizen. 


BOOKS  RECENTLY  PUBLISHED  BY  JAMES  M.  ALDEN. 


H.  ¥.  PARKER'S  POEMS. 


Some  of  the  best  fugitive  literature  of  the  day  *  *  *  has  come  from 
a  writer  who  has  just  now  published  a  volume  of  prose  and  poetry, 
Mr.  H.  W.  Parker.  *  *  *  We  have  looked  it  through,  and  find  a  de 
gree  of  excellence  in  its  workmanship,  with  evidences  of  puro  and  strong 
natural  genius  which  warrant  us  in  commending  a  sight  of  it  to  all 
watchers  of  new  stars. — Home  Journal. 


There  is  true  poetry  in  the  author's  soul,  as  evinced  alike  in  his  me- 
tred  and  prose  poems. — New  York  Commercial  Advertiser. 


The  volume  before  us  is  an  agreeable  addition  to  our  light  literature. 
*  *  *  The  principal  poems  in  it  are  fluently  written,  and  are  evidently 
the  product  of  a  warm  heart,  and  a  lively,  playful  fancy. — Literary 
World. 


Seldom  have  we  read  a  book  whose  contents  exhibit  more  freshness, 
life,  and  sparkling  originality,  than  the  poems  now  before  us.  The 
author  -shows  himself,  in  his  acute  taste,  glow  of  feeling,  and  fervid 
imagination,  the  true  poet.— Protestant  Churchman. 


Mr.  Parker  is  the  most  promising  young  writer  we  have  had  for  some 
time.  He  has  the  true  stuff  in  him,  and  has  not  only  the  gift  of  poetry, 
but  the  gift  of  thought  and  common  sense. — Boston  Post. 


A  volume  of  first  fruits  by  a  new  poet,  indicating  a  pure  and  elegant 
mind,  a  vein  of  sweet  meditative  pathos,  a  lively  turn  for  the  humor 
ous,  and  an  eye  observant  of  the  picturesque  and  beautiful  in  the  mani 
fold  phases  of  nature.  *  *  *  With  a  brilliant  promise  of  future  excel 
lence,  he  has  not  yet  attained  the  full  possession  of  his  powers. — Neu> 
York  Tribune. 


We  encounter  in  its  pages  many  gems  of  thought  and  felicities  of 
expression,  which  prove  the  writer  to  possess  a  poetical  capacity  of  no 
ordinary  character.  *  *  *  We  shall  watch  Mr.  Parker's  literary  career 
with  interest.  We  think  we  discern  in  him  the  evidence  of  true  genius. 
— Knickerbocker  Magazine. 

There  are  many  good  and  pleasant  things  between  these  covers — a 
great  variety  of  subjects  boldly  and  ingeniously  trea*"^. — New  York 
Christian  Enquirer. 


THIS   BOOK  IS  DUE   ON   THE   LAST  DATE 
STAMPED   BELOW 


RENEWED  BOOKS  ARE  SUBJECT  TO  IMMEDIATE 
RECALL 


0  S  2003 


LIBRARY,  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  DAVIS 

Book  Slip-35m-7,'62(D296s4)458 


26U980_ 
Jenkins,  J.S 

Life  of  Silas  Wright, 


Call  Number: 


E3UO 


E34-0 


- 


CT52 


264980 


